[Senate Hearing 110-777]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
S. Hrg. 110-777
NOMINATIONS OF THE 110TH CONGRESS--SECOND SESSION
=======================================================================
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED TENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
----------
JANUARY 30 THROUGH SEPTEMBER 24, 2008
----------
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.gpoaccess.gov/congress/
index.html
NOMINATIONS OF THE 110TH CONGRESS--SECOND SESSION
S. Hrg. 110-777
NOMINATIONS OF THE 110TH CONGRESS--SECOND SESSION
=======================================================================
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED TENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
JANUARY 30 THROUGH SEPTEMBER 24, 2008
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.gpoaccess.gov/congress/
index.html
----------
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
110th CONGRESS--FIRST SESSION
JOSEPH R. BIDEN, Jr., Delaware, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut RICHARD G. LUGAR, Indiana
JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts CHUCK HAGEL, Nebraska
RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin NORM COLEMAN, Minnesota
BARBARA BOXER, California BOB CORKER, Tennessee
BILL NELSON, Florida JOHN E. SUNUNU, New Hampshire*
BARACK OBAMA, Illinois GEORGE V. VOINOVICH, Ohio
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey LISA MURKOWSKI, Alaska
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JIM DeMINT, South Carolina
ROBERT P. CASEY, Pennsylvania JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia
JIM WEBB, Virginia DAVID VITTER, Louisiana
Antony J. Blinken, Staff Director
Kenneth A. Myers, Jr., Republican Staff Director
*Note: Reassigned to Committee on Finance January 24, 2008.
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
110th CONGRESS--SECOND SESSION
JOSEPH R. BIDEN, Jr., Delaware, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut RICHARD G. LUGAR, Indiana
JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts CHUCK HAGEL, Nebraska
RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin NORM COLEMAN, Minnesota
BARBARA BOXER, California BOB CORKER, Tennessee
BILL NELSON, Florida GEORGE V. VOINOVICH, Ohio
BARACK OBAMA, Illinois LISA MURKOWSKI, Alaska
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey JIM DeMINT, South Carolina
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia
ROBERT P. CASEY, Pennsylvania DAVID VITTER, Louisiana
JIM WEBB, Virginia JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming*
Antony J. Blinken, Staff Director
Kenneth A. Myers, Jr., Republican Staff Director
*Note: Appointed February 12, 2008.
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
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[Any additional material relating to these nominees may be found
at the end of the applicable day's hearing.]
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Page
Wednesday, January 30, 2008
Ameri, Goli, to be Assistant Secretary of State for Educational
and Cultural Affairs........................................... 3
Glassman, James, to be Under Secretary of State for Public
Diplomacy...................................................... 7
Kramer, David, to be Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy,
Human Rights, and Labor........................................ 4
------
Wednesday, February 6, 2008
Jones, Deborah, to be Ambassador to Kuwait....................... 62
Moriarty, to be Ambassador to Bangladesh......................... 58
Scobey, Margaret, to be Ambassador to Egypt...................... 52
------
Thursday, February 7, 2008
Grieco, Jeffrey, to be an Assistant Administrator of the U.S.
Agency for International Development........................... 89
Guevara, Ana, to be the Alternate Executive Director of the World
Bank........................................................... 93
Morales, Hector, to be the Permanent Representative to the
Organization of American States................................ 87
Walther, Larry, to be the Director of the Trade and Development
Agency......................................................... 94
------
Tuesday, April 8, 2008
Barrett, Barbara McConnell, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Finland........................................................ 119
Ghafari, Yousif Boutrous, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Slovenia....................................................... 123
McEldowney, Nancy, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Bulgaria.. 136
Urbancic, Frank, to be Ambassador of the Republic of Cyprus...... 133
Volker, Kurt, to be the U.S. Permanent Representative on the
Council of NATO................................................ 127
------
Wednesday, April 9, 2008
Haslach, Patricia M., to be United States Senior Coordinator for
the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Forum............. 178
Marciel, Scot A., to be United States Ambassador for ASEAN
Affairs........................................................ 175
Stephens, D. Kathleen, to be the Ambassador to the Republic of
Korea.......................................................... 165
Todd, William E., to be Ambassador to the State of Brunei
Darussalam..................................................... 172
------
(iii)
Wednesday, April 16, 2008
Callahan, Robert, to be the Ambassador to the Republic of
Nicaragua...................................................... 221
Cianchette, Peter, to be the Ambassador to the Republic of Costa
Rica........................................................... 243
Hodges, Heather, to be the Ambassador to the Republic of Ecuador. 219
Llorens, Hugo, to be the Ambassador to the Republic of Honduras.. 216
McFarland, Stephen, to be the Ambassador to the Republic of
Guatemala...................................................... 224
Speck, Samuel, to be the Commissioner for the United States on
the United States-Canadian--United States-Canada International
Joint Commission............................................... 246
Stephenson, Barbara, to be the Ambassador to the Republic of
Panama......................................................... 239
------
Monday, April 28, 2008
Burns, William J., to be Under Secretary of State for Political
Affairs........................................................ 279
Jacobs, Janice L., to be Assistant Secretary of State for
Consular Affairs............................................... 281
McMahan, Vance, to be the U.S. Representative on the Economic and
Social Council of the United Nations........................... 282
------
Thursday, May 1, 2008
Beecroft, Robert Stephen, to be Ambassador to Jordan............. 327
Cunningham, James, to be Ambassador to Israel.................... 329
Hoagland, Richard, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Kazakhstan 332
LeBaron, Joseph Evan, to be Ambassador to Qatar.................. 336
------
Wednesday, May 7, 2008
Bernicat, Marcia Stephens Bloom, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Guinea-Bissau............................................... 372
Bodde, Peter W., to be Ambassador to the Republic of Malawi...... 395
Booth, Donald E., to be Ambassador to the Republic of Zambia..... 398
Hawkins, Patricia McMahon , to be Ambassador to the Togolese
Republic....................................................... 383
Milovanovic, Gillian Arlette, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Mali........................................................... 374
Myles, Marianne Matuzic, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Cape
Verde.......................................................... 403
Nolan, Stephen James, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Botswana....................................................... 400
Thomas-Greenfield, Linda, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Liberia........................................................ 381
Tritelbaum, Donald Gene, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Ghana.......................................................... 377
------
Wednesday, June 18, 2008
Ayalde, Liliana, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Paraguay....
Boswell, Eric J., to be Assistant Secretary of State for
Diplomatic Security............................................
DiCarlo, Rosemary Anne, to be Alternate U.S. Representative to
the Sessions of the General Assembly and the Alternate U.S.
Representative for Special Political Affairs in the United
Nations........................................................
Jones, John Melvin, to be Ambassador to the Cooperative Republic
of Guyana......................................................
------
Thursday, June 19, 2008
Beyrle, John R., to be Ambassador to the Russian Federation...... 462
Chaudhry, Asif, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova...... 465
Culbertson, James, be Ambassador to the Kingdom of The
Netherlands.................................................... 447
Girard-diCarlo, David F., to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Austria........................................................ 450
Kaidanow, Tina S., to be Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo.... 469
Reeker, Phillip Thomas, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Macedonia...................................................... 473
Silverberg, Kristen, to be the U.S. Representative to the
European Union................................................. 454
Yovanovitch, Maria L., to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Armenia........................................................ 477
------
Thursday, July 17, 2008
Alemayehou, Mimi, to be the United States Director of the African
Development Bank............................................... 549
Durkin, Patrick, to be a member of the board of directors of the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation........................ 554
Peel, Ken, to be the U.S. Director of the European Bank for
Reconstruction and Development................................. 552
San Juan, Miguel, to be the U.S. Director/Executive Director of
the Inter-American Development Bank............................ 556
------
July 23, 2008--morning
Eastham, Hon. Alan W., to be Ambassador to the Republic of Congo.
Simon, John, to be Ambassador to the African Union...............
Swan, James, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Djibouti........
Symington, Hon. W. Stuart, to be Ambassador to Rwanda............
------
July 23, 2008--afternoon
Gfoeller-Volkoff, Tatiana C., to be Ambassador to Kyrgyzstan.....
Olson, Richard G., Jr., to be Ambassador to the United Arab
Emirates.......................................................
Pearce, David D., to be Ambassador to the People's Democratic
Republic of Algeria............................................
Sison, Hon. Michele J., to be U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon.........
------
Wednesday, September 10, 2008
Kim, Sung, to be Special Envoy for the Six Party Talks........... 577
McGann, Steven, to be Ambassador to the Republic of the Fiji
Islands, the Republic of Nauru, the Kingdoms of Tonga and
Tuvalu, and the Republic of Kiribati........................... 583
Rodley, Carol Ann, to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Cambodia... 587
------
Thursday, September 11, 2008
Hook, Brian, to be Assistant Secretary of State for International
Organization Affairs........................................... 596
Lebedev, Gregori, to be Representative of the United States to
the United Nations for U.N. Management and Reform, and to be
Alternate Representative of the United States to the Sessions
of the General Assembly of the United Nations.................. 598
Reynolds, Matthew, to be Assistant Secretary of State for
Legislative Affairs............................................ 600
------
Wednesday, September 24, 2008
Cretz, Gene A., to be Ambassador to Libya........................ 000
Jeffrey, James F., to be Ambassador to the Republic of Turkey.... 000
NOMINATIONS
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WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 30, 2008
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Ameri, Goli, to be Assistant Secretary of State for Educational
and Cultural Affairs
Glassman, James, to be Under Secretary of State for Public
Diplomacy
Kramer, David, to be Assistant Secretary of State for
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 11:15 a.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Bill Nelson,
presiding.
Present: Senators Bill Nelson, Feingold, Menendez, Cardin,
and Lugar.
Also present: Senators Lieberman and Smith.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BILL NELSON,
U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA
Senator Bill Nelson. We're here to consider the nominations
of the Honorable Goli Ameri to be Assistant Secretary of State
for Educational and Cultural Affairs, and the Honorable James
Glassman to be Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy,
and Mr. David Kramer to be Assistant Secretary of State for
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.
We've been joined by our colleague, Senator Smith, and I
want to extend the courtesies of the chair to you for your
statement.
STATEMENT OF HON. GORDON H. SMITH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OREGON
Senator Smith. Thank you, Senator Nelson. I'm honored to be
back in the Foreign Relations Committee. I miss this committee
very much and I thank you and Ben for your service on this
committee. I hope you enjoy it as much as I did in my first
term.
It is for me both a privilege and a pleasure to be here to
speak on behalf of Goli Ameri. She is one of the most
remarkable Oregonians that it is my privilege to know. She's a
long-time friend, she's been a supporter, she has been a public
servant, she has been a distinguished businesswoman. She has a
lovely family and a great husband in Jim.
But her story really is much richer than that. Goli was
born in Iran and came to the United States under very difficult
circumstances, made her way through Stanford University, and
distinguished herself academically. Moreover, she took that
knowledge and built a very successful business. She's the
founder and president of eTinium, which is an international
consulting and marketing research company specializing in
telecommunications. Her opinions are regularly sought by
business magazines, journals, and newspapers.
Before starting eTinium, she served as a director of U.S.
Leasing, a former division of the Ford Motor Credit, and Fleet
Bank. She has recently completed service, played a valuable
role in representing the United States internationally as a
public delegate to the 61st session of the United States
Commission on Human Rights in Geneva, Switzerland.
In addition to that, she is a supporter of the Iran
Democracy Project at the Hoover Institution, which seeks to
study democracy and how to aid it, its development, in Iran.
I believe she truly embodies all the best in the American
spirit and I'm very excited at this nomination and I urge your
support. She certainly has mine, because she has earned it over
many, many years with a distinguished career in public service
and mostly just as a great human being.
So thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Bill Nelson. Thank you, Senator Smith.
Senator Lugar.
STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD G. LUGAR,
U.S. SENATOR FROM INDIANA
Senator Lugar. Mr. Chairman, I would like to just make a
short statement of greeting, if I may, this morning. I'm very
pleased to welcome three very distinguished nominees. I have
often spoken of the need to draw talented individuals from the
private sector into public service. Given the potential loss of
privacy, the reduction in pay, financial restrictions, other
complications, government service sometimes holds little
attraction for men and women who have built careers in the
private sector. Many nominees make personal and financial
sacrifices to pursue difficult assignments in the service of
our country.
I am grateful that Mr. Glassman, Mr. Murray, and Mr. Kramer
have stepped forward to serve their country at this critical
time. Understandably, during an election year the country
begins to look ahead to the possibilities of a new
administration. But irrespective of the upcoming election, the
important business of our Government continues on, and this is
especially true in the State Department, which is contending
with numerous diplomatic challenges.
With less than a year remaining in this administration,
it's essential that the Foreign Relations Committee move with
dispatch to confirm qualified nominees so they can provide
leadership as soon as possible. Similarly, I would urge the
Bush administration to make decisions about vacant posts at an
early date so the State Department does not experience gaps in
its diplomatic or managerial leadership.
I congratulate the nominees before us today. I look forward
to your discussion with them and support of them as we try to
expedite this procedure.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for chairing this meeting.
Senator Bill Nelson. Thank you, Senator Lugar.
Would each of you introduce your families that might happen
to be joining you today?
STATEMENT OF HON. GOLI AMERI, NOMINATED TO BE ASSISTANT
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR EDUCATIONAL AND CULTURAL AFFAIRS
Ms. Ameri. Good morning, Mr. Chairman. I'd like to
introduce my husband, Jim Ameri, who is sitting over there, and
my oldest son, Darius Ameri, who is here today.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Ameri follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Goli Ameri, Nominee to be Assistant
Secretary of State for Educational and Cultural Affairs
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you today. I would also like to thank
Senator Smith of the great State of Oregon for being here today and for
his kind words of introduction.
I would like to begin by recognizing the members of my family who
are sitting behind me for their love and support. Joining me here today
are my husband, Jim, and my son, Darius. My second son, Sherwin, could
not be here and I am proud to say that he is in New Orleans building
homes for the victims of Hurricane Katrina. My parents are both elderly
and unfortunately could not be here either, but I want to thank them
for their ever-present love and support and their foresight in sending
me to the United States for my higher education.
It is also a great pleasure to be seated before the committee today
with David Kramer to be Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy,
Human Rights, and Labor, as well as a gentleman who I've gotten to know
well in the last few weeks and who I will have the pleasure to work
with in the coming year, Jim Glassman, nominated to be Under Secretary
of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs.
I am honored by the trust and confidence shown to me by President
Bush and Secretary Rice in putting my name forward to be Assistant
Secretary of State for Educational and Cultural Affairs.
I believe that my background and experience will enable me to carry
on the proud tradition of excellence at the Bureau.
First and foremost, there is who I am--an American by choice. I was
born and raised in Tehran, Iran, and came to the United States to
attend Stanford University--one of the 100,000 international students
who embarked for the United States in 1974. When the revolution in Iran
happened in 1979, there were thousands of us studying in America whose
futures were put in doubt. But even in our gloomiest moments, we knew
there was a light at the end of the tunnel because we were armed with a
first-class education we had gained right here in the United States.
Our education not only propelled us to success, but it also taught us
many valuable life lessons. Among the myriad of things I learned and
they are too numerous to list, was the value of freedom and democracy,
the fundamentals of critical thinking, the questioning of ideas, and a
profound sense of empowerment. I learned that in America there are no
constraints to one's desire to achieve. That it's ok to be a woman, its
ok to be an immigrant, and most importantly its ok to be a dreamer.
Where else in the world would an immigrant, a woman of Iranian
heritage, be nominated as an Assistant Secretary and have the privilege
to sit in front of this distinguished panel?
The idea of America is alive and well and as strong as ever.
Education and culture are among America's greatest soft power assets--
assets recognized around the world. These programs allow us to
demonstrate American values, not just assert them. I am delighted that
President Bush and Secretary Rice have emphasized that public diplomacy
and exchanges are top priorities for the State Department and for
foreign affairs, in general.
I understand both personally and professionally what Secretary Rice
means when she speaks of the transformational power of education and
exchange. I have experienced it firsthand and, if confirmed, it would
be not only be a tremendous privilege to lead the Bureau of Educational
and Cultural Affairs but to have firsthand responsibility to promote
these values overseas.
If confirmed, I am committed to strengthening the many achievements
of the Department's educational and cultural exchanges. I intend to
expand our people to people exchanges and introduce (1) more
opportunities for engagement with key countries like Iran and North
Korea where we seek better relations between our citizens, and (2)
reach out to the more disadvantaged segments of the population around
the world. I will encourage more women and girls to participate in our
exchange programs and I would like to make sure that we
institutionalize successful and powerful programs like the Middle East
Breast Cancer Initiative and the Fortune Women's Mentorship program.
Coming from the private sector, I know that the challenges of the
21st century cannot be addressed by the government alone. I have been
delighted to see that public-private collaboration is a significant
part of the organizational culture at ECA with hundreds of partners
among NGOs, businesses, and academic institutions. ECA has made
significant progress in creatively expanding these public-private
partnerships with impressive new undertakings, such as with the Edward
R. Murrow Program for Journalists, the Global Cultural Initiative,
American Public Diplomacy Envoys, and engagement with America's higher
education community. My goal is to engage and enlist the private sector
and private foundations more fully to expand our No. 1 public diplomacy
tool--exchanges and teaching English abroad.
I would also like to expand our outreach to ethnic communities in
the United States to listen to their ideas about expanding our
exchanges and finding creative ways to have them represent us overseas.
If confirmed, I will also be looking for effective ways to engage the
800,000-plus strong alumni of ECA programs who are often America's best
friends.
Having two young sons and coming from a technology background, I
have come to understand the incredible power of this industry in
attracting youth around the world and one of my goals is to further
harness this power in achieving the goals of the ECA. Our challenge is
to build mass in reaching out to the world and today the Internet is
our most significant ally.
And, of course, last but not least, I am committed to investing in
and recognizing the hard work and expertise of all PD professionals who
are responsible for much of the success of our programs, and coming
from the private sector, my commitment to you will be to ensure that
the resources allocated to ECA are spent wisely, effectively, and with
maximum impact.
Ladies and gentlemen, we all know that these are challenging times
for public diplomacy. But I am hopeful about our activities, because
after all what we are promoting is the idea of America--our people's
commitment to freedom and democracy, to honesty and integrity, to
trust, and most of all to tolerance. There is still not a day that goes
by that I don't feel a surge of joy, a thankfulness for being a part of
this commitment. It is indeed a joy worth sharing with others. I look
forward to working with all of you and your staff to spread the
powerful message of our values all over the world. Mr. Chairman, I
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today and look
forward to your questions.
Senator Bill Nelson. Welcome.
Mr. Kramer.
STATEMENT OF DAVID J. KRAMER, NOMINATED TO BE ASSISTANT
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR
Mr. Kramer. Mr. Chairman, I'd like to introduce my oldest
brother, Steven Kramer, who has joined us today. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Kramer follows:]
Prepared Statement of David J. Kramer, Nominee to be Assistant
Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today to seek confirmation as Assistant Secretary of State
for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. I am grateful to Secretary Rice
for recommending me and to President Bush for nominating me for this
position--a position central to the pursuit of the President's global
freedom agenda.
If confirmed, I will devote my utmost energy and effort to serving
as our Government's lead representative in the worldwide defense and
advancement of human dignity and democracy. Should you afford me the
opportunity to serve, I know that my work will be strengthened, as that
of my predecessors has been, by the active, bipartisan support of this
committee, and indeed, of the entire Congress.
Let me also take this occasion to say, Mr. Chairman, that if
confirmed, I will be fortunate to inherit an impressive Democracy,
Human Rights, and Labor Bureau from my distinguished colleague and good
friend, Barry Lowenkron.
The advancement of human rights and democratic freedoms reflects
the core values of the American people. As President Bush said during
his visit to Prague last summer, ``[F]reedom is the nonnegotiable right
of every man, woman, and child, and the path to lasting peace in our
world is liberty.''
In his Prague speech, the President spoke about the great promise
that has emerged with the rebirth of freedom in many parts of what used
to be the Soviet Union, and Central and Eastern Europe. That region for
many years has been the primary focus of my professional efforts, both
during my time in government and before that when I worked in the
foundation world, helping to establish one of the first independent
public policy think tanks in post-Soviet Russia, the Carnegie Moscow
Center.
My commitment to promoting human rights and democratic principles
is long-standing. Relatives on my father's side were the victims of
Soviet totalitarian brutality. Only one family member in Riga, my
father's first cousin, survived--after 17 harrowing years of forced
labor in Siberia. She died 5 years ago. What happened to her and
countless millions like her is seared upon my memory. And so I am
personally, as well as professionally, committed to do all I possibly
can to help other innocent men and women who are caught in the cruel
grip of oppression--from Belarus to Burma, Zimbabwe to Cuba, North
Korea to Iran, and Eritrea to Syria. And, if confirmed, I also will use
every tool available to me as Assistant Secretary to support those in
every region of the world who are working to help their countries make
the transition to accountable, democratic government.
President Bush's second inaugural address in January 2005 struck a
deep chord with me and reminded me why I wanted to serve in government
in the first place. Early in this administration, I had the privilege
of serving as senior advisor to Under Secretary for Democracy and
Global Affairs, Paula Dobriansky--and I would look forward, if
confirmed, to the pleasure of working with her in my new capacity. I
worked intensively on democracy and human rights issues. I pressed, for
example, for more attention to be focused on the tragic situation in
Chechnya. I also played a role in developing the President's
unprecedented HIV/AIDS initiative--a vivid demonstration of the good
that our compassionate country can do. This experience also impressed
upon me the need not just to promote democracy, but also to strengthen
the capacities of democracies so that they can deliver a better life to
their people. Human rights and democracy assistance is not the same as
development aid--both are important and they are mutually reinforcing.
Similarly, advancing democracy cannot be pursued to the exclusion
of important security interests, such as combating terrorism and
extremism and promoting nonproliferation. At the same time, cooperation
with the United States on strategic matters of mutual interest should
not win a country a pass on pushing forward with political
liberalization and reform. As President Bush said during his recent
trip to the Middle East: ``. . . the best way to defeat the extremists
in your midst is by opening your societies, and trusting in your
people, and giving them a voice in their nation.''
In my current position as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Russia,
Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova, I have made sure that democracy and
human rights issues are at the top of the agenda. The collapse of the
oppressive Soviet empire opened the possibility for nearly 400 million
people to live in freedom, many for the first time in their lives. This
opportunity, I know, has not yet been realized for all in this region.
Time and again, Mr. Chairman, my colleagues and I have been deeply
moved by the courage of human rights defenders, independent
journalists, NGOs, religious and minority rights advocates, and labor
activists striving--some even sacrificing their lives--to secure the
blessings of liberty for their fellow citizens. Indeed, much of my work
and that of my colleagues has been focused on the defense of human
rights and democratic processes in this part of the world.
I have been told that I am not allowed into Belarus anymore because
of my advocacy for freedom in that country and my leadership in
imposing sanctions against that dictatorial regime due to its human
rights abuses. I guess I have been doing something right.
For the first time in a long time, there may be some reason for
hope in Belarus. In the past 2 weeks, the government has released
several political prisoners--a cause that my colleagues and I in the
U.S. Government have been pressing for years. While the Government of
Belarus needs to do much more, we may be seeing our policy of
pressuring the regime through sanctions combined with support for the
democratic opposition finally paying off. If confirmed, I will continue
to press hard for reform in Belarus.
When governments veer from the democratic path, it is our
responsibility to speak up for the people who are being denied their
rights, to urge the governments to return to the path of democracy,
and, when necessary, to take appropriate punitive action. As the
President said in his speech last summer in Prague, ``Freedom can be
resisted, and freedom can be delayed, but freedom cannot be denied.''
Mr. Chairman, the goal of the Bush administration's democracy
promotion efforts is not to impose America's ways on others, it is to
encourage adherence to international principles and help others effect
positive change so that they have the freedom to choose. As Secretary
Rice has said, we seek ``to expand the circle of well-governed states
that enshrine liberty under the rule of law, that provide for their
people, and that act responsibly in the international system. America
cannot do this for other countries. Nor should we. It must be their
choice, and their initiative. But we can help and we must help. This is
partnership, not paternalism.''
If confirmed as Assistant Secretary, I will continue to concentrate
DRL's diplomacy and programs on the core components of democracy that
must be present in countries around the globe if human rights are to be
effectively exercised and protected: (1) Free and fair electoral
processes, with a level playing field to ensure genuine competition;
(2) good governance, with representative, transparent and accountable
institutions operating under the rule of law, including independent
legislatures and judiciaries; and (3) robust civil societies, including
independent media and labor unions.
These components are central to our efforts to help the people of
Afghanistan and Iraq to assume their rightful places in the global
democratic community. As the President said in his State of the Union
speech on Monday, over the past 7 years, ``We've seen Afghans emerge
from the tyranny of the Taliban and choose a new president and a new
parliament. We've seen jubilant Iraqis holding up ink-stained fingers
and celebrating their freedom. These images of liberty have inspired
us.''
At the regional level, we will continue to deepen work with the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the African Union,
the Organization of American States, and the Association of South East
Asian Nations. These bodies already have established or are in the
process of establishing human rights and democracy standards,
institutions, and mechanisms. At the global level, we seek to
strengthen the institutional capacity of the Community of Democracies.
And we will continue to work in partnership with like-minded countries
at the United Nations to defend human rights and democratic principles,
for example by marshalling international efforts to press for
democratic reform in Burma and an end to the Darfur crisis.
Partnerships with NGOs--indigenous and international--are essential
to the development and success of free societies and play a vital role
in ensuring accountable government and peaceful, democratic change. If
confirmed as Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and
Labor, I will regularly reach out to civil society representatives here
and abroad for their valuable ideas and insights. There also is much
that we can do in partnership with the private sector, for example, to
promote corporate social responsibility and uphold international labor
standards.
Mr. Chairman, outstanding, dedicated men and women serve in the
Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. I see my job, if
confirmed by the Senate, as helping them to do their vital work by
ensuring that DRL has a strong voice at the policy table and that
issues of human rights and democracy are fully integrated into the
decision making process here in Washington and at our foreign posts.
Mr. Chairman, if this committee and the Senate see fit to confirm
me, I will make the most of each and every day as Assistant Secretary.
The brave men and women around the world who are striving against great
odds, often at great risk, to advance human rights and democracy
deserve nothing less. I am acutely aware that this is a time when NGOs,
the independent press, labor activists, and other human rights and
democracy defenders are under siege in every region of the world in
countries as various as China, Russia, and Zimbabwe. In many countries,
those in power wield unjust laws like weapons, or dispense with all
pretense of legality and employ brutal extrajudicial measures against
people who try to peacefully exercise their rights. As long as men and
women around the globe are deprived of their most fundamental freedoms
of belief, expression, association, assembly and movement, we, who live
in liberty, can never do enough.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look to work closely with this
committee and with your other congressional colleagues on the full
range of human rights and democracy concerns in furtherance of the
goals set forth in the Advancing Democratic Values Act. I also am
determined to ensure that when my term is ended, I will leave the DRL
Bureau in strong shape for my successor in the next administration.
Working for freedom's cause transcends politics. It is part of what it
means to be an American, and that is why I would be deeply honored to
serve the American people as Assistant Secretary of State for
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.
And now, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I will be happy
to try to answer any questions you may have.
Senator Bill Nelson. Welcome.
Mr. Glassman.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES K. GLASSMAN, NOMINATED TO BE UNDER
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR PUBLIC DIPLOMACY
Mr. Glassman. Mr. Chairman, I'd like to introduce my uncle,
Bernard Glassman, who's seated behind me. Unfortunately, my
wonderful wife, Beth, is recovering from emergency surgery on
Monday. She's doing well, but she couldn't be with us.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Glassman follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. James K. Glassman, Nominee to be Under
Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, on October 1, 2003, the
Advisory Group on Public Diplomacy in the Arab and Muslim World,
mandated by Congress and chaired by Ambassador Edward Djerejian,
produced a powerful report that concluded, ``At a critical time in our
nation's history, the apparatus of public diplomacy has proven
inadequate.''\1\
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\1\ Changing Minds, Winning Peace: A New Strategic Direction for
US. Public Diplomacy in the Arab & Muslim World, Report of the Advisory
Group on Public Diplomacy for the Arab and Muslim World, Oct. 1, 2003,
submitted to the Committee on Appropriations, U.S. House of
Representatives, p. 8.
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The report pointed to our ``unilateral disarmament in the weapons
of advocacy that has contributed to widespread hostility toward
Americans and left us vulnerable to lethal threats to our interests and
our safety.''\2\
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\2\ Ibid, p. 13.
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I was one of the 13 members of the Djerejian Group, and it is not
hard to sum up our conclusions: get serious and strategic about public
diplomacy, rebuild the institutions, modernize them, provide
interagency leadership and coordination, increase resources, get the
President and the Congress fully behind the effort.
That was 2003. Times have changed. There is today a broad,
bipartisan consensus that soft power, smart power, public diplomacy--
that is, the arsenal of persuasion--are absolutely critical to counter
and defeat the violent extremists who threaten America and the freedom
of people around the world.
The will is there. The President and Congress are more engaged.
Many of the recommendations of the Djerejian Group have been adopted
over the past 2 years under Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and
Under Secretary Karen Hughes--not only programs but what the report
called a ``culture of measurement,'' a rigorous examination of how well
public diplomacy is ``moving the needle''--that is, enhancing
understanding and changing minds.
The rebuilding is well underway. Indeed, I believe that American
public diplomacy, after a bipartisan period of neglect in the 1990s, is
now poised to move beyond the successes of the cold war, beyond
anything envisaged by the Djerejian Group.
This is the background, Mr. Chairman, for today's hearing. I am
honored by the nomination of President Bush and the support of
Secretary Rice, and I seek your confirmation as Under Secretary of
State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs.
I am proud to introduce my wife, Beth Glassman. Much of the rest of
the family is far-flung: My daughter, Zoe Miles, and her two children,
Violet and James, live in New Orleans; my daughter, Kate Bennett, and
her daughter, Tess, live in Las Vegas; and my stepchildren are in
college: Michael Rocks at the University of Virginia and Hilary Rocks
at Vanderbilt. My mother is nursing a knee injury. I want also to
recognize the support of my stepmother, Betty Glassman; my brother and
sister, Peter and Betsy; and my uncle, Bernard. My father, Stanley, who
died in 2005, would have loved to have seen this day.
I also want to take this time to thank Senator Lieberman for his
kind introduction. I have been an admirer of Joe Lieberman even before
he was elected to the United States Senate. He is a man of principle
and vision.
Just 8 months ago, this committee and the United States Senate
confirmed me as chairman of the Broadcasting Board of Governors, which
oversees taxpayer-funded international radio, television, and Internet
networks. This remarkable electronic platform, built over 65 years, now
directly touches the lives of 155 million people each week in 57
languages.\3\ In Arabic alone, BBG radio and TV broadcasts reach 35
million people--more than 10 times as many as were reached in 2002. In
recent months, our broadcasters have provided a lifeline to people
seeking the truth in such places as Somalia, Syria, Burma, North Korea,
Russia, Cuba, Tibet, and Pakistan.
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\3\ See http://www.bbg.gov/bbg_aboutus.cfm.
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As just one example, one in every five Iranians watches VOA Persian
television at least once a week. U.S. taxpayer-funded broadcasting
beams 7 hours of TV a day into Iran, including a popular call-in show
that allows Iranians to talk directly with American policymakers and
Iranian exile dissidents. Taken as a whole, U.S. international
broadcasting--including such venerable institutions as Voice of America
and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty--is our largest single civilian
public diplomacy program by far.\4\ If I am confirmed, I will, of
course, step down as chairman of the Broadcasting Board of Governors,
but I will remain on the board as the Secretary of State's
representative.
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\4\ The budget of the BBG is greater than that of all educational
and cultural exchange programs supervised by the State Department, but
the total public diplomacy budget of the State Department is greater
than that of the BBG by about $200 million for fiscal 2008.
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In addition to my service on the Djerejian Group and on the
Broadcasting Board, I have spent nearly 40 years as a professional
communicator--a writer, publisher, editor, TV public-affairs show
moderator, and Web site host. I have founded two media businesses and
rejuvenated two others. My respect and admiration for this institution
was nurtured during the time I was editor of Roll Call, the
congressional newspaper, in the late 1980s and early 1990s.
Additional preparation came from a deep immersion in the world of
ideas, which began when I was publisher of The New Republic and
president of The Atlantic Monthly and continued through my 11 years in
the think-tank world, at the American Enterprise Institute, where I am
now a senior fellow and editor of AEI's magazine of economics, The
American.
If I am confirmed, it is my intention to focus on three areas: 1)
Leading the war of ideas, 2) building on our current public diplomacy
strengths in educational and cultural exchanges, and 3) bringing fresh
and vital technologies to bear on all of our efforts.
lead the war of ideas
The war against al-Qaeda and other extremist threats to peace,
freedom, and justice is not only military. It is a war of ideas.
Secretary of Defense Gates made just this point when he extolled ``soft
power'' in a lecture at Kansas State University in November.\5\ As the
9/11 Commission put it: Eliminating al-Qaeda requires ``prevailing in
the longer term over the ideology that gives rise to Islamist
terrorism.''\6\
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\5\ Robert Gates, Landon Lecture, Nov. 26, 2007. See http://
www.defenselink.mil/speeches/speech.aspx?speechid=1199.
\6\ The 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National
Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (W.W. Norton &
Co., 2004), p. 363.
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In this war of ideas, the White House in April 2006, gave the State
Department--and specifically the Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy--
the lead. The Under Secretary is charged with ``leading our strategic
communications efforts to promote freedom and democracy and to counter
extremism.''\7\
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\7\ Stephen Hadley, Memorandum, ``Establishment of the Public
Diplomacy and Strategic Communications Policy Coordination Committee,''
April 8, 2006.
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If I am confirmed, this will be the main focus of my attention: The
war of ideas--perhaps better expressed as global ideological
engagement. ``Al-Qaeda,'' as Michael Doran, a scholar of Middle East
politics at Princeton and now a Pentagon official, has written, ``is
the ideological organization par excellence.''\8\ The organization
disseminates its messages through mass media and the Internet, and our
job is not merely to explain and advocate American values and policies
but to counter the disturbingly persuasive ideology of the enemy.
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\8\ Michael Doran, ``The Pragmatic Fanaticism of al Qaeda,''
Political Science Quarterly (Summer, 2002), p. 187. Quoted by William
Rosenau in The McGraw-Hill Homeland Security Handbook (2005), p. 1132.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Let me give you an idea of what we are up against. A poll last
April by WorldPublicOpinion.org, a project of the University of
Maryland, found that about four out of five respondents in Muslim
nations surveyed agreed with the proposition that the goal of the
United States, in its global policies, is to ``weaken and divide the
Islamic world.''\9\ Roughly two-thirds of those polled in Muslim
countries said that a U.S. goal was to ``spread Christianity to the
Middle East.''\10\
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\9\ WorldPublicOpinion.org, Program on International Policy
Attitudes, University of Maryland, ``Muslim Opinion on US Policy,
Attacks on Civilians and al Qaeda,'' April 24, 2007. A press release
summarizing the study began, ``An in-depth poll of four major Muslim
countries has found that in all of them large majorities believe that
undermining Islam is a key goal of US foreign policy.'' See http://
worldpublicopinion.org.
\10\ Ibid.
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A Pew survey found that 80 percent of Indonesians were ``very'' or
``somewhat'' worried that the United States could be a military threat
to their country.\11\
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\11\ America's Image in the World: Findings from the Pew Global
Attitudes Project, Testimony of Andrew Kohut, Pew Research Center,
before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, U.S. House of Representatives,
March 14, 2007.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Where do such notions come from? Straight from the doctrine that is
at the foundation of al-Qaeda ideology.
The fact that so many people adhere to these beliefs is testimony
to the effectiveness of the radicals, who, as Mary Habeck, a historian
at Yale who now is with the National Security Council, writes, comprise
a ``faction--generally called `jihadi' or `jihadist'--[that] has very
specific views about how to . . . return Muslims to political power and
what needs to be done about its enemies, including the United States.
The main difference between the jihadis and other Islamists is the
extremists' commitment to the violent overthrow of the existing
international system.''\12\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\12\ Mary Habeck, Knowing the Enemy: Jihadist Ideology in the War
on Terror (Yale University Press, 2006), p. 4.
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Certainly, the many millions in the Muslim world who believe that
the United States seeks to destroy their religion do not themselves
adhere to jihadist ideology. But that they buy into major tenets of the
ideology presents an enormous challenge to our national security.
How do we counter such notions? How do we counter the widespread
misperception that America does not allow mosques on its soil? Or that
we are not a religious or family-oriented people? Part of the answer
lies in ideological engagement--directly entering the conversation to
confront lies and distortions with truth. At the time of the Djerejian
Report, that was barely happening. Now, the efforts is gaining
momentum, through institutions that Ambassador Hughes inaugurated, like
the State Department's media hubs in London, Brussels, and Dubai, which
rapidly deliver voices that advocate for United States policy on Arabic
and other important international media, and the Digital Outreach Team,
which began engaging with Arabic Internet sites in November of 2006,
and expanded to include Persian and Urdu sites in December of 2007.
What makes the current war of ideas so difficult is that jihadist
ideology is built on a religious base--which means that non-Muslim
Americans are not the best messengers in countering its appeal. As
President Bush has said, ``The war on terrorism is not a clash of
civilizations. It does, however, reveal a clash inside a civilization,
a battle for the future of the Muslim world. This is a struggle of
ideas, and this is an area where America must excel.''\13\
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\13\ The National Security Strategy of the United States of
America, 2002. See http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss9.html
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Ideological engagement is the job, of course, not only of the State
Department. Other agencies of government are hard at work. If
confirmed, my intention will be to coordinate closely with these
agencies and with our allies--especially in Europe, where the
traditions of the Enlightenment and critical thinking were born and
where the extremist threat today is intense.
build on the foundation of exchanges
Another way to counter the ideas of the extremists is personal
engagement through educational and cultural exchange programs. Funding
for these programs has more than doubled since fiscal 2003 \14\--and
with good reason. Exchanges are the crown jewels of public diplomacy.
We are fortunate that a talented Iranian-born American, Goli Ameri, has
been nominated by the President to head these programs as Assistant
Secretary of State.
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\14\ From $244 million in fiscal 2003 to $501 million in fiscal
2008.
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We should never forget that, to the rest of the world, education is
America's great brand. In my preparation over the past few weeks, I
have learned that the total number of international students in the
United States is on track to rise to a record high in the 2007-2008
academic year. This is big news, and welcome.
We will also look for new ways to spread the benefits of
educational and cultural exchanges to less advantaged youth to study in
the United States. In particular, we will work to fulfill the
President's vision to expand the Partnership for Latin American Youth,
a program which will increase access to English language teaching and
provide thousands of young people in our own hemisphere a greater
chance to study here in the United States.
bring new technologies to bear
The truth is that ordinary Americans are superb citizen
ambassadors. They live our values: Generosity, tolerance, compassion.
The problem is that the vast majority of people in the world have never
met an American. The challenge is how to amplify our exchange programs.
Research shows that the Fulbright program is highly effective. Through
video technology and the Internet we can magnify the life-changing
experiences of nearly 7,000 Fulbrighters and 2,000 Flex and YES high
school students who come here each year so that such experiences are
shared not simply by the families and friends but by millions.
New technologies also will play a larger and larger role in the war
of ideas, through innovations such as the Digital Outreach Team.
After I was nominated, I read a great deal in the press about my
job. People speculated on what I would do to burnish America's image,
to increase our popularity ratings--as if the United States were a
brand of soft drink or an entrant in ``American Idol'' seeking global
votes.
Let me offer a different perspective. Public diplomacy's role is to
help achieve the national interest by ``informing, engaging, and
influencing people around the world.''\15\ It is a tool, a means, to
achieve specific ends. One of those ends--the first goal as defined by
President Bush's National Security Strategy in March 16, 2006, is
``promoting freedom, justice and human dignity--working to end tyranny,
to promote effective democracies, and to extend prosperity.''\16\ And
why do we do that? Not just for moral reasons, but because free
governments, since they are accountable to their people, tend not to
attack other free nations. ``Peace and international stability,'' says
this National Security Strategy, ``are most reliably built on a
foundation of freedom.''
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\15\ Changing Minds, Winning Peace, op. cit., p. 13.
\16\ The National Security Strategy of the United States of
America, 2006. See http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss/2006/intro.html.
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What does all this have to do with popularity? It matters that
people in other parts of the world trust us and respect us. Their
leaders are sensitive to public opinion, and when we ask nations to
support our aims in the world--to send troops, to impose sanctions, to
assist in humanitarian relief--those nations are more apt to respond if
their publics are favorably disposed toward the United States.
On the other hand, isn't it better that more and more people in the
Arab and Muslim world today reject suicide bombing as a tactic \17\--
even if their love for America has not necessarily increased?
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\17\ ``Islam and the West: Searching for Common Ground,'' Testimony
of Andrew Kohut, Pew Research Center, before the Committee on Foreign
Relations, U.S. Senate, July 18, 2006. For example, in Jordan, the
proportion saying that suicide bombing against civilian targets is
``often'' or ``sometimes'' justified dropped from 57 percent in 2005 to
29 percent in 2006. See http://pewglobal.org/commentary/
print.php?AnalysislD=1009.
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I have spent a good deal of time since my nomination in an attempt
to gain a deeper understanding of the data on attitudes toward the
United States. I met for 2 hours with Andy Kohut of the Pew Research
Center and have conferred with experts at the State Department and read
practically all the surveys. Here are some conclusions:
1. Animosity toward the United States is real, and it must
concern us.
2. Different countries have different views of the United
States. In Africa, Japan, and India, for example, most people
favorably disposed toward the United States.\18\ In much of
Western Europe and nearly all the Arab and Muslim world, they
are not.
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\18\ For example, proportions of those with favorable views of the
United States, according to a June 2007 Pew Global Attitudes Project
Survey, were 88 percent in the Ivory Coast, 80 percent in Ghana, 59
percent in India, 61 percent in Japan, 30 percent in Germany, and 21
percent in Egypt. In Nigeria a majority of Muslims views the United
States favorably.
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3. Much of the animosity is not deep. Even people who say
they dislike us want to have strong bilateral relations with
us, and attitudes are not set in stone.\19\ As Secretary Rice
said last year, the United States is ``still the place where
people like to send their kids to school, where people want to
start a new life. Sometimes we overstate the degree to which
America is not popular, even if sometimes our policies are
not.''\20\
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\19\ See, for example, a study conducted between November 30 and
December 5 by Terror Free Tomorrow: The Center for Public Opinion and
D3 System. It found that 40 percent of respondents in Saudi Arabia had
a favorable opinion of the United States, compared with just 11 percent
in May 2006. See http://www.terrorfreetomorrow.org/
template.php?section=WN.
\20\ ``A Resolute Condoleezza Rice,'' by Maria Bartiromo,
BusinessWeek, July 23, 2007. See http://www.businessweek.com/magazine/
content/07_30/b4043101.htm.
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4. The animosity of foreigners has three sources:
a. They understand that we are a powerful nation and
will ultimately set policies with our own interests in
mind, but they believe we do not listen to them, do not
act as a reliable partner, and do not respectfully take
their views into account.\21\
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\21\ This is the finding of many surveys. For example, in the June
2007 survey cited in the footnote above, respondents were asked how
much the United States ``takes into account the interests of
countries'' like yours in ``making international policy decisions.''
The total proportion answering ``not too much'' or ``not at all'' was
79 percent in the Czech Republic, 75 percent in Turkey, 79 percent in
South Korea, and 61 percent in Chile.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
b. In the Arab and Muslim world, especially, they
have major misconceptions about America, our aims, and
our policies. Remember the examples I cited before,
such as a belief that we want to supplant Islam with
Christianity in the Middle East.
c. They disagree with our policies, especially our
presence in Iraq and what they see as our bias in the
matter of Israel and the Palestinians.
The first two sources of animosity, I believe, we can address
effectively through public diplomacy. We can listen better and more
respectfully and through exchanges, information programs, and
ideological engagement, we can address and rectify the lies and
misconceptions.
As for policy: Edward R. Murrow, when he was USIA director,
famously said that public diplomacy should be in on the takeoffs, not
just the crash landings.\22\ In other words, public diplomacy should
have a place at the table, to advise policymakers of the potential
reaction of foreign publics to policies. But never, in my view, should
global public opinion polls determine the foreign policy of the United
States.
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\22\ See http://usinfo.state.gov/products/pubs/murrow/snow.htm.
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Can we do a better job explaining our policies? Yes. Will those
policies be universally embraced? No.
In the early 1980s, the United States and our allies agreed on the
placement of cruise and Pershing missiles in Europe. It was a decision
that was aggressively opposed by much of Europe's public opinion, but
it was a policy that helped bring down communism.
Consider Muslim Americans. A Pew study in May found that foreign-
born American Muslims, by a 70 to 3 percent majority, have an
unfavorable view of al-Qaeda.\23\ By 78 to 18 percent, they are happy
with their lives in America. They are optimistic, by a four-to-one
margin, that a way will be found for Israel and the Palestinians to
coexist. In all of these measures, Muslim Americans differ not only
from Muslims in the Middle East and much of Asia but from Muslim
immigrants in Europe.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\23\ These results and those that follow are from ``Muslim
Americans: Middle-Class and Mostly Mainstream,'' published by the Pew
Research Center on May 22, 2007. See http://pewresearch.org/pubs/483/
muslim-americans.
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Yet American Muslims, by a margin of more than six to one, say that
the war in Iraq was wrong. That compares to a split of roughly 50-50 at
the time among the entire U.S. public.
In other words, Muslims in America embrace U.S. values and
participate actively in U.S. society, yet they differ with other
Americans and with the U.S. government on policy. That is to say,
policy is not the determining factor in their view of America. This is
precisely the condition we should strive for in the world. People in
other countries will not agree with our policies all the time, but we
want them to have an accurate picture of those policies and the
motivations behind them, and we want the disagreements to be
constructive.
Since I was nominated as Under Secretary on December 11, many
friends have congratulated me and perhaps just as many have offered
condolences. They were half-joking, I suppose, in their reference to
how difficult this job must be.
Public diplomacy requires seriousness, dedication, imagination, and
hard work, but no condolences are in order. This is a position for
which I have prepared all my life. My focus will be leading the war of
ideas, building on the strong foundation provided by Karen Hughes,
especially in the area of educational exchanges, and bringing new
technologies to bear, in large part to amplify the effects of our
programs.
The task ahead is to tell the world the story of a good and
compassionate nation and, at the same time, to engage in the most
important ideological contest of our time--a contest that we will win.
In closing, I want to thank the men and women working in the area
of Public Diplomacy around the world. This includes our Foreign Service
officers, Civil Service colleagues, and Foreign Service Nationals. I am
honored to have you consider my confirmation and I look forward to
working closely with the committee and your staff. Thank you.
Senator Bill Nelson. We wish her a speedy recovery.
Mr. Glassman. Thank you, sir.
Senator Bill Nelson. Senator Lieberman.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOSEPH I. LIEBERMAN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CONNECTICUT
Senator Lieberman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and good
morning. I am honored to be here with my colleagues Senator
Lugar and Senator Nelson. Thank you for giving me the
opportunity to introduce James K. Glassman formally--I think
you've already met him--to this committee and urge its members
to favorably consider his nomination to be Under Secretary of
State for Public Diplomacy.
I'm pleased to make this recommendation based on my great
admiration for the work that Jim Glassman has done and, beyond
that generic interest, I have a more parochial interest because
Jim has been a long-time resident of the great State of
Connecticut.
The Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy is the
closest thing in the United States Government to what might be
called a supreme allied commander in the war of ideas,
responsible for rallying our Nation's resources so that we can
prevail in the most critical and unconventional of
battlefields. It is therefore one of the most important posts,
I believe, in Washington and in our worldwide struggle against
the forces of Islamist extremism and terrorism.
I believe that the members of this committee will find Jim
Glassman to be a highly qualified person to lead this fight. He
brings considerable knowledge and depth of experience about
this particular area of activity, public diplomacy. In 2003, he
served as a member of the congressionally mandated Advisory
Group on Public Diplomacy for the Arab and Muslim World, which
was chaired by our very respected Ambassador Edward Djerijian.
For the last 7 months, Jim has served with great effect and
energy as chairman of the Broadcasting Board of Governors.
Unanimously confirmed in that position by Congress last year,
Jim has overseen all U.S. nonmilitary international
broadcasting, covering 57 languages and producing for more than
150 million viewers and listeners.
I believe that the committee will be especially encouraged
as it looks into Jim's record of leadership at the BBG, the
Broadcasting Board of Governors, and the spirit of nonpartisan,
not just bipartisan but nonpartisan, cooperation and consensus
that he brought to his decisionmaking. I know that he will
bring the same qualities of leadership to his work at the
Department of State and to his dealings with this Congress if
confirmed in this position.
Because the mission of this position is, of course, in no
sense partisan, it is a quintessentially American mission, and
for that reason I very much hope that you will favorably report
on the nomination of Jim Glassman to lead us in the war of
ideas.
Thank you very, very much.
Senator Bill Nelson. Thank you, Senator Lieberman.
I will submit my statement for the record, as we will for
each of you. We're going to get right into questions, so I turn
to the Senator from Maryland.
[The prepared statement of Senator Bill Nelson follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Bill Nelson,
U.S. Senator From Florida
This hearing of the Committee on Foreign Relations will now come to
order. Today, the committee meets to consider the nomination of three
individuals for key leadership positions in the administration.
The President has nominated James Glassman to be the Under
Secretary for Public Diplomacy, Goli Ameri to be the Assistant
Secretary for Educational and Cultural Affairs, and David Kramer to the
Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.
I want to congratulate each of you on your nomination and welcome
you and your families here today.
I also welcome our colleagues, Senator Lieberman and Senator Smith,
who have joined us to introduce two of the nominees today.
Mr. Glassman has been asked to manage the critical effort of public
diplomacy for our Nation. An integral part of state-to-state relations,
public diplomacy is a way to engage foreign audiences about the United
States on a personal level: It involves people-to-people programs like
educational, cultural, and sports exchanges.
America's public diplomacy has been widely criticized since the
attacks of September 11, 2001. Within months of those attacks,
international opinion of this country changed from one of admiration,
respect, and empathy to one of distrust and misunderstanding. Our
damaged image abroad, even among our closest friends, has hindered our
ability to work with allies toward our shared objectives, and it is
imperative that we correct international misperceptions about America.
If confirmed, Mr. Glassman would be responsible for this monumental
task.
As Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy, he would be the
principal adviser to the Secretary of State for shaping the
international community's perception of this country. Mr. Glassman
would oversee and manage three important bureaus within the Department
of State: The Bureaus of Information Programs, Educational and Cultural
Affairs, and Public Affairs.
One of those three bureaus, the Bureau of Educational and Cultural
Affairs would be directed by Ms. Ameri. Her primary responsibility
would be implementation and oversight of international exchange
programs.
We are all familiar with the importance of public diplomacy, and
specifically cultural exchanges, especially in times of great
misperception and misunderstanding. As a young boy during the cold War,
I myself had the opportunity to participate in public diplomacy by
representing the youth of America and going to the Iron Curtain at the
German-Czechoslovakian border.
There in the little village of Tillyschanz in the midst of the cold
war, I got to speak over Radio Free Europe to the young people behind
the Iron Curtain. At the age of 17, what I saw at that border made a
lasting impression on me not until then could I have understood what it
means for a people to be enslaved and shut off from the world behind
machine gun nests, guard towers, and mine fields.
Although the times have changed, the importance of interacting with
people throughout the world has only increased.
We also consider today the nomination of Mr. David Kramer to be
Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.
In this position, Mr. Kramer would lead U.S. efforts to promote
democracy, protect human rights and international religious freedom,
and advance labor rights around the world.
He would report to the Secretary of State on countries' human
rights records. Because a country's human rights record is considered
in the decision to provide U.S. foreign and security assistance,
vigilant reporting is enormously important to our foreign policy.
I look forward to a thorough discussion with all of the nominees
about their plans for providing leadership to our efforts to shape
America's global image and pursue the highest standards of democracy
and human rights. Again, I would like to recognize each of them for
their distinguished careers and thank them for the continued personal
commitment necessary to undertake these challenging assignments.
STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Cardin. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Let me thank you for convening this hearing, and I want to
thank all three of the nominees for their willingness to serve
in the public sector. I agree with Senator Lugar, it's really
helpful to our Nation when people with strong backgrounds in
the private sector are willing to come forward and help their
government in the public sector. It's not easy. It's not easy
on you as far as your rights of privacy. It's not easy on your
families. And we thank you for being willing to serve your
country. Quite frankly, I'm impressed by all three of your
backgrounds.
I just want to spend one moment, if I might, with Secretary
Kramer, who is no stranger to me because of his close
association with the Helsinki Commission. I am honored to be on
this committee, but I'm also honored to be the Senate chairman
of the Helsinki Commission. It's interesting, the Helsinki
Commission predates the Bureau of Human Rights and Humanitarian
Affairs, and it's been an unusual entity in that it's a
cooperative effort between the Executive and Legislative
Branches.
Your position, once confirmed, will be most likely the
designee of your agency to the Helsinki Commission. So, first,
I want to thank you for your past help. You testified before
our committee on Belarus. You've been very helpful to our
staff. And really an invitation to work very closely with us in
the Helsinki Commission so that we can advance the portfolio
that comes under the position that you're seeking confirmation
and we can work closer together, the Members of Congress and
the administration, to advance U.S. interests internationally
in human rights. I welcome your comments in that regard.
Mr. Kramer. Senator Cardin, thank you very much for that
invitation to continue to work very closely with the Helsinki
Commission. I have valued my opportunities to engage with you
and certainly the staff members, with whom I worked very
closely on a range of issues. In addition to testifying before
the commission on Belarus, I also testified on the negotiations
and discussions we've had with Russia on the Conventional Armed
Forces in Europe Treaty, and appreciated very much your
comments and thoughts during that session.
I certainly pledge to you, sir, that if confirmed, I look
forward very much to a close working relationship with the
commission.
Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Well, I thank you for that, and I do look
forward to your confirmation and I look forward to having the
full complement within the commission, and I think you can add
tremendous strength to our work. I know I speak for all the
members.
Mr. Chairman, this is one area where there has been no
partisan differences at all. It's a commission that works in
very close harmony. It's interesting, it's also one where there
is virtually no division between the executive branch and the
legislative branch. We work in very close unity, which has
made, I think, our effectiveness within an organization which
is basically Europe and Central Asia--it includes North
America; don't get me wrong--but it's given us an extraordinary
impact in that organization to advance the causes, our
interests in Europe and Central Asia.
So I thank you for that answer and I look forward to
working with you.
Mr. Chairman, I thank you for recognizing me.
Senator Bill Nelson. Senator Lugar.
Senator Lugar. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Glassman, during the last few years of this
administration, we've had numerous hearings about public
diplomacy and in due course people have been sent forth to do
that work, the most recent being Karen Hughes. At the same
time, those who come into our hearings from the outside world
keep pointing to surveys that indicate that the United States
is held in less and less regard by more and more countries.
Sometimes it's in support of a particular cause or position
they have, to indicate that we're on the wrong foot. But on the
other hand, the pervasive nature of these adverse surveys is
certainly dispiriting to committee members.
You've watched all of this from various vantage points for
many years and now have an opportunity to make a substantial
difference. What strategies do you intend to employ or what
kind of program, or at what point could the committee be
apprised of how you will make a difference in this situation?
Mr. Glassman. Thank you for that question, Senator Lugar.
I've actually spent the last 6 weeks poring over a lot of the
data on exactly this subject. I've met with Andrew Kohut of the
Pew Center and I've looked at his surveys as well as internal
surveys that have been done by the State Department, and I've
come to a number of conclusions.
The first is that the animosity toward the United States is
real, it should concern us, but it's not monolithic. For
example, in Africa we do quite well in the surveys. In parts of
Latin America that's also true; in India, Japan. But there is a
great deal of animosity, especially in the Arab and Muslim
world and in Europe.
What are the sources of that animosity? I think there
really are three. One is that there is a perception that we are
not listening and respectfully taking the views of other people
into account. People seem to understand in the rest of the
world that we're the big dog, that we are ultimately going to
make decisions in our national interest, as we should. But they
feel that they're not being heard.
The second thing is that there are a lot of misperceptions
and, frankly, outright lies that are being told about us. Some
of them are based on a particular framework that the ideology
on which al Qaeda's doctrine is based comes from. Those are
serious. For example, majorities of people in the Middle East,
in the Arab world, believe that our engagement in that area is
to destroy Islam and to supplant it with Christianity. I mean,
that is just wrong and we have to address that.
Finally, there are people who just don't agree with our
specific policies, such as those in Iraq, and we need to do a
better job of explaining those policies, but global public
opinion should absolutely not set our foreign policy.
So my feeling is that the first two areas are ones that we
can absolutely work on, and I believe we can work on the third
one as well and explain our policies better. But this is a
major concern of mine. I believe that we are making headway
already and I am very happy to report back to this committee
after a few months of work and tell you where we stand.
Senator Lugar. Well, that would be very helpful, because
clearly this is a crucial area which you've discovered. Mr.
Kohut and the Pew Foundation have done a lot of work in this
area and sort of flood us with material of this sort, all of
which is pretty sad news.
Do you have any particular strategies in terms of changes
in broadcasting or in contacts with newsmen? Or really, how
would you proceed, having noted these deficiencies?
Mr. Glassman. One of the things I think we need to do
better is amplify what we're doing in our exchange programs.
These are fabulous programs. They're really the crown jewels of
what we do in public diplomacy. But you take a program like the
Fulbright programs, which are great. Currently 7,000 people a
year are participating in Fulbrights and that's a good number
historically. But how do we get the rest of the world to know
about these programs and, let's say electronically, come into
contact with more Americans?
Most people in the world have never met an American and
ordinary Americans are our best ambassadors. So one of the
things that I want to try to do, especially in concert with
Goli because both of us have a background in telecommunications
and Internet, is to amplify what we're doing.
The second thing is quite simply to engage in a much more
vigorous way. We're already doing that, but we need to do more
of it in the war of ideas, explaining what we're doing, pushing
back against the lies and misperceptions.
Senator Lugar. That leads me to a question for Ms. Ameri,
because clearly the exchange programs are an extraordinary
aspect of public diplomacy, but they're really much more than
that. Now, one of the problems that you will face, I suspect,
although you may be more optimistic, is the Congress has not
increased the ECA budget and so rapidly you're going to come up
against barriers, which you may already have discovered even as
you begin to move into this thing.
Have you given any thought just creatively as to how the
Department of Defense budget or other budgets might be
utilized? I mean that sincerely, not as an invasion into their
territory, but again and again our committee is trying to think
through in the constructive work, for instance in Iraq, how if
we are going to be successful in nation-building defense funds
could be utilized. Secretary Gates is very much in favor of
this sort of collaboration.
It just occurs to me that some good diplomacy on your part,
given the short framework here, would be important. But have
you thought about, how do you do the Lord's work with exchanges
with very little money and what kind of plans do you have?
Ms. Ameri. Thank you, Senator, for that question. Actually,
the President's $501 million budget for ECA in 2008 will
certainly allow the bureau to expand exchanges, and
particularly its English language programs and international
visitors. Clearly, the President and the Secretary of State
have mentioned on a number of occasions their support for all
the exchanges that the bureau does.
In addition, I would actually like to extend my gratitude
to Congress and yourself in particular for having always been
such a big supporter of the programs of the ECA.
Having said that, as you mentioned, we can always clearly
use more funds. One of the ideas that I had, which Jim and I
have discussed, is, No. 1, we need to get the private sector
more involved and more engaged. Both of us coming from that
kind of background, we've talked about it. I've talked to a
couple of NGOs regarding this, talked to a couple of contacts,
just briefly, to kind of get some feedback and ideas. If
confirmed, that will be one of the main items on my agenda--to
make sure that we bring the private sector in to fund more of
our exchanges, more of our incredibly successful English
language teaching programs, English Access Microscholarship
Program, which has taught English to 32,000 young kids,
especially in Muslim countries.
We've done, ECA has done, an evaluation on this and the
results are phenomenal--close to 90 percent say that they have
a more favorable view of the United States. Ninety-six percent
of parents, for example, say if they had another child they'd
put them through the program. This is a program that clearly
moves the needle.
On your question regarding the Defense Department, this was
a very brief conversation that Jim Glassman and I had
yesterday. I know he's had a meeting over there, and that is
certainly an issue that I think we both need to take into
consideration, concerning Secretary Gates' recent announcement
on this subject. We welcome your input on that as well,
Senator.
Senator Lugar. Well, thank you very much. I came to this
hearing from a wonderful meeting with 10 students from St.
Petersburg University. These are all future diplomats, and they
are deeply interested and very sophisticated about foreign
policy in our country. These things occur every day in
Washington, thank goodness. I hope for many more, because I was
telling them about a group of young Georgians that came here 15
years ago, including the now-President, Mr. Shakashvili. They
were graduate students then. They went back to Georgia and a
while later the Rose Revolution occurred. Thus, this is serious
business in terms of our public diplomacy and likewise the
right outcomes of history.
So I appreciate very much your leadership and your
collaboration with Mr. Glassman.
Ms. Ameri. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Bill Nelson. Thank you, Senator Lugar.
Senator Feingold.
Senator Feingold. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman, for
holding this hearing. I want to thank all the witnesses for
their commitment to public service. Your dedication to
supporting U.S. foreign policy goals is commendable,
particularly since you would be taking on these positions with
only a year left in the current administration.
Let me just ask a few questions. First for Mr. Glassman. In
our meeting earlier this week you mentioned your intent to work
to improve the structure of the Bureau of Public Diplomacy and
Public Affairs, and I appreciate your attention to
strengthening this Bureau, particularly since it has undergone
many changes since the U.S. Information Agency was folded into
the Department of State operations.
To your predecessor's credit, she undertook a difficult
task when accepting this assignment in 2005 and she should be
recognized for her accomplishments. As you are well aware,
however, this Bureau has been criticized for having a weak
communications strategy, which obviously raises questions about
its ability to meet its important mission.
I'd like to hear from you if you have spoken with your
predecessor first about the development of a communications
strategy and how you'll work to improve it; and secondly, how
you see the communications strategy fitting into the broader
``structural'' changes you intend to implement?
Mr. Glassman. Thank you very much for the question,
Senator. I have indeed spoken at length with Karen Hughes and I
agree with you, I think she did a superb job in her 2\1/2\
years as Under Secretary and, frankly, just speaking
personally, I don't think she received credit, at least in the
media, for all that she did. I think people within the
Department understand it, people who know public diplomacy
understand it.
She did a number of very important things. One of the
things she did was really help to liberate ambassadors and
other public officials throughout the State Department to get
out and advocate for American policies and American principles.
You know, many of them are looking at their own careers and
worried that they might say something wrong. And in fact when
somebody might--in one case did say something a little bit
wrong, she backed that person up and said that we all make
mistakes. That was a very important signal to send.
I want to, if I'm confirmed, continue on that same path.
The fact is that we need a multiplicity of voices out
advocating for United States policy and for American principles
in the long term.
Two other things that she did that are tremendously
important, I think. One was establishing media hubs in London,
Brussels, and Dubai. In fact, when I was in Dubai 2 months ago
I met with the people there. It's a very small staff. There are
really only six people throughout the world who are doing this.
But what they're doing is getting out into the Arabic language
media as well as other media on a very fast, very quick
response basis and engaging.
When I was on the Djerijian group 4\1/2\ years ago, one of
the points that we made was we need to get into the
conversation. Four and one-half years ago we were not in it.
We're now in it more and more.
Finally--and I got an impressive demonstration of this the
other day--the digital outreach team, which is now I believe
eight or nine people who are blogging, identifying themselves
as U.S. Government representatives. They are on blogs, they're
on Web sites in the Arabic language, Farsi, Persian, and Urdu,
again trying to get the facts out, because that's the big
problem.
So I am deeply committed to a program of vigorous
communication. In that sense I will be following in Karen's
footsteps, and I think my entire career of 40 years in
communications is background for that, sir.
Senator Feingold. Thank you very much, Mr. Glassman.
Mr. Kramer, I'd like to just ask you a question about
Russia as we just touched on it briefly when we met. I'm
concerned, as I'm sure you are, by the significant weakening
we've seen in Russia's democratic institutions. Promoting the
rule of law and strengthening democratic institutions are an
important part of United States foreign policy and we cannot
afford to see Russian democracy backslide.
I'd be interested to hear what you've done in your current
position to address this backsliding and, should you be
nominated, how would you promote democracy and the rule of law
in Russia?
Mr. Kramer. Senator, thank you very much for the question.
It is an issue that has occupied me both in my service in
Government and before I joined the Government, working in the
think-tank community. I would note that while working at the
Carnegie Endowment in the 1990s I played a key role in setting
up the first independent think tank in Moscow, the Carnegie
Moscow Center, which continues to this day as a vibrant
institution of free expression.
In my Government service, have tried to draw attention,
particularly when the Chechen War flared up again in 1999, to
the plight of Chechens and what was happening there. In my
current capacity as Deputy Assistant Secretary responsible for
Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Modova, I've also been outspoken
on the problems that you've identified--the backsliding and the
internal situation in Russia--even to the point where my public
criticism of last December's Duma election earned me a
condemnation from the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
My intent is not simply to speak out from on high, but to
actually try to make a difference. I think we have to be
realistic about our ability to influence the situation in
Russia these days. It's a different Russia than what we saw
emerge from the initial period of the breakup of the Soviet
Union, but it doesn't mean that we give up and let Russia
continue without drawing attention to the democratic
backsliding that you've identified. So Russia will remain a key
challenge for us as we continue to try to address the problems
there.
Senator Feingold. Thank you.
Finally, as we discussed briefly yesterday, there are many
countries across sub-Saharan Africa that require assistance in
consolidating recent democratic gains. A good example is
Nigeria, which is an important United States ally and a leader
on the continent. But the last Presidential election there was
the latest in a line of troubled elections, with this most
recent one heavily, if not completely, rigged in favor of the
ruling party. More recently, the Nigerian President has deposed
the head of the country's anticorruption commission,
undermining a previous commitment to fight corruption that
plagues this resource-rich country.
So although the administration has certainly paid lip
service to democracy and good government in both cases, the
State Department's response to these inexcusable actions was,
in my view, seemingly little more than a slap on the wrist and
then back to business.
If confirmed, how would you in your role as head of DRL
seek to address the significant discrepancies between our
government's actions and words?
Mr. Kramer. Senator, I greatly appreciate your involvement
and interest in matters dealing with Africa. It is a continent
of enormous importance to the United States. If confirmed in
this new position, I pledge to you a great deal of attention
will be focused on Africa by me and by the bureau.
I also am aware of the letter you sent to Secretary Rice
drawing attention to the concerns you have with the situation
in Nigeria. I know when the Nigerian President came for
meetings and met with President Bush that concerns were raised
at the highest levels. Certainly the issues that need to be
addressed include corruption, the problems facing democratic
institutions, and the ability for people to associate in
opposition parties.
I would also just add that countries don't deserve a pass
just because they may be important because of energy resources
or because they may contribute to peacekeeping operations.
Nigeria is very important on both scores, but that doesn't mean
that Nigeria or any other country, for that matter, should earn
a pass when it comes to being held up to democratic standards.
Senator Feingold. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Bill Nelson. Mr. Kramer, is Putin the next czar of
Russia?
Mr. Kramer. Mr. Chairman, the question of where Mr. Putin
is going has perhaps been clarified by his statement saying he
would be willing to serve as prime minister following the March
2 election. The expectation, and I think it seems more and more
clear, that Dmitri Medvedev will be Russia's next president.
His standings are above 80 percent and given the difficulties
of registering opposition candidates, the way seems fairly
paved for Mr. Medvedev to become president.
Mr. Putin has said on numerous occasions in the past that
he would not stay as president. He now does in fact seem to be
living up to that. But I think, in responding to Senator
Feingold's question, we have seen significant rollback on
democratic progress in Russia in the centralization of power,
the elimination of gubernatorial elections, the crackdown on
NGOs, the harassment of journalists, even the murder of several
journalists, including Paul Klebnikof, an American citizen. All
of these things point to disturbing trends in Russia and
President Putin has been President during that time.
It is my hope, whether from my current position or if
confirmed as Assistant Secretary for the Bureau for Democracy,
Human Rights, and Labor, that we would be able to engage in a
productive and effective and serious way with new Russian
leadership on how to get Russia back on the right democratic
path.
Senator Bill Nelson. As prime minister, do you think he
will be the power behind the throne?
Mr. Kramer. Now you're asking me to look into my Kremlin
crystal ball, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Bill Nelson. I'm asking your opinion.
Mr. Kramer. Indeed. I would say, and President Putin has
said himself, that he plans to remain an influential figure in
Russian politics. I would not question that statement in the
least. I think that will remain the case.
Senator Bill Nelson. Tell me what you think about human
rights in Cuba.
Mr. Kramer. Cuba stands out in the Western Hemisphere.
There are other countries in the hemisphere that have their
problems, but Cuba has for decades. Our policy, the U.S. focus,
has been on getting ready for the post-Castro transition. We've
been ready for quite a while, but the day is getting closer. So
we want to help forces in Cuba that are fighting for democracy,
for respect for human rights, for release of political
prisoners.
If confirmed in this new position I would work very closely
with colleagues, through the inter-agency process, to make sure
we are ready to help Cuba once it reaches that phase.
Senator Bill Nelson. Waiting until that point or acting
now?
Mr. Kramer. Acting now.
Senator Bill Nelson. Doing what now?
Mr. Kramer. Providing the necessary support for NGOs,
speaking out when there are human rights abuses and
transgressions against democratic freedoms, and also trying to
reach out to support democratic groups for when that day comes.
Senator Bill Nelson. Do you support humanitarian assistance
to family members in Cuba?
Mr. Kramer. Mr. Chairman, I would. Humanitarian assistance
would fall beyond the purview of the Democracy, Human Rights,
and Labor Bureau, but whenever humanitarian assistance is
needed that appeals to the hearts of the American people. So my
instinct would be to provide humanitarian support wherever it's
needed.
Senator Bill Nelson. How do you grade the new president of
Nigeria and his record of human rights?
Mr. Kramer. Mr. Chairman, the problems in Nigeria are
serious--human rights abuses and corruption, the lack of
ability of people to speak out and to organize in opposition
parties. When the Nigerian president came to Washington last
December, these issues were raised. So it is my intention if
confirmed in the new position to continue a dialog.
We want to see Nigeria succeed. It's critically important,
given Nigeria's place in Africa and, frankly, on the global
scene that Nigeria become a success story. So we want to do
what we can to help Nigeria develop in a more democratic
fashion.
Senator Bill Nelson. It's ironic that some of our best
international friends are also some of the greatest abusers of
human rights, and yet we support these allies for other
reasons. So tell the committee, how do we strike the balance
between the security interest and seeing that our commitment
toward human rights is adhered to in those countries?
Mr. Kramer. Mr. Chairman, that's a key question that you've
asked. My approach, if given the opportunity to serve as
assistant secretary, would be to avoid tradeoffs and even avoid
trying to balance things. My approach would be to try to push
on all cylinders on all issues. Security interests, economic
interests, democratic interests all work for the same ultimate
goal, which is promoting a more secure, stable, democratic
global community.
So, while some issues may rise on the priority list given
certain exigencies, it would be my goal to try to push
countries to become more democratic, not in a lecturing or
hectoring way, but in a way that tries to demonstrate to them
it is in their own interest to do so. Countries that crack down
on opposition forces or on religious minority groups run the
risk of producing the very kinds of extremist activities that
we don't want to see. So to me these interests go hand in hand.
If given the opportunity, it would be my goal to push and work
very closely with my colleagues in the regional bureaus in the
State Department, as well as in the inter-agency process.
In my current capacity, I am coming from a regional bureau
so I bring that experience. I can work to make sure that the
Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor has the same
relationship with all the bureaus in the State Department.
Senator Bill Nelson. What would you do differently than the
previous assistant secretaries?
Mr. Kramer. If confirmed, I would inherit a bureau that is
in extremely good shape, and if confirmed, I thank my
predecessors, Lorne Craner, Glen Davies, Mike Kozak, and Barry
Lowenkron of course, and old dear friend of mine. They have
positioned the bureau to become an effective vehicle for
providing money to those in need, to support NGOs who are
promoting democratic activities.
Barry Lowenkron, the immediate predecessor, has left a
bureau that's in very good shape. Perhaps I would speak out a
little more publicly on some issues, but I think Barry also has
a very strong and proud record on that. I'm not known in the
State Department as a shy person and, if confirmed, I don't
plan to become shy in this new job.
Senator Bill Nelson. Well, kudos to you on that. Other than
speaking out publicly, any other changes?
Mr. Kramer. Mr. Chairman, if confirmed in this job, I would
have less than a year, and I think it would probably be not the
wisest thing for me to do to try to turn the bureau upside
down. I also don't feel there's a need to do so. My interests
would be to ensure that focus on democracy, human rights, and
labor rights remain an issue for the next presidency, the next
administration. To me, support for democracy and human rights,
freedom, liberty, justice, labor rights, those issues transcend
politics. There's bipartisan support for that. And so I'd want
to ensure that the bureau would be in the best shape possible
for the next team, and also make sure we focus on some of the
crises right now that we're looking at, whether it's in Darfur,
focusing on the issue of Burma, dealing with problems in
Belarus or Zimbabwe or Cuba, as you mentioned, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Bill Nelson. Will you cooperate with your
successor?
Mr. Kramer. Absolutely.
Senator Bill Nelson. Regardless of party?
Mr. Kramer. Yes, sir.
Senator Bill Nelson. Do you have a history of that?
Mr. Kramer. I've only been serving in the Government since
the start of the Bush administration, but I certainly had
extensive contacts and dealings with people in the Clinton
administration when I worked in the think-tank community, and
many of those friendships and relationships have carried over
into the current administration.
Senator Bill Nelson. Well, tell me what you think about the
United Nations human rights organizations?
Mr. Kramer. Mr. Chairman, you raise a very important point
here. The Human Rights Council has been a serious
disappointment. Its predecessor was not a great organization
and the current institution is not a good one either. When you
have countries like Saudi Arabia and China and Russia on the
commission, that's a problem.
We work with other U.N. mechanisms, the third committee, as
it's called, in trying to bring attention to problems, whether
it's in Belarus or in Cuba. I will say that the Human Rights
Commission did draw attention to the problem in Sudan last
fall. But there has been an extremely unhealthy focus on Israel
in the current Human Rights Council.
So we try to work with it, make the best of it. We're not a
voting member, as you know. We also look to the possibility
when universal periodic reviews start in a few months to use
that as a mechanism to focus some attention where it so far has
not occurred.
Senator Bill Nelson. What do you think it takes to stop
them being an Israel-bashing club?
Mr. Kramer. A sense of shame. They seem to focus on Israel
to an unhealthy degree, while overlooking problems elsewhere in
the world. I would hope that there would be a greater sense of
balance brought to the agenda of the HRC. So far, alas, I have
not seen that.
Senator Bill Nelson. If we make some progress in the
settlement in a two-stage solution, should that help?
Mr. Kramer. I would hope that would contribute to a more
productive HRC, Mr. Chairman. I'm not sure it will, but
certainly that would be a positive step in and of itself,
regardless of the impact it may have on the Human Rights
Commission.
Senator Bill Nelson. Who do you think in the State
Department or elsewhere ought to make the decision about
whether or not the United States would join the Human Rights
Council?
Mr. Kramer. Mr. Chairman, that would be a matter decided at
the highest levels of our building, I'm sure in full
consultation with our colleagues at the NSC and the White
House. I think we have not been hindered by the decision not to
be a full voting member. We have participated in informal
meetings as well as formal meetings. We have an opportunity to
speak out in those.
So it's my intent, Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, to continue
to do what we can while recognizing that we're dealing with an
institution that does not have a good track record at all.
Senator Bill Nelson. Do you recall who was the most recent
country to be put on the council?
Mr. Kramer. I don't, Mr. Chairman. I'd be happy to get back
to you on that. I apologize; I don't have that answer.
Senator Bill Nelson. No, I should have that answer, and
maybe we'll have it here in a minute.
Last November, the Secretary of Defense made a very
insightful statement, Mr. Glassman. Secretary Gates said,
quote, that ``The U.S. is miserable at communicating to the
rest of the world what we are about as a society and a culture,
about freedom and democracy, about our policies and our goals.
It's just plain embarrassing that al Qaeda is better at
communicating its message on the Internet than America.'' End
of quote.
Do you agree with that assessment?
Mr. Glassman. I think that assessment's a little on the
extreme side, but I generally agree with its spirit. I think
there's an important history here, which is that in the 1990s
this country unilaterally disarmed [our public diplomacy
apparatus], for reasons that I think were understandable. We
had won the cold war, so why did we need the greatest public
diplomacy apparatus in the world any more? And we got a rude
awakening 6 years ago, and since then we have been rebuilding
[our public diplomacy apparatus].
I think that absolutely in the last 2 years that there is a
new spirit and I think a successful beginning at rebuilding
that apparatus so that it can do the kinds of things that
Secretary Gates and I myself and many others want it to do is
underway.
Senator Bill Nelson. Well, this is January and that was 2
months ago that the Secretary of Defense said that. You think
that it's been fixed. What else would you do to fix it?
Mr. Glassman. I think it's on the way to being fixed. What
else would I do? Well, in many parts of the Government,
including the Department of Defense, including the intelligence
community, there is an effort under way in ideological
engagement or the war of ideas. That effort, however, is not
coordinated and it is not led to the degree that it should be.
The President has given the lead to the Under Secretary for
Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs and my main focus will be
to lead the war of ideas.
So it's not just a matter of getting the right words or the
right messages. It's a matter of leadership and getting that
out, and I think if I'm confirmed in the year that I have that
will be my focus.
Senator Bill Nelson. Well, let me tell you one thing that
Secretary Gates said ought to fix it. When he made that
statement, he called for increased funding for the foreign
affairs budget and diplomacy. Do you support that suggestion?
Mr. Glassman. In the past 5 years the budget for Education
and Cultural Affairs has doubled, and I think that is an
excellent indication of the concern that the Congress and the
administration have.
My general feeling is this, and I certainly expressed it
when I was on the Djerijian group. Resources are important,
absolutely; no doubt about that. But we need the leadership and
the structure to put those resources to work properly. I think
we're there now. I don't think we were there 4 years ago or
maybe even 2 years ago. Absolutely the Department of Defense
has a great deal of resources and they're spending some of
their resources, and certainly they have a great deal more
resources than the Department of State.
Senator Bill Nelson. So when I see Secretary Gates next
week, do you want me to tell him that he should fund it?
Mr. Glassman. No, I want you to give us his money and we'll
take care of it.
Senator Bill Nelson. Well, that's what I mean. So you want
the DOD to fund DOS?
Mr. Glassman. No, I don't want DOD to fund DOS. However,
DOD does provide some funding that is very important in the
overall ideological engagement struggle, and that money is
very, very useful. Let's put it that way.
Senator Bill Nelson. All right, we'll leave it that way.
But I'm going to ask him to talk to you.
Mr. Glassman. Absolutely.
Senator Bill Nelson. Because he's torqued up about this.
Mr. Glassman. Absolutely. I want to talk to him. I've read
his Landham Lecture that you referred to at Kansas State
University last November. I thought it was an excellent speech.
He extolled soft power. I agree with that. He also understands
the roles that the different parts of government have. He knows
that the State Department has been given the lead in the war of
ideas, and there may be some concern at DOD, in the
intelligence community, and in other areas of government, about
the commitment to the war of ideas by the State Department. I
can tell you that if I'm confirmed there won't have to be any
doubts about that, and I want to work very closely with DOD and
the other participants. I've already spent the 6 weeks since my
nomination talking to many of the key players in that area.
Senator Bill Nelson. The Pew Charitable Trust did a survey
between 2002 and 2007. They found that favorable views of the
United States fell and fell considerably. For example, in
Germany--this is from 2002 to 2007--fell from 60 percent to 30
percent; in Indonesia, fell from 61 to 29; in Turkey fell from
30 to 9; and in Egypt three out of four Egyptians and Turks and
Palestinians all express unfavorable opinions of the United
States.
Now, you say that what has happened in the past couple of
years has improved, but that being a difference over that 5-
year period of 2002 to 2007, what are you going to do to try to
change that?
Mr. Glassman. Favorable views of the United States are
tremendously important. Our job in public diplomacy is to help
achieve the goals, the national interest goals of the United
States of America, and that's a lot easier to do if people are
favorably disposed to us. Now, I don't know if it's a question
of liking us or loving us. It's more trust and respect. You're
absolutely right, Senator. Those numbers are disturbing.
A lot of the numbers are quite unstable. You know, we've
seen, for example--I'm looking at the same table--in Jordan in
2002 there was 25 percent approval for the United States. Then
it dropped to 1 percent the next year. Now it's back up to 20
percent. These numbers are low, but they are somewhat unstable.
It's also true that in other parts of the world, such as
Africa, Latin America, parts of Europe, we do have much more
favorable ratings, if you want to call them that.
Senator Bill Nelson. Would you agree that Germany
definitely has fallen?
Mr. Glassman. Germany has definitely fallen, as has most of
Europe. Italy is still 53 percent.
Senator Bill Nelson. Okay, what can you do? You've only got
a year to do this.
Mr. Glassman. I think there are a number of things we can
do. No. 1, as I said earlier, I think it is important that this
perception that the United States doesn't care or does not take
into account the views of people of other nations really needs
to be dispelled or worked on. I think there are a lot of ways
we can do that and show that we're listening more. So that's
No. 1.
No. 2, we have got to fight back against the lies that are
being told about us. That is more in the Arab and Muslim world.
That's not so much in Europe. But there are a lot of
misconceptions in Europe as well.
Finally, there's the policy question. If you look at the
Europe numbers, you see that they took a dive when the Iraq war
began. They don't like the Iraq war. I'm not telling you
anything you don't know. But policies come, policies go. I
support the administration's policy in Iraq. Lots of people in
Europe clearly do not. We need to explain those policies
better, but we also have to understand that people will
disagree with our policies.
Let me just give you one example from another Pew survey.
In May Pew looked at Muslim Americans, especially at foreign-
born Muslim Americans. Here's what they found. Muslim Americans
do not like the Iraq war by a 6-to-1 or seen to one margin.
There is huge opposition to the war, compared at the time to
about 50-50 view within the United States. However, Muslim
Americans completely support American values, American
principles. A majority of them are optimistic about the
settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. They are ideal
citizens.
That seems to me to be the paradigm that we need to go for
throughout the rest of the world. People will disagree with our
policies and we should never set policies based simply on
global public opinion. But people need to understand what those
policies are and also have the kind of feelings about American
principles that Muslim Americans have. That should be our goal.
Senator Bill Nelson. The war aside, what new tools would
you use to improve our image in the Muslim world?
Mr. Glassman. I think that a lot of the new tools have to
be through technology. As Secretary Gates said, to some extent
our enemies are--and this is my term--eating our lunch when it
comes to getting their word out on the Internet. But we are
coming back and we are coming back forcefully. The digital
outreach team that I talked about earlier, where actually we
are, as far as we can tell, the only government that's actually
participating in blogging, is going online and saying, here's
the truth, we're pushing back. We need to do that more and
more.
YouTube is being used at the Broadcasting Board of
Governors. We're using more and more of the tools that exist on
the Internet to get our word across. That will be a major focus
of my attention, as well as, if I'm confirmed, as well as if
she is confirmed, Goli Ameri's attention, because both of us
have a background in the Internet and in telecommunications.
Senator Bill Nelson. One of the problems that this Senator
sees is that a bastardized version of Islam is being promoted
by folks like al Qaeda. What should we do to show that for what
it is?
Mr. Glassman. Senator, that's a tremendously important
question and it raises a difficult problem. The ideology of al
Qaeda is based on a distorted view of a religion, and it's very
difficult for us as Americans or as non-Muslims to say to them
or to their followers, you know, this is what the Koran really
says, it's not what you say it says. We're not particularly
credible in that sphere.
It's important to have credible Muslim voices. I believe
that is an area that we need to do better in, in encouraging
Muslim voices to step forward and say exactly what you're
saying, that [al-Qaeda has] built an ideology--which is a
violent and vicious ideology--on top of a religion that is not
like that at all.
Senator Bill Nelson. So have we identified one of your new
tools?
Mr. Glassman. That is definitely a tool, absolutely.
Senator Bill Nelson. All right, tell me about Cuba? How are
you going to increase communication with Cuba?
Mr. Glassman. Our major means of communication with Cuba is
through what's being done at Radio Marti and TV Marti. I'm
proud to say that this is a major--and as far as we can tell,
successful--effort of the Broadcasting Board of Governors. We
are beaming into Cuba through shortwave, through medium wave,
and by television, now 6 hours a day, the truth about not only
what the rest of the world is saying and the United States is
saying about Cuba, but what's going on within that island
itself, because the people who live there have no way of
finding out what the truth is.
So we're doing that and we're doing it very vigorously. I
think that's the most important thing we can be doing.
Senator Bill Nelson. What do you think about the visits of
family members as a means of communication?
Mr. Glassman. I have to say, Senator, that this is not an
area of knowledge that I have, and I will look into that
certainly. But I'm really not up to date on exactly what the
policies are in that regard.
Senator Bill Nelson. Do you think that TV Marti gets
through?
Mr. Glassman. As far as we can tell, TV Marti definitely
gets through. We can't do the kind of research that obviously
we can do in many other parts of the world. We gather as
extensive research as we possibly can from people who have left
Cuba, from help that we have within Cuba, and we have anecdotal
evidence that people are watching TV Marti. As I think you
know, one of the first things that I did when I became chairman
of the Broadcasting Board of Governors was to go down to Key
West and see our operation there, which is quite impressive. We
put up a plane that is able to beam signals from United States
waters into Cuba much more effectively than previous means, and
we believe that people are watching.
Senator Bill Nelson. How frequently does that plane fly?
Mr. Glassman. The plane flies, I believe, every night.
There may be one day that it doesn't fly. I'm not sure. But I
think it's every night, from 6 to 11 p.m., or maybe 6 p.m. to
midnight. I've been in the plane although I haven't been up in
it. You know, people in corporate life like to brag about their
G4s and G5s. This is a G1. This is the first Gulfstream. It's a
two-engine plane. It's a very impressive operation, done very
much on a shoestring.
Senator Bill Nelson. Well, at least it's not a Piper Cub.
Mr. Glassman. No, at least it's not a Piper Cub. It's a
very well equipped and very well maintained plane and, from
what we can tell, it's effective.
Senator Bill Nelson. I wish you would provide for the
committee, please, the frequency of the flight and the estimate
of the degree of penetration, along with the hours of
broadcast, the estimate of the penetration, because that's been
the problem on the TV Marti in the past, is ability to
penetrate his jamming.
Senator Lugar.
Senator Lugar. Mr. Chairman, I have two short questions for
Mr. Kramer.
Senator Coleman of our committee has visited with me
specifically about the decision of Canada not to send
representation to the Second World Conference on Racism, which
is now scheduled for 2009, to be held in Durbin, South Africa.
We note that the United States cast the lone ``no'' vote
against the latest proposed United Nations budget, specifically
because it included costs for the 2009 Durbin conference.
Obviously, the Durbin conference in 2001 failed to live up
to its potential. The United States walked out. I'm just simply
curious. Canada has already decided not to attend. We
apparently have not made that decision at this point, although
we walked out of the last one.
What is your overview of the Durbin conference, the 2009
affair?
Mr. Kramer. Senator, I appreciate your flagging this issue.
As you rightly point out, there were huge problems with the
first Durbin conference, to the point where we certainly made
the right decision in walking out. From what I understand so
far, we have similar concerns about how the second one is
shaping up and certainly, if confirmed, would take a very close
look at this issue and the question of attendance and would be
happy to discuss this matter further with you at the
appropriate time.
Senator Lugar. Well, good. It would be good to keep the
committee informed, because questions will be raised, for
obvious reasons, given the previous experience and our vote on
the U.N. budget.
My second question concerns legislation that I offered a
while back, which has passed, fortunately, to establish the
Center for International Media Assessment, CIMA, as a part of
the National Endowment for Democracy. Your Department, the
Department of Human Rights and Labor, made a grant to CIMA, and
they have had I think very good success during the past year,
and have reported to all stakeholders on their remarkable
results.
So I am hopeful as another grant request comes from CIMA to
your Department that you would give it high priority in terms
of consideration. It appears to me, having witnessed some of
the meetings, press conferences, and what have you, that they
have done a good job on behalf of their mission in terms of
public diplomacy.
Mr. Kramer. Senator, I appreciate your raising this issue
and I think as of now I wouldn't be in much of a position to
give you a response, but certainly if confirmed on the job
would pledge to you to give this very serious consideration.
Senator Lugar. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Bill Nelson. Yes, sir. Thank you, Senator Lugar.
Ms. Ameri, in this fiscal year, Congress is providing a
little over a half a billion dollars for exchanges, and that
was an increase of some $75 million in the last 2 years. How
much of that money would you like to see for educational and
cultural exchanges for next year, 2009?
Ms. Ameri. Senator, are you asking what is the increase
that we'd like to see?
Senator Bill Nelson. In the past 2 years we've had a 17
percent increase.
Ms. Ameri. Right.
Senator Bill Nelson. Now, of that total amount of money for
exchanges, how much of it would you like to see go into
educational programs?
Ms. Ameri. Right now, Senator, in the 2008 budget, which is
about $501 million if I remember correctly, about $280 million
is spent on academic programs, of which the majority is
Fulbright. What I would like to see happen more this year,
Senator Nelson--and that's why I brought the help and support
of the private sector in--is for us to be able to increase our
sponsorship and activities in these very successful micro-
access scholarship in the English language programs that we
have overseas, especially in the Muslim world.
The evaluation of ECA clearly shows that that's a program
that moves the needle. So I want to make sure that we put a
tremendous amount of emphasis on that. Of course, you know our
international visitor leadership program, the ECA's
international visitor leadership program, is incredibly
successful. And as you very well know, as Senator Lugar
mentioned at the beginning of the hearing, over 270 heads of
state, current or former heads of state, have been a part of
that program, including Hamid Karzai, Tony Blair--you're aware
of the names--and about 1500 cabinet-level ministers. Forty-
four alumni of this Department are Nobel Prize winners.
So we need to make sure that that's an area that we focus
on as well. That's why I brought up the topic of getting more
help and support from the private sector to make sure that we
can really create a certain level of mass in these activities.
Senator Bill Nelson. How would that work, over and above
the Federal money?
Ms. Ameri. Well, if confirmed, Senator, I've given a bit of
thought to this issue and we've had some discussions with Jim
Glassman--we would like to be able to reach out to the private
sector, to corporate America, to other NGOs, possibly to the
U.S. Chamber. These are all preliminary thoughts, Senator. We
haven't done any of those right now. Possibly to the rotaries
and to local organizations. The Rotary Club, for example,
already sponsors some exchange programs. We'd like to really--
I'd like for us to really go all out and to reach out to a
large segment of the private sector and potentially bring them
together in a summit to be able to announce a significant
program by which the private sector becomes involved in a big
way in all our exchange and English language activities.
In addition, Senator, one of the ideas that I have--and I
certainly welcome the committee's feedback on this--is getting
some of the private sector involved overseas. For example, with
our Fulbright programs right now the governments provide 40
percent of our contribution to these programs. That's one of
the reasons that our Fulbright programs are as successful as
they are.
In my conversations with some private sector individuals,
particularly in the Arab world--these are folks that are doing
a lot for their communities right now. They've done well in
life. The majority of them have been educated in the United
States. They understand that spirit of philanthropy that is so
prevalent in this country and they like to do more of that. And
they are interested in Fulbright, and they are interested in
the English language.
So one of my ideas, with feedback from you, of course, and
making sure that we follow all the rules and regulations that
we need to, is to reach out to them and to see if we can make a
partner with them as well.
Senator Bill Nelson. Now, one of the problems with some of
these exchanges is that there's been a lot more of the
exchanges with European and Asian countries and less so with
Africa, the Middle East, various Muslim countries. Tell me what
you think that we can do about that? You mentioned you want to
reach out to the Muslim world.
Ms. Ameri. Absolutely, Senator. That's definitely another
one of the top items on my agenda. Let me just tell you a
little bit about what ECA has done up to now with the Muslim
world. We have more than 700 students from the Muslim world,
high school students, that are in the United States todayu and
are staying with wonderful, generous host families here. Our
Fulbright scholarships have tripled in the last few years.
Pakistan, for example, is one of our largest programs. The
Government of Turkey has doubled their sponsorship of our
Fulbright scholars.
Our international visitors have increased from the Muslim
world. In fact, I had the privilege to meet with four Muslim
scholars/leaders from Africa. When I was in Oregon, I served on
the board of trustees of the World Affairs Council of Oregon.
They were very interested in Islam in America and they were
interested in learning more about the whole electoral process
in America. I guess I was sort of a natural candidate for them
to meet with.
I tell you, after that meeting was over, that was a good
meeting. I had a much better understanding of some of the
issues that they brought up. To them, it was just amazing that
a person of Iranian heritage, of Islamic heritage, can--has
been able to accomplish what this country has allowed me to
accomplish in this country. So we sort of had a moment of
enlightenment on both our parts.
These are very powerful programs. But clearly we need to do
even more in Islamic countries. I think you asked some very
good questions from my colleague, Jim Glassman. One of the
issues that I see, Senator, is that the American people are a
very humble people. Despite the great accomplishments of this
country, we are not very good at talking about the wonderful
things that this country does for the rest of the world. I
think we need to talk a little bit more about that.
I think my nomination in itself, Senator, sends a
tremendous message to the rest of the world about the level of
tolerance and open-mindedness that exists in this country. We
need to take advantage of this. We need to talk to the rest of
the world about this, especially to the Islamic world.
Senator Bill Nelson. Well, and that's why I ask about the
Islamic world. You're only going to have a year, so what can
you do about it, to rev it up, to increase these, what has been
imbalanced in the past?
Ms. Ameri. You know, Senator, I'm actually painfully aware
of the fact that I only have 11 months to do the job that I
want to do. So clearly, as Jim said, one of the first things
that we need to do is to build upon the successful programs
that we already have. Our English access micro-scholarship
programs work. It moves the needle. I gave you some statistics
at the beginning. Close to 90 percent of the participants,
their attitude changes about the United States.
If we want to increase that, we have to create mass. The
way we create mass is to bring in partners, so private sector
is one important thing.
We need more technology. We live in the Internet age and,
as Jim said, both he and I have a technology background. We
need to bring our activities into the 21st century. We need to
be able to get more on YouTube. Jim and I have talked on a very
preliminary basis on how can we put some of our English
language programs for free on the Internet. This is just in the
talk phase. I don't really know about the logistics yet. But
it's a program that worked, that moves the needle, that changes
values. We need to do that.
My goal is to reach out more to the Muslim American
community because I know they are our best friends. Just like
Jim said, they understand and like and admire American values.
We need to get more of them to go overseas. We need to reach
out more to our alumni, which are our very good friends,
because these folks have understood what's happening.
If I may, Senator, just to give you a very brief anecdote
here. I had the opportunity to meet with a couple of our
Fulbright teaching language folks that have been brought here,
about 300 of them. These were Iranians. One of them teaches at
Emory, the other one teaches at Portland State University. I
had an opportunity to meet with both of them, and one of them
was this wonderful young lady, practicing Muslim, fashionably
dressed, who clearly did not have a lot of information about
the United States, and here she was in Portland, OR, teaching
Farsi at Portland State.
I wish you were there, Senator, and heard the things that
she was saying. She has seen nothing but kindness and
graciousness from her American hosts. She's blown away by our
election process. She loves what she's learning. Needless to
say, it's been a life-altering experience for her.
I know it's been the other way around as well, because her
colleagues, her students, the people around her, are seeing
this young Islamic woman that is very different from the image
that they see from al Qaeda.
So these exchanges work. We just need to find a mechanism
to make more of them happen.
Senator Bill Nelson. Well, one of the problems you're going
to encounter is that there are 63 separate entities that run
these exchange and training programs and there are 243 of them.
Now, I don't expect you to have an answer for that now. But
since you only have a little less than a year, would you try to
get your arms around that?
Ms. Ameri. Senator, are you referring to the private sector
entities or are you referring to the different programs at the
bureau?
Senator Bill Nelson. The different programs at the bureau,
the U.S. Government.
Ms. Ameri. Right. In fact, Senator, that's an excellent
question. Indeed there are 60 different programs at the bureau,
and I have asked that question as well. The thing that I know
is that clearly the bureau reaches out to a very diverse
audience. That's a fact. Having said that, and coming from the
private sector, Senator, I'm very focused on making sure that
we only commit resources to programs that move the needle. You
have my commitment that that will be an important item on my
agenda.
Senator Bill Nelson. Thank you.
Ms. Ameri. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Bill Nelson. Mr. Kramer, just to complete that
question of the recent appointees, paragons of virtue and human
rights such as Bolivia and Nicaragua are recent appointees to
the U.N. Human Rights Council.
Senator Menendez.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me welcome you all. I want to start off with Mr.
Glassman. First of all, I want to acknowledge your service on
the board of governors, the Broadcasting Board of Governors. I
do believe, in response to the chairman's questions on Cuba, I
think we have made progress on using a process that penetrates
into giving the Cuban people an opportunity for an outlet to
the rest of the world, and I want to salute you on the work
that's been done in that regard.
I want to raise the concern--this past December, Senator
Reid--the Majority Leader--I, and a few other Members took a
trip to Latin America, including some countries that in fact
had not received delegations from the Senate in the past. One
of the things that we heard in the five countries that we
visited overwhelmingly was the incredulousness of the leaders
of those countries as to how difficult it is to have students
from Latin America come to the United States, particularly when
Cuba invites their students to come in very significant numbers
to study, when Chavez is doing the same thing.
It is a tremendous challenge to us in a hemisphere in which
we have invested so much money and effort in Central America,
to now see many countries moving in the opposite direction,
where they do not believe that democracy brings good things to
life.
I had been enthused when I read the President's comments in
March of last year about the Partnership for Latin American
Youth. However, I am disappointed in having information that
basically says that that wasn't submitted for funding and
therefore we are doing relatively very little in that regard.
The goal was to have $75 million for 5,000 Latin American young
people to improve their English and study in the United States.
If you are approved by the committee and by the Senate,
confirmed by the Senate, will you be an advocate within the
administration to try to move some of our resources to ensure
that the President's own initiative becomes a priority and
making sure that we see more Latin American youth come to the
United States?
Mr. Glassman. Thank you, Senator Menendez. You know, one
thing that I want to say to everyone on this committee is that
we've been concentrating on the Arab and Muslim world to a
great degree, but we can't forget our own backyard. I'm very
happy that you brought this issue up.
I also thank you for the kind words about broadcasting into
Cuba. We're also broadcasting through Voice of America 40 hours
a week into Latin America in general, and we are doing our
darnedest to get into Venezuela. We are broadcasting in
Venezuela, but it's an extremely difficult environment, as you
can imagine, including television.
As for your question about the Partnership for Latin
American Youth, I have taken a look at the initiative and I
know the President's commitment to it, and it appears to be
exactly the kind of thing that we should be doing. I will do my
best to get this program rolling. We already have, I've been
told, the initial funding for fiscal 2008. If I'm confirmed,
this is definitely the kind of thing that we should be doing
and that I will dedicate myself to.
I can also tell you probably more broadly that if I'm
confirmed I will look at the regional allocations of all of our
public diplomacy money. I realize that it's possible that this
is a job that if I'm confirmed I'll only have for 11 months to
do, but we're going to hit the ground running and this is what
we have to do. Job one is to make sure the money is being
allocated to the right places and also, as Goli Ameri said, to
make sure that we apply a ``culture of measurement''--my mantra
when I was on the Djerijian group, to every program that we
have and only use and focus the resources on the ones that
work.
But Latin America has been a focus of attention certainly
in the past year of this administration. The President took a
five-country trip there with the First Lady. We had the naval
hospital ship COMFORT in Latin America. We are doing our best
on exchanges.
The visa situation is difficult. I'm happy to say, though,
that this year, the academic year 2007-2008, we will almost
certainly set a record of 600,000 foreign students coming to
the United States to learn. Education is our best brand.
Senator Menendez. Well, let me follow up on your answer.
First of all, I would urge you, when we speak about Latin
America in the future as part of public diplomacy, I like to
think of it as our front yard, not as our backyard, and you
might want to consider that phrasing.
But the bottom line is, you know, our problem is there's a
difference between words and actions. That's our problem in
Latin America. We have seen an occasional blip on the radar
screen over the last 7 years about some words, but we haven't
seen a hell of a lot of action outside of narcotics
interdiction, which is important, and some trade agreements,
which are important. But when you only deal with Latin
Americans in that context, you run a great risk of having them
believe that they are marginalized to those issues.
So therefore it is nice to have the COMFORT down there, but
it almost seems like we're chasing Cuban doctors at the end of
the day. What is real, what will be real, is if the President's
words are matched with action. So when we talked about $75
million over 3 years, that would have been approximately $25
million a year or so. The reality is from the information that
we finally received from the Department we're talking about
that, since this wasn't pursued as part of the 2008 fiscal year
budget request, that there may be the moving of some money
around.
I hope, even though you have a short period of time, that
we can begin to move on the road in which Latin Americans
understand that we are fully engaged with them. This is
probably--of all those things those presidents said, that they
could have said to us in terms of our engagement with them,
it's interesting that so many of them raised the issue of
having their students be able to come to the United States. So
I hope you'll be a strong advocate of that.
We have challenges in this hemisphere--Venezuela, Bolivia,
Nicaragua, Ecuador, just to name a few. So while I know we are
engaged in the rest of the world, here in our own front yard we
have a real challenge.
I appreciate both your comments and Ms. Ameri's comments
about the Internet and that is very important. But there is no
substitution for person to person, people to people engagement.
The reality is that's why members of the Congress seek to visit
both leaders and civil society in other parts of the world. We
could have teleconferences, but we in fact seek to engage
people in a direct context. So while that's a good dimension, I
don't want to undercut the very essence of what I hope will be
more people to people diplomacy as a critical soft power tool
of the United States, and I hope that you will be a strong
advocate, as well as Ms. Ameri will be a strong advocate, in
that respect.
Let me ask you an overarching question, if I may, about
public diplomacy, in general. It seems to me that to a certain
extent there's a simple fundamental question in almost any
discussion of public diplomacy. Put simply, do we put a
priority on developing a following for the United States or do
we tell it like it is? In effect, do we broadcast what people
want to hear or what they need to hear? Are we in fact honest
in our engagements with others in the world or are we willing
to move from that direct honesty on both what our positions are
and our expectations are and therefore move from there?
I'm wondering, how is it that you view it in terms of
public diplomacy and how would you--well, let me start there.
How do you view it?
Mr. Glassman. Well, that's an excellent question, Senator.
Senator Menendez. I'm waiting for an excellent answer.
Mr. Glassman. You'll have to judge the excellence.
The answer is that we have to be honest. We live in a world
in which people are very sophisticated. They have numerous
sources of information. If we tell them lies they're going to
figure that out pretty quickly.
You know, Edward R. Murrow famously said when he was the
head of USIA: ``The news may be good, the news may be bad; we
shall tell you the truth.'' That has been the watchword of the
Broadcasting Board of Governors. We don't do propaganda. We're
not allowed to do propaganda, but one of the reasons we don't
do it is it's not particularly effective. People have more than
one source of information. We can't really fool them very well.
I think part of the big problem in public diplomacy, in
fact, has been that we have not aggressively enough countered
the lies that our enemies have been telling. So I don't think
it's a question of twisting the truth. It is a matter of being
honest, but being aggressively honest, being advocates that are
out there unabashedly telling our story, which is a good story.
Senator Menendez. So in that respect, let's talk about a
challenging part of the world for us--I think the chairman
referenced it--the Middle East. Should we be talking about the
need for civil society, for democratization, civil rights for
women, minority groups and their rights in that society? Should
we convey our views of those who support terrorism and
incitement?
Mr. Glassman. We should and we do. Maybe we should do more
of it, but we absolutely should. We should never shrink from
advancing our--they're not only our own and the global
principles of democracy and freedom. We should be out there
doing that.
Now, sometimes in an official diplomatic sense that becomes
difficult. That may be difficult in certain circumstances.
Public diplomacy is different. Public diplomacy is people to
people. There's no need for us to shrink from advocacy of our
own principles.
Senator Menendez. So to the extent that we have, for
example, in the Arab world talked about our interest in having
good relationships with the Arab world, but also talking about
how very often those, several of those countries are
undemocratic, face autocratic regimes, and do not respond to
the aspirations of the Arab street and its people, you feel we
should be direct about that, as well?
Mr. Glassman. I do, absolutely, in public diplomacy we
should be direct. At the Broadcasting Board of Governors we had
a big problem in Egypt in that we can't get a radio station to
broadcast Radio Sawa, an Arabic language radio network which is
quite effective. We've been doing our best to try to get that.
There's no reason in the world for us to back down on that or
not to support--and I was recently in Egypt--not to support
people who are advocating for freedom there.
Senator Menendez. Thank you.
If I may, Mr. Chairman, one more line of questions, to Mr.
Kramer.
I have a great interest in, as the chair of the
subcommittee that deals with all of our foreign assistance, as
to how effective we are about that foreign assistance. In
September of 2007, the GAO issued a report that found that--and
I'm going to quote from it--that ``The State Department did not
have an accurate picture of the number and type of staff
responsible for overseeing and monitoring foreign assistance
responsibilities.''
The amount of money that the Democracy, Human Rights, and
Labor Bureau has available to program has increased
substantially over the last several years, and since DRL
provides grants, not contracts, from Washington instead of from
the field, how does the Department manage these programs and
ensure that they are coordinating with other parts of the U.S.
Government? If you were to be confirmed, what would you do to
improve the coordination with other parts of the U.S.
Government, particularly USAID, in the implementation of these
grants, and what would you do to improve the Department's
ability to monitor these grants when they are all managed from
Washington, DC?
Mr. Kramer. Senator, thank you for raising this issue, and
I am aware of the GAO report. As you rightly point out, sir,
the amount of money that has been provided for the Democracy,
Human Rights, and Labor Bureau has increased significantly. My
sense, in talking with folks and colleagues in the bureau, is
that the bureau is in a position to handle those moneys
appropriately.
My hope, if confirmed, would be to ensure that the bureau
is an organization that can provide money in a timely fashion,
that can get money out, do it quickly, provide support to the
vital work that NGOs and activists are doing. Obviously, the
bureau would need to ensure proper oversight and management of
the funds, and grant oversight is a major responsibility.
Coordination within the Department and with other agencies
is vital. We want to avoid duplication. We want to ensure that
we are covering the issues that really matter. Funds are not
limitless and so we want to make sure we get the biggest bang
for the buck.
As I mentioned to the chairman when he asked me, I
currently work in a regional bureau in the Department, and I
think the European and Eurasian Bureau is a perfect example
where there is assistance money available through the
assistance office in that regional bureau, but it's a bureau
that also works very effectively with the Democracy, Human
Rights, and Labor Bureau. I would, if confirmed, work very hard
to ensure that that continues throughout the Department and
maintain the EUR, the European and Eurasian Bureau, as a good
example of that. We should all be working for the greater good
here, and it's my view that the Bureau for Democracy, Human
Rights, and Labor should be the bureau that many organizations
go to for the necessary support they need to carry out the work
they do.
Senator Menendez. Well, let me just close on that and say
that I understand there's no one in the bureau's chain of
command that works in these embassies. So the bureau needs to
rely on informal or ad hoc assistance to ensure that programs
are being implemented in the best possible way. I'm not sure
that that's a good way to manage what is rather complex and
context-specific programs.
It seems to me that one of our challenges is making sure
that your staff in Washington and any staff that helps you
overseas are qualified to manage these kinds of programs. It's
just like, a little bit I guess, what we do in a Senate office.
We've got so many things going on that we grab the staff
assistant and before you know it they're writing letters and
everybody else is doing something else.
The question is, when we are talking about large amounts of
money, for which there is a purpose in terms of foreign
diplomacy of the United States, that to ad hoc grab somebody at
an embassy for the purposes because you have no person in your
bureau who is in the line there at the embassy on the ground
where these grants are being implemented--it seems to me if
that's going to continue to be the case for the next year,
there needs to be an alignment at least of those individuals
who have within the embassy context the best expertise to be
able to pursue that specific grant. I often find that isn't the
case. It's something that I hope you will pay attention to
should you be confirmed.
Mr. Kramer. Senator, I certainly promise to you that, if
confirmed, that is an issue I will look at very closely. To
state the obvious, I would want to assure that there are no
problems with oversight and monitoring of grant moneys. So I
would be happy to engage with you and your staff on how that
looks, if confirmed, once I would be in the job.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Bill Nelson. We want you to be successful and so we
want to encourage you as you tackle this task within a short
period of time. So within a few months, what I'd like is to
have a visit with you personally, without staff, privately, and
find out how your progress is coming along. Will you do that,
Mr. Glassman?
Mr. Glassman. Yes, sir.
Senator Bill Nelson. Mr. Kramer?
Mr. Kramer. Without hesitation, sir, yes.
Senator Bill Nelson. Ms. Ameri?
Ms. Ameri. It would be a pleasure, Senator.
Senator Bill Nelson. We are going to keep the record open
for 2 days so that members of this committee can submit further
questions for the record, and the meeting is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:52 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses of David J. Kramer to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
labor
Question. What is your view of the role of labor in our democracy
promotion agenda? How can the Department best advance labor rights?
What measures do you think are necessary, if any, to strengthen labor
diplomacy?
Answer. Like any other freedoms such as association for political
parties, the freedom of association for worker organizations is
essential to building grassroots democracy. Supporting worker
organizations is not just a matter of supporting democracy, it is a
matter of human rights.
The Department of State can best advance labor rights by continuing
to engage governments, worker organizations, and employers,
individually and collectively, on issues such as freedom of
association, prohibitions on child labor and forced labor, and the
promotion of acceptable working conditions.
The Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Bureau (DRL) already engages
governments on labor rights in bilateral human rights dialogs, such as
those with Vietnam and Azerbaijan, as well as in multilateral forums
like the International Labor Organization. DRL also provides technical
assistance to worker organizations and NGOs dealing with labor rights
in countries where they can open up democratic space. DRL has
consistently committed to use a portion of its Human Rights and
Democracy Fund to provide this assistance to build the capacity of
worker organizations to advocate for and protect their rights.
DRL's Office of International Labor and Corporate Social
Responsibility engages multinational corporations in promoting the
respect of labor rights throughout their supply chain, including in
operations which they outsource. DRL also engages these stakeholders
collectively through multi-stakeholder dialogs that bring
representatives from government, NGOs, and companies together to
determine how to address specific labor issues in a country.
The Department also works through labor rights mechanisms signed in
conjunction with Free Trade Agreements; trade preference programs, such
as the Generalized System of Preferences; OPIC financing; and ExIm Bank
financing to promote greater respect for internationally recognized
worker rights.
Labor attaches have a long and distinguished record in the Foreign
Service. The Department's Labor officers and other Foreign Service
officers with labor responsibilities are critical to labor diplomacy.
It is important that the Department has these positions at posts where
labor diplomacy can most effectively contribute to the promotion of
democracy and human rights. Last year, the Department undertook a
review of labor-designated positions overseas, and 45 labor-designated
positions were formally recognized by the Human Resources Bureau and
the regional bureaus. The review also resulted in new operating
procedures regarding the labor function; it formalizes the need for
officers assigned to labor-designated positions to take the Foreign
Service Institute's Labor officer skills course and ensures DRL a role
in filling all labor-designated positions.
I noted the importance of labor rights in my statement to the
committee, and at the January 30 hearing I pledged that, if confirmed,
I would take an active role in the promotion of labor issues. The ``L''
in ``DRL'', after all, is just as important as the first two letters.
Question. In recent years, the Congress has repeatedly expressed
concern that the Department of State does not adequately reward, train,
and promote officers who chose to serve in the DRL Bureau or to
otherwise place a high priority on human rights and democracy. Will you
make it a priority to address these concerns? If so, how? Do you
believe that there is a need for expanding Foreign Service training
programs in human rights and democracy promotion tradecraft?
Answer. The Department is committed to excellence in democracy and
human rights training. Improving the incentives and rewards for service
in the Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Bureau (DRL) and
strengthening training in Human Rights and Democracy promotion has been
a DRL priority, and I will continue to make this a priority, if
confirmed.
DRL has been working with the Foreign Service Institute (FSI) on an
ongoing basis. FSI has been steadily expanding the number and content
of Human Rights and Democracy training modules and courses to ensure
the integration of human rights, religious freedom, labor rights,
democracy building, and conflict resolution into a broad range of FSI
courses and seminars.
DRL is working with FSI now to increase training on grants
management for program officers. Special training for Labor officers
was introduced last year, in conjunction with the annual DRL Human
Rights officers conference. The Department recently submitted a report
to Congress on Democracy and Human Rights training. Finally, DRL has
established a Democracy and Human Rights Training Working Group, along
with FSI, USAID's Bureau for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian
Assistance, and the Office of the Director of U.S. Foreign Assistance,
to review, assess, and recommend further strengthening of our training.
If confirmed, I will work with the Under Secretary for Democracy
and Global Affairs and the Director General's office to review
promotion and performance pay criteria with an eye toward increasing
the incentives for Foreign Service officers to take on these
challenging issues.
Question. In passing the Advance Democracy Act, Congress strongly
urged the Department to work to increase the percentage of Foreign
Service officers serving in the Bureau. While the civil servants in the
Bureau are talented and dedicated, an effective Bureau needs a good mix
of employees, including a substantial percentage of Foreign Service
officers who have served abroad and are familiar with counterparts and
processes in other Bureaus. Do you agree that it is an important
priority to increase the number of Foreign Service officers serving in
the Bureau? What steps will you take to encourage talented FSOs to
serve in the DRL Bureau, if confirmed?
Answer. A good mix of Foreign Service and Civil Service officers is
important for a strong and effective Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
Bureau (DRL). For the first time ever, DRL has two overseas positions,
established last September and located in Baghdad. Other functional
bureaus such as the Bureau of Populations, Refugees, and Migration, the
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, and the
Bureau of Oceans and International Environmental Scientific Affairs
have overseas positions and this has proved to be an effective way to
attract more Foreign Service officers to serve in these bureaus
domestically. I expect the new overseas positions for DRL will have a
similarly positive effect for the Bureau. Changing the ratio of Civil
Service to Foreign Service in DRL will be a long-term effort,
especially given the resource constraints under which DRL operates.
Unfortunately, since the Foreign Service has a shortage of employees in
relationship to the demand for positions, and the Department has
critical foreign policy priorities and mandates requiring service
abroad, the Department's emphasis has been on filling overseas
positions.
If confirmed, I will work with the Office of the Under Secretary
for Democracy and Global Affairs and the Director General's office, as
well as with other bureaus, to identify additional measures to attract
Foreign Service officers into the valuable work of the bureau. I want
DRL to be as competitive and sought-after a bureau in the Foreign
Service bidding process as any other bureau in the Department.
Question. Prison conditions in many countries around the world are
far below acceptable minimum humane standards. Do you agree that this
is a serious problem? If so, what will you do to insure that the Bureau
places an appropriately high priority on investigating inhumane prison
conditions and working to ameliorate them?
Answer. Yes, inhumane and life threatening prison conditions around
the world are a serious problem. The attention of the Bureau of
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL) to prison and detention center
conditions is ongoing and is an inseparable part of U.S. efforts to
promote democracy and respect for human rights.
Prison conditions are highlighted in section 1.c of the annual
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, where DRL describes prison
conditions in each country in straightforward language. In requiring
this information from all posts, it is clear that many embassy
officials visit prisons personally, meet with prison officials, talk
with released prisoners, their families and attorneys, and consult with
local and international NGOs to closely track conditions and put
together a complete picture.
DRL plays an essential role in ensuring that the United States
remains active on this issue bilaterally. DRL works to ensure U.S.
representatives consistently encourage governments to grant access to
our embassy personnel and to international experts such as the ICRC.
For example, DRL last year raised the issue of prison overcrowding and
poor sanitation during its Human Rights dialog with Vietnam, and urged
that members of the diplomatic community be allowed the opportunity to
visit prisons. Subsequently, United States political officers were able
to visit two prisons in southern Vietnam. So it is important that DRL
continue to raise the issue in future bilateral dialogs with Vietnam
and other countries.
In multilateral fora, the United States supports the work of the
Human Rights Committee and the Committee Against Torture, the treaty
bodies charged with monitoring implementation of the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention Against
Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment of Punishment,
respectively. We follow closely reports from the Working Group on
Arbitrary Detention which last year visited Angola, Equatorial Guinea,
and Norway.
DRL is also funding a successful program in Morocco designed to
enhance the ability of the Moroccan Observatory of Prisons, a local
NGO, to process and monitor prisoner complaints, raise awareness of the
treatment of prisoners, and conduct advocacy on behalf of prisoner
rights.
While there are other bureaus (such as the Bureau of International
Narcotics and Law Enforcement and the Bureau of Consular Affairs),
departments (such as the Department of Justice), and organizations
(such as OSCE and the Council of Europe) involved in work to improve
prison conditions, DRL should remain at the forefront of U.S. efforts
to promote improved prison conditions.
country reports on human rights practices
Question. Section 116(d) of Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 provides
that the Secretary of State ``shall transmit'' the annual human rights
report to the ``Speaker of the House of Representatives and the
Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate by February 25 of each
year.'' The committee has been informed by the Department that it does
not intend to meet this statutory deadline this year.
a) Is that in fact the case? If so, please elaborate why that is
so.
b) Do you think it makes sense for the bureau charged with
promoting adherence to the rule of law abroad to ignore a statutory
requirement in U.S. law?
Answer. The annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices is a
document important not only for the information it contains. Its value
lies also in the manner in which it is presented to the press, the NGO
community, and to the many worldwide readers of the report. To have
full impact, the Secretary of State in recent years personally has
presented the report, followed by a press conference that is reported
prominently in the local press of many diverse countries abroad.
Secretary Rice believes fervently in the advancement of human rights
worldwide, and she is determined to use the presentation of the report
as a tool to help the United States Government achieve this goal.
The Secretary's launching of the human rights report and
highlighting those cases of severe abuses, and the cases where progress
has occurred serves as a powerful message to world leaders that we will
not compromise on human rights to advance our other national interests,
and that human rights abusers will be held to account for their
actions.
The Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor takes statutory
requirements very seriously and acknowledges that it would miss the
statutory deadline of February 25 by delaying the rollout until March
11, the closest date possible to the statutory deadline when the
Secretary will be available to preside over the rollout.
______
Responses of David J. Kramer to Questions Submitted
by Senator Russell D. Feingold
indonesia
Question. I have been informed that the administration has ended
prohibition on training and other assistance to Indonesia's special
forces, the ``Kopassus,'' and the Brigade Mobil (BRIMOB). These forces
continue to abuse human rights and senior officials of both continue to
evade justice for past crimes, as noted by the State Department's
annual human rights reporting. Why has this policy changed? How can the
State Department justify such cooperation with an organization whose
record of abuse amounts to state sponsored terrorism directed against
peaceful political dissidents and human rights advocates?
Answer. Our goal, working with the Government of Indonesia, is that
United States interaction with the Indonesian military would promote
the adoption of democratic norms such as greater transparency, respect
for human rights, and increased civilian control of the military, as
well as build capacity to address immediate threats such as terrorism
and natural disasters.
As the elite units within their respective forces, KOPASSUS and
BRIMOB must be part of this transformation. The Department is currently
considering on what terms and how to best engage both KOPASSUS and
BRIMOB, and looks forward to consulting with Congress so that we can
accomplish our twin goals of advancing our human rights interests and
professionalizing these key parts of the Indonesian security forces.
Indonesia's human rights record has improved in recent years as the
Indonesian Government has sought to reform its security forces. Reform
of the security forces has been an important part of Indonesia's
overall reform of the military. We share your concerns regarding
ongoing challenges Indonesia faces in bringing past human rights
violators to justice. The Department continues to raise accountability
as an important element of our bilateral relationship.
Question. When Secretary Rice in November 2005 exercised a national
security waiver to resume full military cooperation with the Indonesian
military despite the absence of significant reform, she noted that
future assistance would be ``calibrated'' on the basis of measurable
reforms. Human rights groups have raised concerns that the military
continues to commit abuses and are concerned that the assistance has
not been ``calibrated'' to address the lack of reform. What criteria
does the administration use in evaluating the provision of military
assistance to Indonesia? What steps are in place to monitor the impact
this assistance has on human rights and reform in Indonesia? What
military assistance is currently being withheld because of human rights
concerns?
Answer. All Indonesian soldiers now receive human rights training.
In recent years, the Indonesian military has made progress in reform.
The military is under greater civilian control and out of politics.
However, there is still much to be done in professionalizing the
Indonesian military and accounting for past abuses.
All Indonesian security forces who receive United States training
are checked for allegations of past human rights abuses, in compliance
with the Leahy law. Individuals with credible allegations of past human
rights abuses do not receive training. In the past 3 years, the
Department has denied training for 122 Indonesian applicants after
finding credible allegations of past human rights abuses.
lgbt
Question. I have supported greater equality for the LGBT population
in the United States [and] am pleased that the State Department has
taken steps to identify human rights abuses committed against the LGBT
community throughout the world in its annual Human Rights Report. I am,
therefore, interested in what further actions you intend to take to
address violence and discrimination against LGBT communities across the
globe.
Answer. Several years ago, the Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
Bureau (DRL) took the initiative to add information to its annual
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices regarding discrimination and
violence against the LGBT community worldwide. The information in the
reports has been praised by representatives from the community in
meetings with DRL. At our request, in the past year, the LGBT community
has compiled for DRL information from authoritative sources on
discrimination and violence on a country-by-country basis. We will
consult with the community as we develop more precise instructions to
pass to our embassies in garnering information on this subject.
human rights general
Question. Just over a year ago, Secretary Rice reaffirmed that
protecting and supporting human rights defenders is a ``central
component'' of U.S. foreign policy and announced a set of Guiding
Principles on Non-Governmental Organizations and a fund to support
defenders. How have the Principles guided DRL decisions? How has the
fund supported human rights defenders? What steps can the Bureau of
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor take to ensure that these measures
have an impact on the ground and that support for human rights
defenders is integrated into foreign policy more broadly?
Answer. Last year, amid crackdown on human rights and democracy
NGOs and human rights activists in various parts of the world,
Secretary Rice responded in several specific ways to defend these NGOs
and individuals.
First, she announced 10 core NGO Principles which guide our own
treatment of NGOs. We actively encourage other governments to respect
these principles, which distill and complement existing U.N. and
European Union documents.
Second, the Secretary established a $1.5 million emergency fund to
protecting and assisting human rights defenders who advance democracy
and promote human rights, women's rights, fair labor, anticorruption,
independent media and journalism, rule of law, and other issues where
defense of such issues might result in personal and safety risks. The
fund became operational in October 2007 and thus far has provided
assistance to over 30 defenders.
DRL routinely uses the NGO Principles as a foundation for
discussions with foreign governments, and indeed, President Uribe of
Colombia has publicly embraced the NGO Principles. Another good example
of the use of the NGO Principles took place at the last OSCE Human
Dimension (HDIM) meeting in October when Acting Assistant Secretary
Jonathan Farrar made an intervention on the need for NGOs to operate
freely, to participate in open dialog with each other and governments,
and to be recognized as an essential component of any free society.
Also in preparation of this year's Country Reports on Human Rights
Practices we asked posts, in particular, to report on restrictions and/
or repression of NGOs and other human rights defenders.
These principles will continue to be an important tool for the
United States and other governments in measuring governmental treatment
of NGOs. I also hope they will also be a useful tool for civil society
groups and the media as they monitor the treatment of NGOs across the
globe.
______
Responses of Hon. Goli Ameri to Questions Submitted
by Senator Russell D. Feingold
Question. Cultural Property Protection: On May 27, 2004, China
submitted a request to the United States that we restrict the import of
artifacts and archaeological materials subject to looting in China
under the Cultural Property Implementation Act (CPIA). In July 2005,
the State Department's Cultural Property Advisory Committee made its
recommendation to Assistant Secretary of State for Educational and
Cultural Affairs Dina H. Powell with regard to China's request. It is
my understanding that, to date, the State Department has not made a
final decision with regard to China's request. What do you consider an
appropriate timeframe in which to render a final decision in cases such
as these to ensure that delays within the State Department do not
result in the loss of invaluable cultural material?
Answer. I have not yet had the opportunity to look into this
question in detail, but I have been apprised of this matter and
understand that the China request remains under review at this time.
Any issue involving the bilateral relationship between the United
States and the People's Republic of China is of utmost significance.
If confirmed, I will begin discussions of this matter with the
relevant bureaus, including the Undersecretary for Public Diplomacy,
and the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs.
Question. Cultural Property Protection: CPAC was created to
represent a diverse group of interests, including those of museums,
archaeologists, collectors, art dealers, and the general public. I have
heard from a number of constituents of mine who are concerned that all
of these groups were not fairly represented in the recent State
Department decision to impose import restrictions on ancient coins of
Cyprus. Please explain the standards your office uses to determine that
the diverse group of interests have been represented during the
decisionmaking process.
Answer. The Cultural Property Advisory Committee (CPAC), appointed
by the White House, plays a vital role in our efforts to preserve the
world's cultural heritage from pillaging and looting. The members, as
you point out, represent a variety of interests. They provide their
input at the outset of any consideration of a bilateral agreement so
that their deliberations can inform the entire onward process.
In addition to the statutory composition of the committee and the
representation it provides for diverse views, the Department has taken
a number of steps over the past several years to increase the access of
members of the general public to the process. These steps include
sessions that allow members of the public to present their viewpoints
directly to the committee and the committee staff; solicitation of
written comments; advance notification of such sessions on the cultural
property Web site inclusion of all such comments in the documents
provided to the decisionmaker, and a Web site that posts public
summaries of incoming requests.
The current committee includes a member who is a coin collector and
dealer and whose views were expressed and considered. Also, a public
session of the CPAC was held during which the views of others
concerning coins were also expressed. In addition, the Department took
the extraordinary step of proactively seeking further public comment
from organizations representing the coin collecting community and
others representing the scholarly community.
If confirmed, I assure you I will pay close attention to this
matter.
Question. Exchanges: I am a strong supporter of ECA's work and
believe that education and cultural exchanges are critical to
strengthening our public diplomacy programming. I would like to know
your plans to increase ECA programming in the next year.
Answer. First and foremost, if confirmed, I am committed to
expanding and creating scale for the many achievements of the
Department's educational and cultural exchanges. My plan is to:
1. Engage and enlist the private sector more fully in our
public diplomacy efforts to ascertain that we can reach a
greater audience for our successful programs including, but not
limited to, the English Access Microscholarship Program, Youth
Exchange Programs, and programs for women.
2. Use new trends in technology and the Internet to expand
the reach of ECA's programs to youth and youth influencers and
to create a connected community amongst our alumni so they can
sustain a dialog years after the formal end of their program.
3. Find creative ways of engaging ECA alumni and leveraging
their goodwill and the knowledge and experience they gained
during their exchange experience.
Other than these top three priorities, I will also be focused on
the following activities:
Encouraging more women and girls to participate in our
exchange programs; and
Exploring more opportunities for engagement with the Muslim
world and with countries like Iran and North Korea (when the
time is right), where we seek to better relations between our
citizens. Exchanges and outreach promise lasting relationships
and have such extraordinary potential for positive relationship
building and mutual understanding.
I would, of course, be in close touch with you and your staff as
any new program initiatives are developed and would welcome feedback
from the committee.
______
Responses of Hon. Goli Ameri to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What are your top three priorities for this position, if
confirmed? On the assumption that you may only serve until the start of
the next administration, what do you hope to report to the committee
next January that you have achieved during your tenure?
Answer. First and foremost, if confirmed, I am committed to
expanding and creating scale for the many achievements of the
Department's educational and cultural exchanges. My plan is to:
1. Engage and enlist the private sector more fully in our
public diplomacy efforts to ascertain that we can reach a
greater audience for our successful programs including, but not
limited to, the English Access Microscholarship Program, Youth
Exchange Programs, and programs for women.
2. Use new trends in technology and the Internet to expand
the reach of ECA's programs to youth and youth influencers and
to create a connected community amongst our alumni so they can
sustain a dialog years after the formal end of their program.
3. Find creative ways of engaging ECA alumni and leveraging
their goodwill and the knowledge and experience they gained
during their exchange experience.
Other than these top three priorities, I will also be focused on
the following activities:
Encouraging more women and girls to participate in our
exchange programs; and
Exploring more opportunities for engagement with the Muslim
world and with countries like Iran and North Korea (when the
time is right), where we seek to better relations between our
citizens. Exchanges and outreach promise lasting relationships
and have such extraordinary potential for positive relationship
building and mutual understanding.
I would, of course, be in close touch with you and your staff as
any new program initiatives are developed and would welcome feedback
from the committee.
Question. The Bureau has received substantial additional resources
in recent years. Has the Bureau allocated sufficient resources to
financial systems and grants management to assure accountability and
oversight of these additional resources? Please provide specific
examples.
Answer. The Bureau has allocated sufficient resources to financial
and grants management systems to assure accountability and oversight
over its resources. Over the past 3 years, ECA has integrated three
distinct databases into a single system housed in ECA's Office of the
Executive Director. The system links ECA's congressionally mandated
pre-award grants process with both the budget and grants offices and
allows for the effective integration with the Department's financial
management system and Grants.gov. The system allows ECA staff members
to more effectively monitor and manage ECA institutional grant awards
through all phases of implementation and closeout. It also provides the
ability to reconcile program and administrative budgets bureau-wide and
provide congressional, departmental, and OMB-mandated reporting on
bureau activities and expenditures.
Additionally, I understand the Bureau is building an integrated
information management, analysis, and reporting capability that will
track the full life-cycle of ECA programs and provide an executive/user
dashboard for data retrieval and reporting. This system will then be
linked to the Executive Office System so that Bureau grant, financial,
and program data can be centrally monitored and reports tying resources
to program activities can be more quickly and easily produced. This
initiative will result in a fully Integrated Management System (IMS)
for key ECA program, grant, and financial activities.
Coming from the private sector and with a strong background in
technology I know what is possible and necessary to effectively manage
a complex organization and budget. If confirmed, I will devote my focus
and expertise to accelerate the implementation of the Bureau's internal
management systems to ensure that the Bureau spends its resources
wisely, effectively and with maximum impact.
Question. Do you believe there are any existing exchange programs
that are unjustified, and therefore should be discontinued?
Answer. I have been pleased to learn in the last several weeks that
the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs (ECA) is a leader in the
area of evaluation and performance measurement. ECA has an office
staffed by professional evaluators and social science researchers. It
oversees independent in-depth evaluations of major exchange programs,
such as Fulbright and the International Visitors Leadership Program.
Coming from the private sector, this is particularly important to me.
The Bureau recently completed an evaluation of the English Access
Microscholarships Program--a groundbreaking new program for high school
students in underserved communities--that showed, among other findings,
that:
Eighty-seven percent of Access students reported a more
favorable view of the American people due to their
participation in the program;
Ninety-six percent of parents said they would encourage
their other children to participate in the Access Program; and
Fifty-four percent of Access students reported more
favorable views of the U.S. Government due to their
participation in the Access Program.
Moreover, the Bureau constantly innovates with its proven, tested
models to achieve current objectives. The Fulbright Program,
International Visitor Leadership Program, English Language Program, and
Youth Exchange Programs remain flagship programs of the Bureau, but
they are constantly changing as the world changes and as foreign policy
challenges evolve.
Here are a few specific examples:
The Fulbright Program now offers Fulbright's Science and
Technology awards that are designed to provide top-level
students in science and technology with the U.S. Government's
most prestigious and valuable scholarship.
The International Visitor Leadership Program brought over
100 Iranian professionals, academics, and cultural figures to
the United States last year--the first International Visitors
since 1979.
Our English Language Office pioneered the groundbreaking
English Access Microscholarship program which provides a
foundation of English language skill to high school students
from disadvantaged sectors in their countries.
The Bureau's Youth Exchange Office conducts the highly
successful Youth Exchange and Study (YES) program, the U.S.
Government's first-ever program designed for secondary school
students from the Arab and Muslim world.
There is more that can be done. You have my full commitment that,
if confirmed, I intend to review the effectiveness of all of our
programs.
Question. The Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural
Property in the Event of Armed Conflict (the ``Hague Convention''), and
the Hague Protocol, concluded on May 14, 1954, were submitted to the
Senate for advice and consent by President Clinton on January 6, 1999.
This administration has urged the Senate to act on the Hague
Convention, but not the Protocol. Please provide your views on the
Hague Convention, including whether in your view it should be a
priority for the committee and if so, why.
Answer. Thank you for bringing this to my attention. While I am not
personally familiar with the 1954 Hague Convention, I have looked into
the matter and learned that the Department has identified ratification
of the Convention as a priority, and also supports removal of the First
Protocol from consideration for ratification at this time, leaving open
the possibility of resubmission for ratification at a future date.
If confirmed, I will look into this matter further and would be
pleased to work with the committee.
Question. The United States ratified the 1970 Convention on the
Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export, and
Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property on February 9, 1983 (the
``1970 Convention''). Under Article 9 of the Convention, a state party
``whose cultural patrimony is in jeopardy from pillage of
archaeological or ethnological materials'' may call upon other states
parties who are affected. Each state concerned is to take provisional
measures to the extent feasible to prevent irremediable injury to the
cultural heritage of the requesting state. How many requests has the
United States received in the last 10 years (through 2007) pursuant to
Article 9 of the 1970 Convention? Please provide details, including the
date of such requests and the country making the request.
Answer. Since 1997, under Article 9 of the 1970 Convention, the
United States has received 9 new requests for import restrictions (from
Bolivia, Cambodia, China, Colombia, Cyprus, Guatemala, Honduras, Italy,
and Peru) and 13 requests for extensions of existing restrictions,
including those imposed as a result of a bilateral agreement or of an
Emergency Action (Bolivia, Cambodia, Colombia, Cyprus, El Salvador,
Guatemala, Honduras, Italy, Mali, Nicaragua, and Peru). An Emergency
Action differs from an agreement in that it is meant to address an
emergency condition, entails action only on the United States' side,
and may be extended only once. Please see the attached chart for the
details.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Date of Request to USG Memorandum of Date of Extension(s)
Country Emergency Action Date Emergency Action Date under Article 9 of the Understanding Date in (with amendments) of
in Force Extended 1970 UNESCO Convention Force MOU
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Bolivia............................................................ Mar. 1989 ....................... Sep. 1999 Dec. 2001 Dec. 2006
Cambodia........................................................... Dec. 1999 ....................... May 1999 Sep. 2003 .......................
Canada............................................................. ....................... ....................... Oct 1985, with Apr 1997 (currently .......................
supplemental info expired)
provided Jan 1988
China.............................................................. ....................... ....................... May 2004 ....................... .......................
Colombia........................................................... ....................... ....................... Apr. 2004 Mar. 2006 .......................
Cyprus Ethnological................................................ Apr. 1999 Aug. 2003 Sep. 1998 Jul. 2007 Jul. 2007
Cyprus Archaeological.............................................. ....................... ....................... Sep. 1998 Jul. 2002 Jul. 2007
El Salvador........................................................ Sep. 1987 Mar. 1992 Jan. 1995 Mar. 1995 Mar. 2000, Mar. 2005
Guatemala.......................................................... Apr. 1991 Sep. 1994 May 1997 Oct. 1997 Sep. 2002, Sep. 2007
Honduras........................................................... ....................... ....................... Aug. 2001 Mar. 2004 .......................
Italy.............................................................. ....................... ....................... Sep. 1999 Jan. 2001 Jan. 2006
Mali............................................................... Sep. 1993 ....................... Sep. 1992 Sep. 1997 Sep. 2002, Sep. 2007
Nicaragua.......................................................... ....................... ....................... Nov. 1995 Oct. 2000 Oct. 2005
Peru............................................................... May 1990 Jun. 1994 Jan. 1997 Jun. 1997 Jun. 2002, Jun. 2007
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Question. In accordance with the implementing legislation for the
1970 Convention, the President, upon making certain determinations, may
enter into an agreement with a state party that has made a proper
request under Article 9 of the 1970 Convention, in order to apply
certain import restrictions. Please provide a list of the agreements
that have been concluded as of today's date under the authority
provided for in the implementing legislation. See 19 U.S.C. Sec. 2602.
Answer. Under Article 9 of the 1970 Convention, the United States
currently has bilateral agreements with Bolivia, Cambodia, Colombia,
Cyprus, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Italy, Mali, Nicaragua, and
Peru.
Question. In 2004, the Office of Inspector General (OIG) issued an
extensive report of inspection of the Bureau of Educational and
Cultural Affairs. Have you read the report, or been briefed on its
findings? What major recommendations remain to be implemented?
Answer. Thank you for bringing this to my attention; I have now
read and been briefed on the report. It is my understanding that the
Bureau responded positively and quickly to the findings of this report.
All changes/actions necessary to comply with the Inspector General
recommendations were completed, and as a result, the OIG closed the
inspection report in July 2006.
______
Responses of Hon. Goli Ameri to Questions Submitted
by Senator Bill Nelson
Question. What is your position on United States sanctions and
multilateral sanctions against Iran?
Answer. I fully support administration policy on Iran including
current United States sanctions on Iran, and the need for multilateral
sanctions. We must maintain pressure on the current regime.
Question. Have you ever advocated that sanctions against Iran
imposed by the United States, any other country, or the United Nations,
be lifted or reduced in some way?
Answer. I have opposed lifting or reducing sanctions imposed by the
United States, the United Nations, or any country against Iran.
As U.S. Representative to the 60th Session of the U.N. General
Assembly in 2005 and the senior diplomat at the U.S. Desk in the
chamber, I rose and walked out of the General Assembly Hall in protest
against the policies of the Iranian regime as Iranian President
Ahmadinejad took the podium.
Question. What is your position on dialog with the Iranian regime?
Answer. I fully support the administration's position on direct
dialog with Iran. Secretary Rice stated on January 23, ``Should Iran
suspend its uranium enrichment and reprocessing activities--which is an
international demand, not an American one--we could begin negotiations,
and we could work over time to build a new, more normal relationship--
one defined not by fear and mistrust, but growing cooperation,
expanding trade and exchange, and the peaceful management of our
differences.'' The ball is in Iran's court. Tehran must halt its
current activities that violate its international obligations under the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and come clean on its past nuclear
work before we can engage in further talks on nuclear and other issues.
I support the President's call to reestablish regular educational,
professional, athletic, and cultural exchange programs with the Iranian
people for the first time since 1979. Through these programs, we are
promoting dialog between the citizens of our two countries. The
Department sent the United States National Wrestling Team to compete in
Iran in January 2007; we have also brought well over a hundred Iranian
professionals to the United States since the Department restarted these
people-to-people exchange programs in late 2006. In testimony before
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in March, 2007, Under Secretary
Nicholas Burns said, ``Part of charting a new course for U.S.-Iranian
relations is intensifying our engagement with the Iranian people. While
it is now not feasible for us to have formal diplomatic relations with
Iran, it is within our grasp to bridge the divide between our
peoples.''
Question. Have you ever advocated that the United States engage in
direct talks with the Iranian regime on any matter?
Answer. I have not advocated direct talks between the United States
Government and the Iranian regime.
My record on this issue is clear and was stated most concisely in a
2004 ``open letter'' to Secretary of State Colin Powell. In that
letter, I cautioned the Secretary that ``any such dialog with the
ruling clerics will only lead to more deceit and reinforce their belief
that they can pursue their radical agenda without consequences.''
At the same time, I support efforts by the President and Secretary
Rice to reach out in appropriate ways to the Iranian people. It is
important that we reinforce the message sent by President Bush in his
historic 2002 radio address to the people of Iran that ``if Iran
respects its international obligations and embraces freedom and
tolerance, it will have no better friend than the United States of
America.''
Question. Please provide the committee with a complete copy of the
``prospectus'' of the Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian-Americans.
Answer. A copy of the June 2007 prospectus of the Public Affairs
Alliance of Iranian-Americans (PAAIA) is attached. As far as I know, it
is the final version.
[Editor's Note.--The prospectus mentioned above was too voluminous
to include in this hearing. It will be retained in the permanent record
of the committee.]
As the prospectus indicates, PAAIA is a bipartisan, nonsectarian,
national organization open to all Iranian-Americans regardless of
ethnicity, religion, or political belief.
Question. If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure that the
Cultural Property Advisory Committee, established under the
implementing legislation of the 1970 Convention on the Means of
Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of
Ownership of Cultural Property, conducts its work in an appropriately
transparent manner?
Answer. The Cultural Property Advisory Committee (CPAC), appointed
by the White House, plays a vital role in our efforts to preserve the
world's cultural heritage from pillaging and looting. The members
represent a variety of interests. They provide their input at the
outset of any consideration of a foreign government request for
assistance so that their deliberations can inform the entire onward
process.
In addition to the statutory composition of the committee and the
representation it provides for diverse views, the Department has taken
a number of steps over the past several years to increase the access of
members of the general public to the process. These steps include a Web
site that posts public summaries of incoming requests; sessions that
allow members of the public to present their viewpoints directly to the
committee; advance notification of such sessions on the cultural
property Web site; solicitation of written comments, and inclusion of
all such comments in the documents provided to the decisionmaker.
______
Responses of Hon. Goli Ameri to Questions Submitted
by Senator Norm Coleman
Question. I commend the Department for their leadership on the
National Security Languages Initiative (NSLI), and urge continued
consideration of innovative ways to teach foreign languages to children
at a young age. If confirmed, will you commit to working with
innovative programs to this end, such as those offered by Concordia
Language Villages in northern Minnesota, which offers intensive
training in 15 languages?
Answer. Please let me assure you, that if confirmed, I will be a
strong advocate of all programs that improve the opportunities for our
young people to master foreign languages. This is a critical strategic
need that I fully support. I know that through its NSLI exchanges, the
Bureau is supporting opportunities for American high school students,
teachers, and undergraduate and graduate students to study critical
languages abroad, and is strengthening foreign language teaching in the
United States by placing native speakers as teachers and teaching
assistants in elementary through post-secondary classrooms.
Participants and alumni of Concordia Language Villages are encouraged
to apply for summer, semester, and year-long programs abroad for high
school students, supported by the Office of Citizen Exchanges, and for
university level study in the future through the Critical Language
Summer Institutes, Gilman and Fulbright Scholarship Programs. The
Bureau can also work with Concordia to determine whether some Fulbright
Foreign Language Teaching Assistants might extend their academic year
programs in the United States, and serve as teaching assistants at the
Concordia Language Villages during the following summer, before
returning home. The Bureau is also developing a study abroad program
for high school students in certain countries in Africa, the Near East,
and East Asia. The Bureau will be looking to organizations like
Concordia for qualified participants for these exchanges. In this
sense, Concordia and other programs that encourage instruction of
critical (nontraditional) foreign languages may be seen as important
potential ``feeder'' programs for the NSLI youth exchange.
______
Response of Goli Ameri to Question Submitted
by Senator Barbara Boxer
Question. Senator Feinstein and I support innovative public
diplomacy initiatives like the Global Perspectives Project, a media
exchange program funded by the State Department and run by the
congressionally mandated Independent Television Service that promotes
the international exchange of documentary films made by independent
producers. The United States Ambassador to Indonesia has said that this
program has been opening minds in my country about the America behind
the headlines. I am convinced that documentary film has an important
role to play in advancing cultural exchange and international civic
dialog.
What kind of impact do you think innovative media strategies such
as the Global Perspectives Project can have on improving America's
image and standing throughout the world?
Answer. Although I am not familiar with this project, I believe
that such efforts can be very helpful in helping us improve the United
States' image abroad. As I noted in my testimony, one of the reasons
behind the decline of America's image is that we are not perceived as
paying attention to the concerns of foreign governments and people. As
we know from decades of experience, when we are able to put foreigners
in direct contact with Americans, or aspects of America, their
attitudes toward our principles become more favorable. To the extent
that such projects as the Global Perspectives Project can become two-
way exchanges that not only bring insight about America to foreign
publics, but also information about other countries to U.S. audiences,
this helps show that America is listening--and worth listening to.
______
Responses of Hon. James K. Glassman to Questions Submitted
by Senator Russell D. Feingold
Question. I would like to follow up on a question I asked during
the nominations hearing relating to strengthening the structure of the
PD bureau. As you are aware, the GAO released a report in May 2006
titled, ``State Department Efforts Lack Certain Communication Elements
and Face Persistent Challenges (GAO-06-707T).'' tactics. The report, in
part, found that, ``posts' public diplomacy efforts generally lack
important strategic communication elements found in the private sector
. . . These elements include having core messages, segmented target
audiences, in-depth research and analysis to monitor and evaluate
results, and an integrated communication plan to bring all these
elements together.'' I am interested to know what the Bureau has done
to address these concerns, particularly the creation of an integrated
communications plan, and what you will do to improve upon the work done
thus far in response to this report.
Answer. I am aware of the GAO report and its recommendations. As
you know, the U.S. National Strategy for Public Diplomacy and Strategic
Communication put in place by my predecessor includes a planning model
for strategic communications, the so-called ``ABCDE'' model, which is
intended for posts to use in preparing communication plans. At this
point I cannot say whether this model--or any other model that includes
the critical steps of research, evaluation, and assessment--is being
implemented in the field, but if confirmed, I will certainly be
examining this question.
If confirmed, I also plan to issue implementation guidance that
would flow from the national strategy already in place, to ensure that
strategic communication planning--whether in Washington or the field--
is consistent with strategic objectives.
Question. You stated in your testimony that the main focus of your
attention will be ``global ideological engagement'' and that part of
the answer to successfully fighting the ``war of ideas'' involves
``directly entering the conversation to confront lies and distortions
with truth.'' You identify the media hubs in London, Brussels, and
Dubai and the Digital Outreach Team as part of this movement toward
direct engagement. While improving our efforts to counter incorrect
information is important, I also believe that direct engagement
involves more than monitoring and improving media reporting. What other
initiatives do you support to improve the U.S. Government's direct
engagement with people and institutions overseas?
Answer. I agree with you that direct engagement entails much more
than monitoring media reporting and responding to distortions and
inaccuracies. I believe that we must engage with foreign publics and
elites using the broad array of programs and capabilities at our
disposal, including academic and professional exchanges, broadcasting,
technology-based information programs, speakers, citizen ambassadors,
binational centers, libraries, American Corners, and English teaching
and other youth enrichment programs to reach so-called ``marginalized''
or ``underserved'' youth populations, to name just a few. I plan to use
research, including polling and attitude surveys, to help determine
which tools make sense in different programming environments, and as I
indicated, I also intend to use evaluation to measure the impact of
these efforts, and to refine them as necessary to maximize their effect
on our strategic objectives.
Question. Your predecessor succeeded in increasing the number of
participants in exchanges and increasing both the public diplomacy and
education and cultural exchange budgets. How will you work to protect
these advancements?
Answer. The President's fiscal year 2009 budget request includes
$522.444 million for the educational and cultural exchange programs of
the U.S. Department of State, the fourth year in a row the President
has proposed an increase for these programs. Within the State
Department's budget request, $394.806 million is included for public
diplomacy international information programs, an increase of $33.9
million over the $360.905 million provided in fiscal year 2008.
I support the request and hope that the Congress approves it. As I
have stated, I believe it is crucial that we gain a very solid
understanding about the impact of these programs. To this end, if
confirmed, I intend to stress evaluation and measurement, not just of
program ``outputs,'' but also of ``outcomes.'' If it appears that a
particular program is not meeting its objectives, is too costly for the
results it achieves, or fails to address the strategic goals we have
outlined for our communication and public diplomacy efforts, then I
will not hesitate to recommend changes. If we are successful in
evaluating our efforts and the impact they are having, then I believe
we will be in a much stronger position, in future budget cycles, to
recommend continuing the trend of increasing these resources.
______
Response of Hon. James K. Glassman to Question Submitted
by Senator Barbara Boxer
Question. Senator Feinstein and I support innovative public
diplomacy initiatives like the Global Perspectives Project, a media
exchange program funded by the State Department and run by the
congressionally mandated Independent Television Service that promotes
the international exchange of documentary films made by independent
producers. The United States Ambassador to Indonesia has said that this
program ``has been opening minds in my country about the America behind
the headlines. I am convinced that documentary film has an important
role to play in advancing cultural exchange and international civic
dialog.''
What kind of impact do you think innovative media strategies such
as the Global Perspectives Project can have on improving America's
image and standing throughout the world?
Answer. Although I am not familiar with this project, I believe
that such efforts can be very helpful in helping us improve the U.S.
image abroad. As I noted in my testimony, one of the reasons behind the
decline of America's image is that we are not perceived as paying
attention to the concerns of foreign governments and people. As we know
from decades of experience, when we are able to put foreigners in
direct contact with Americans, or aspects of America, their attitudes
toward our principles become more favorable. To the extent that such
projects as the Global Perspectives Project can become two-way
exchanges that not only bring insight about America to foreign publics,
but also information about other countries to U.S. audiences, this
helps show that America is listening--and worth listening to.
______
Response of Hon. James K. Glassman to Question Submitted
by Senator Bill Nelson
Question. What is the frequency of AeroMarti flights to broadcast
television into Cuba? What are its hours of broadcast? What is your
estimate of the Marti signals' penetration into Cuba?
Answer. The Office of Cuba Broadcasting (OCB) has several methods
to deliver TV Marti signals to the people of Cuba.
AeroMarti flies its broadcast missions 6 days a week, Monday
through Saturday, from 6 p.m.-11 p.m. Cuban authorities usually attempt
to jam these broadcasts.
TV Marti is carried on Hispasat 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, with
each 5-hour programming block repeated throughout the day. TV Marti is
also carried on DirecTV's ``TV Azteca,'' which carries two 30-minute
newscasts, Monday through Saturday, at 6 p.m. and 11:30 p.m. DirecTV is
available to about 30,000-40,000 households that have dishes, according
to estimates that OCB has received and that they deem credible. Neither
of these satellite broadcasts are jammed by the Cuban Government.
Although OCB does not have the ability to carry out research inside
Cuba to measure TV Marti's viewership, some surveys have been conducted
by telephone. The most recent showed a penetration rate of 0.3 percent,
in a survey of 28 percent of Cuban households with telephones. Other
methods of measurement include personal interviews with Cuban emigres.
In 2007, 410 respondents were asked about TV Marti viewership, and
their responses suggest that TV Marti's market share may be as much as
17 percent on the island.
Neither of these methods is necessarily representative or reliable.
OCB also gets considerable anecdotal feedback from Cuba that the TV
Marti programs can be seen, including e-mails, call-ins to TV Marti
talk shows, and other sources. For example, a Cuban governmental
document presented to the International Telecommunications Union dated
June 22, 2007, shows the AeroMarti TV signal strength to be in a range
of 64 dB u-v/m to 74 dB u-v/m in Central Havana. In this case, the
AeroMarti signal was about equal to or stronger than local Cuban
television signals. This suggests that the signal is getting through
despite Cuban efforts to jam it.
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 2008
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Jones, Ms. Deborah, to be Ambassador to Kuwait
Moriarty, to be Ambassador to Bangladesh
Scobey, Margaret, to be Ambassador to Egypt
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 1:07 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. John Kerry,
presiding.
Present: Senator Kerry.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN KERRY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Kerry. Good afternoon. I apologize for being late.
This hearing will come to order.
I want to thank you all for coming before the committee
today. Why don't I invite you to each, individually, introduce
your family, if you can.
Ms. Jones. Mr. Chairman, I'm joined here today by my
daughter, Ana, who is a sophomore at the Madeira School, here
in Virginia.
Senator Kerry. Here? At Madeira?
Ms. Jones. At the Madeira School.
Senator Kerry. Great school.
Ms. Jones. And my husband, Ricole Olson, is also a Foreign
Service officer. He is serving as Deputy Chief of Mission at
U.S. NATO right now. And our 12-year-old daughter, Isabella, is
serving with him there.
Senator Kerry. Thank you, very much.
Ambassador Moriarty. I would like to introduce my wife,
Laura Moriarty.
Senator Kerry. How are you? Welcome.
Ambassador Moriarty. A recently-retired Foreign Service
officer who hopes to accompany me out to Bangladesh.
Senator Kerry. Great.
Ambassador Moriarty. Our two children are off working in
the West, my son is at U.H. Law School, and my daughter is
working for UCLA.
Senator Kerry. Fantastic.
Ambassador Scobey.
Ambassador, nice to see you again.
Ambasssador Scobey. Nice to see you again, sir
I'm very happy to introduce my brother, Jim, who came up
from Winter Springs, FL, today, to attend the hearing. He and
my brother, Marty, have been a real great moral support in
providing a home away from home for me.
Senator Kerry. Fantastic, he came up from where?
Ambassador Scobey. Winter Springs, Florida.
Senator Kerry. Winter Springs, Florida. Florida--about 7
days from pitchers and catchers, right? We're all thirsty. We
need to recoup, back in New England, you understand.
All right, well thank you.
Ambassador Scobey. Thank you.
Senator Kerry. Very much.
Well, let me just say, on behalf of the committee that we
are really blessed to have three such highly experienced,
qualified individuals to serve in these positions, and we
really appreciate what you all bring to the table.
Ambassador Margaret Scobey, nominee to be ambassador to
Egypt, has had a very distinguished career with challenging
assignments in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and Jerusalem, Pakistan,
Yemen, and Syria. And I had the pleasure of spending time with
Ambassador Scobey during my trip to Syria in 2005, during which
time I saw her to be a capable diplomat, and a gracious host,
and I thank you for that visit.
Ambassador Moriarty, nominee to be Ambassador to
Bangladesh, brings also considerable experience to this task,
and particularly in Asian affairs. And he has served in
Islamabad, Beijing, Taiwan, and most recently as the American
Ambassador to Nepal. I'm also particularly pleased, he's a
native of Massachusetts, and has received several honors,
including a Presidential Meritorious Service Award.
And Ms. Deborah Jones, the nominee to be Ambassador to
Kuwait, comes to us from the U.S. Consulate General in Turkey.
Before that, she has had several overseas postings, including
the United Arab Emirates, Ethiopia, Syria, and Iraq. And I
would congratulate you, Ms. Jones, on your first nomination to
be an ambassador, a much-deserved honor for a distinguished
record, and we welcome you here.
Obviously, the relationships between the United States and
Egypt, Kuwait, and Bangladesh are particularly significant,
given the 21st century challenges that we're finding with
respect to that part of the world, Islam, and radical extreme
religious fervor, and so forth. So, these pose real challenges
for our policymakers and for our ambassadors.
We have long counted on Egypt as one of our strongest
allies in this difficult region. I have visited with President
Mubarak frequently over the course of some 20 years, and
consider that a friendship, and I have enjoyed the
conversations that we have had.
But, while we've maintained a strong personal partnership
with President Mubarak, there's a growing consensus emerging
that that relationship with Egypt is not at its highest point,
and faces some challenges right now.
There are obviously concerns from some here in Congress
about the aid package. Those have been raised, particularly
over on the House side, but here in the Senate, too. That aid
averages about $2 billion a year, and there are concerns that
it may not have been as targeted as effectively as it might be,
particularly in the effort to try to promote reform.
We all understand that Egypt faces internal challenges. And
these are conversations that I and others have had with them.
We also need to continue to encourage our friends to respect
human rights, and move toward greater democratization. It's
very important for the Congress and the administration to work
closely together to craft an aid program that strengthens our
relationship, at the same time that it delivers the maximum
benefit to Egypt, and Egyptian people, by fostering programs
that strengthen the civil society and the rule of law.
And I might add, both Egypt and other countries in the
region--I'm not sure what the figures are for Bangladesh, but I
know Saudi Arabia and Jordan, I think about 60 percent of the
population is under the age of 25, and 50 percent is under the
age of 21, and 40 percent is under the age of 18. And so the
issue of education and jobs and disenfranchisement looms large
in a world where people are waiting to snatch up fertile minds,
and idle minds, and put them to other uses. And we need to
think hard about that.
We welcomed Egypt's participation in the recent Annapolis
Peace Conference, and look to them to make significant
contributions in moving that process forward in the coming
months. And nothing could be more important for our security
interests or for stability in the region.
One key element of the peace process is controlling the
flow of arms into Gaza. And for quite some time, we've heard
concerns over the lack of enforcement at the Rafah border
checkpoint. These fears were validated in the last days, when
tens of thousands of Palestinians overran the border--a
troubling development that may even have contributed to the
first suicide bombing in Israel in over a year.
We know that $100 million in United States foreign military
financing is currently suspended until the Secretary of State
certifies that Egypt has cracked down on smuggling and tunnels
into Gaza. So, this is a big issue in the relationship and will
be going forward.
This is also a trying and troubling time for Bangladesh,
now having been ruled by the military for over a year. We have
a very strong interest in maintaining strong relations with
Bangladesh, but we also hope that Bangladesh is going to
continue as a moderating voice in the Islamic world.
We also can't lose sight of the fact that we need to
restore full civil and political rights to all the citizens of
Bangladesh. In May of 2007, I wrote a letter with Senators
Biden, Lugar, and others, urging Chief Advisor Ahmed, the
civilian head of the current caretaker government, to
immediately lift emergency rule, and announce a timeline for
free and fair elections. And although emergency rule is still
in place, the government has announced elections by the end of
2008. It's very important these be transparent and held as
scheduled.
And instituting reforms to end the country's notorious
corruption is also a challenge, and vital to restoring popular
confidence in the government.
We have a very strong bilateral relationship with Kuwait
that dates back over 20 years. In early 2004, we designated
Kuwait as a major, non-NATO ally.
Today Kuwait hosts some 50,000 United States military
personnel as they rotate in and out of Iraq, and some 10,000
are permanently based there. That raises important questions
about the role that Kuwait may or may not play, as our military
redeploys from Iraq. And particularly, as a staging point, for
an over-the-horizon presence that many of us here in the
Congress envision.
Kuwait also remains a key strategic partner in fighting
Islamic extremists, countering the influence of Iran, and
promoting stability in the region. And we've shown our desire
to further strengthen this partnership with significant new
arms sales.
We also must express concern over the fact that Kuwait did
not participate in the Annapolis conference. And, to date, they
have provided only $135 million out of $500 million that they
pledged for Iraqi reconstruction. These will be important
issues for our ambassador to address.
So, with that, I invite each of you to make your opening
statements. If you could mostly summarize them, the full
statements will be placed in the record in full, and I think
you know that procedure, and we'll look forward to then having
a chance to question.
Thank you very much.
Do you want to begin, Ambassador Scobey?
STATEMENT OF HON. MARGARET SCOBEY, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO
THE ARAB REPUBLIC OF EGYPT
Ambassador Scobey. Mr. Chairman, I'm deeply honored to
appear before the committee as President Bush's nominee as the
new United States Ambassador to the Arab Republic of Egypt. I'm
mindful of the confidence and the trust placed in me by the
President and the Secretary and, if confirmed, will do my
utmost to fulfill my responsibilities.
I've had the privilege of representing the United States in
many Middle Eastern capitals, and look forward to doing so
again in a country where we have built a vital strategic
partnership based on many mutually shared goals of peace,
security, and prosperity--not just for the United States and
for Egypt, but for the entire region.
Sir, Egypt, as you know, is the most populous Arab country
in the world. Its leaders promote peace and stability in a
region that has often known conflict. Its forces protect the
canal, combat terrorism, and participate in important
peacekeeping operations. Its press and cultural vitality
influence the entire Arab world, and it's the only Arab country
with a global diplomatic reach.
Egypt's regional role has clear implications for United
States policy. The United States must sustain and strengthen
the bilateral security cooperation that we have depended upon
for years, and the United States must encourage Egypt to take
the lead in economic and democratic political reform in the
region.
Successive administrations with Congressional support have
recognized Egypt's role with significant military and economic
assistance that underlies the relationship between the United
States and Egypt today.
The United States Ambassador to Egypt oversees a broad
range of important activities, including the protection of our
citizens, outreach to all sectors of Egyptian society, and
management of a very large mission.
I'd like to highlight three of the most important elements
as I see it: The search for peace and countering extremism; the
promotion of democracy and human rights; and the advancement of
United States-Egyptian economic ties and continued development
assistance.
Egypt's contributions to shared regional objectives, such
as the establishment of a Palestinian state, living in peace
and security with Israel, their support for our aims in Iraq
and Afghanistan, their countering of terrorism and support for
the U.N. mission in Sudan, are no less important today than the
signing of the Camp David Accords in 1979.
Recent breaches in the Gaza-Egyptian border have posed new
challenges. If confirmed, I will seek to maintain and deepen
our ability to cooperate in all of these areas, and more, with
a much-appreciated partner.
Egypt's strong economic performance and reform measures are
transforming an economic relationship from one based on
assistance, to one based on trade. Gains in literacy, life
expectancy, access to clean water and electricity have all been
advanced by U.S. assistance, and the administration believes a
strong need remains for some continued U.S. assistance to
support essential work in health and education.
If confirmed, I will work to expand United States and
Egyptian trade, and work with you, other agencies of the United
States Government and the Egyptian Government to develop the
most constructive use of continued United States economic and
military assistance.
Mr. Chairman, I know the members of Congress share the
administration's serious concerns about the condition of human
rights in Egypt and the limitations placed on political
activity and freedom. Egypt has taken important steps over many
years in opening its society with a vibrant press and civil
society, and many advancements in Egypt in women's rights.
However, the government's respect for human rights remains
poor, and serious abuses continue. Progress on political reform
has slowed, with limitations on political pluralism, and major
obstacles to opposition parties taking their rightful place in
the political life of Egypt. Recent indictments against
newspaper editors, the continued incarceration of Ayman Nour,
private lawsuits against Saad Eddin Ibrahim, the prosecution in
military tribunals, rather than civilian courts of some Muslim
Brotherhood members, and restrictions on NGOs illustrates some
of these limits that have been placed on political freedom.
Sir, I fully understand the importance of Egypt moving
forward with meaningful democratic political reform that does
reflect Egypt's culture and traditions. The administration is
committed to pressing Egypt on reform, and if confirmed, I will
take every opportunity to support and advance civil and
political liberties in Egypt.
I look forward to working with the government and to
meeting, learning from, and working with, leaders of Egypt's
civil society. I will do all in my power to assure that U.S.
support is both coordinated and available to all of those who
are working for the advancement of democracy and human rights,
and who would welcome our encouragement.
Thank you, sir.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Scobey follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Margaret Scobey, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the Arab Republic of Egypt
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am deeply honored to
appear before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee as President
Bush's nominee as United States Ambassador to the Arab Republic of
Egypt. I am mindful of the confidence placed in me by the President and
Secretary Rice and will do my utmost to fulfill my responsibilities. I
have had the privilege of representing the United States in many Middle
Eastern capitals and look forward to doing so again in a country where
we have built, over the past three decades, a vital strategic
partnership based on mutually shared goals of peace, security, and
prosperity, not only for our own citizens but also for the people of
the entire region.
I am also happy to introduce my brother, Jim, who came from Winter
Springs, FL, to attend the hearing. He and my brother, Marty, who could
not be here, have always provided me moral support and a home in
between my assignments.
Egypt is the most populous Arab country in the world. Its leaders
promote regional peace and stability throughout the Middle East and
Africa; its security forces assure free navigation through the Suez
Canal and combat terrorism; its press and cultural vitality influence
the entire Arab world; and it is the only Arab country with global
diplomatic reach. The implications for United States policy are clear:
Continue to strengthen the United States-Egyptian partnership in
advancing peace, and encourage Egypt to take the lead in economic and
political reform in the region.
We recognize that reform must follow an Egyptian vision and proceed
in an Egyptian manner. President Bush expressed in Sharm el Sheikh his
firm hope that, ``Egypt can play a role in the freedom and justice
movement . . .'' and that the Egyptian Government would build on its
economic and democratic reforms to its people to give them ``a greater
voice in [their] future.''
During the President's recent visit to Sharm Al Shaykh where he met
with Egyptian President Mubarak, he also recalled the longstanding
friendship between the United States and Egypt and the respect we have
for the Egyptian people, their culture, history, and traditions. Above
all else, this friendship has been strengthened by our shared objective
of concluding a comprehensive peace between Israel and all its Arab
neighbors in a manner that advances the interests of all and that
liberates the human potential of this region by removing the fear of
war. No Arab nation has done more to advance this fundamental goal.
Egyptian courage opened the door to peace in 1979. Since then President
Mubarak has persistently worked with us, the Israelis, and other Arab
states in search for a just and lasting peace. Most recently, Egypt
played a central role in the Annapolis conference, and now continues to
seek ways to facilitate its aims.
Egyptian-United States cooperation on regional security and its
contributions to regional stability go beyond the Israeli-Arab
conflict. In recognition of this, successive administrations have made
significant investments in security and economic assistance to Egypt,
including $1.3 billion a year in military assistance. The United
States-Egyptian military partnership is a powerful force for regional
stability in the Middle East and Africa. Our current military
operations in the Middle East would not be possible without the
overflight rights and facilitated Suez Canal passages afforded by the
Egyptian Ministry of Defense.
Egypt is the largest contributor of peacekeeping troops to UNAMID--
the U.N. peacekeeping force in Darfur. Egyptian diplomatic leadership
helped persuade the Sudanese Government that this force would be in its
best interest.
Egypt does face challenges. On January 24, Hamas operatives
destroyed the border wall separating Gaza from Egypt and encouraged an
influx of tens of thousands of Gazans into Northern Sinai. Egypt has
sought to manage this difficult situation with a minimum of violence.
Senior United States officials have remained in regular contact with
Egyptian, Israeli, and Palestinian leaders who are consulting on ways
to find a solution that will restore order at the Rafah border. Egypt
is also spending FMF assistance to procure equipment to help combat
smuggling via tunnels beneath the Egypt-Gaza border.
The United States benefits from Egypt's regional diplomatic
leadership. Egypt hosted the first expanded neighbors' conference with
Iraq in Sham Al Shaykh and supports continued United States military
engagement in Iraq until the Iraqi military can safely handle its
security duties. Egypt is at the very center of seeking to resolve the
impasse over Lebanese presidential elections.
Like the United States, Egypt has suffered terrible human and
economic losses from terrorism and has long been a stalwart ally in the
war against terror. United States-Egyptian security cooperation has
saved lives throughout the region and will continue to do so.
The President and the administration will continue to seek Egypt's
advice and support; if confirmed, I will do everything possible to
facilitate communication and collaboration.
Much has changed in the decades since Camp David. The United States
can be very proud of its contribution to economic and social
development in Egypt at all levels, thanks to efforts and investment of
USAID and its Egyptian partners. As a result of United States
assistance programs, 99 percent of all Egyptians now have access to
reliable electricity; 22 million Egyptians in 11 governorates have
access to clean water and sanitary sewage collection, greatly reducing
infant and child diseases. Since 1975, infant mortality has decreased
from 132 per thousand to just 33; child mortality has decreased 80
percent. Polio has been eradicated, and life expectancy has been
extended from 55 to 70 years old. Similarly, adult literacy has grown
from 39 percent in 1975 to 60 percent now. Girls attending school has
risen from 56 percent to 95 percent.
Egyptian economic reform is another success story. Prime Minister
Nazif's economic team, has reformed and streamlined Egypt's economy--
retiring many vestiges of the old statist economy--to achieve record
levels of growth--reaching nearly 7 percent in 2007. Egypt is
attracting increased levels of foreign direct investment--$11.1 billion
in 2007, up from just $5.3 billion in 2005. The World Bank in 2007
declared Egypt the ``top reformer'' in the world. Now the government is
eyeing strategies for redistributing the benefits of nearly $8 billion
in annual subsidies on food and fuel to the poorest poor.
Again, the United States is playing a central role in Egypt's
economic expansion. The United States is Egypt's No. 1 trading partner:
United States foreign direct investment in Egypt exceeds $5 billion and
trade is sharply up--nearly 50 percent in 3 years. United States'
exports to Egypt increased 33 percent in 2007; United States'
agricultural exports to Egypt doubled.
The Qualified Industrial Zone program, which allows certain exports
to enter the United States tariff and duty free, provided they contain
11.7 percent Israeli content, has produced more than $700 million in
exports in 2007 and sustains more than 100,000 jobs. Exports from these
zones grew 141 percent from $266 million in 2005 to $643 million in
2006, and the impact of this unilateral trade benefit now exceeds the
economic impact of our economic assistance.
But much work remains to be done. Forty percent of Egypt's
population lives on less than $2 per day. The government has identified
major challenges in education and health reform. The United States
intends to support these efforts in order to ensure a prosperous and
stable future for this crucial Middle Eastern state.
As Egypt's economy has grown and matured, United States economic
assistance has gradually declined, from $815 million a year in the
1980s to just over $400 million in fiscal year 2008. And in the current
budget situation we can anticipate further adjustment. I look forward
to working with you, other interested agencies of the United States
Government, and our Egyptian counterparts to continue to develop the
most productive and constructive use of United States assistance.
The transformation of Egypt's economy required patience and
political courage. The gains we see today reflect the Egyptian
leaderships' willingness to look beyond the needs of today to position
Egypt to meet the needs of its people in the 21st century.
Mr. Chairman, I know that Members of Congress share the
administration's serious concerns about the condition of human rights
in Egypt and the limitations placed on political activity.
Egypt has taken important steps over many years in opening its
society. Egypt's press, including new independent newspapers and
television stations, engage in serious political debate, and Egyptian
civil society, with countless NGOs, provide Egyptian citizens the
opportunity to address many of the problems facing Egypt. In 2007, for
the first time in Egyptian history, 30 female judges took their place
on the bench. The Egyptian Government has acted to eliminate female
genital mutilation--outlawing it in state hospitals and working at the
grass roots to discourage this dangerous and debilitating practice.
First Lady, Suzanne Mubarak has personally undertaken this campaign as
a priority for the protection of young girls. In the second half of
2007, the state prosecuted three police officers for physical abuse of
detainees.
However, as documented in our annual report, the government's
respect for human rights remains poor and serious abuses continue.
Progress on political reform has slowed, with limitations on political
pluralism and major obstacles to opposition parties taking their
rightful place in the political life of Egypt and to debate freely,
government policy and actions. The recent indictment against seven
newspaper editors, the continued incarceration of Ayman Now, the many
private lawsuits pending against Saad Eddin Ibrahim, the prosecution in
a military tribunal, rather than civilian court, of some 40 members of
the Muslim Brotherhood, and restrictions on NGO's illustrate the ways
in which the government limits political freedom.
Mr. Chairman, I fully understand the importance of Egypt moving
forward with meaningful political reform. The administration is
committed to pressing Egypt on reform, and if confirmed, I will take
every opportunity to support and advocate the advancement of civil and
political liberties in Egypt. I look forward both to working with the
government and to meeting and learning from the leaders of Egypt's
civil society. I will do all in my power to assure that U.S. support is
both coordinated and available to all those who are working for the
advancement of democracy and human rights and who would welcome our
encouragement.
Over 200,000 Americans visited Egypt last year for business,
education, and tourism. No embassy has a more important duty than
extending protection and service to our citizens overseas, and I
promise to make this a high priority. Likewise, over 45,000 Egyptians
sought visas last year to visit the United States for similar reasons.
While fully implementing necessary screening for all visitors, I want
every Egyptian visitor to our embassy to feel welcomed and to
anticipate the hospitality and positive experience he or she would have
in the United States. We can also do more to encourage Egyptians
students to study in the United States. Nothing can replace the
opportunity to live and study in the United States. And we all know
that the students who return to their home countries after that
experience, come home with an admiration and affection for America that
no overseas program can instill. I pledge to make this a personal
priority.
If confirmed, I promise that the mission staff and I will give the
great attention to getting our message out to the widest possible
Egyptian audiences. Egypt enjoys a vibrant press and its opinion makers
influence thinking far beyond Egypt's borders. Getting out to meet
Egyptians throughout the country, promoting people-to-people exchanges,
especially for students, academics, and religious leaders, bringing
distinguished Americans to talk to Egyptian audiences, and engaging the
Egyptian public at every opportunity and by every means possible will
contribute to the improved mutual respect and understanding that we
seek.
The United States' mission in Egypt is one of the largest in the
world. If confirmed, I will have the great privilege of leading a team
of talented Americans and Egyptians, from many different United States
agencies but working together to advance our interests. I pledge to
maintain the highest standards of accountability for the resources
given to us and to assure that the U.S. mission takes care of its
people.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, if confirmed, I would hope
to welcome you and many of your colleagues from the Senate, as well as
the House of Representatives, to visit. Your sustained interest in and
oversight of our mission in Egypt is one of the most critical elements
of any success we may have and helps assure that we are truly
representing the American people in a country not only of strategic
importance to us, but also one where we have enjoyed and benefited from
great friendship.
Senator Kerry. Thank you very much, Madame Ambassador.
Ambassador Moriarty.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES F. MORIARTY, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR
TO THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF BANGLADESH
Ambassador Moriarty. Thank you very much.
Mr. Chairman, it is a great honor to appear before you
today as President Bush's nominee to serve as the Ambassador to
Bangladesh. I deeply appreciate the trust that President Bush
and Secretary Rice have shown in nominating me for this
position.
I also want to thank the State Department desk officers for
Bangladesh, Sandeep Paul, Marcella Szymanski, and their
administrative assistant, Alexis Olive--for all that they have
done to help me prepare for my proposed assignment.
Would you stand up?
Senator Kerry. Thank you all very much.
Ambassador Moriarty. Thank you.
I want to note the attendance here today of an old friend,
the Ambassador of Bangladesh, Dr. Humayun Kabir.
Senator Kerry. Welcome, Mr. Ambassador, thank you.
Ambassador Moriarty. And most importantly, I wish to
express my personal gratitude to my wife of 25 years, Lauren.
In addition to being my soul mate, she was the best Foreign
Service officer I have ever met. She has made a heavy
sacrifice, oh--current company, you know. [Laughter.]
She has made a heavy sacrifice in deciding to retire in
order to accompany me to Bangladesh, if I am confirmed.
Mr. Chairman, I have served my country as a Foreign Service
officer for more than three decades--in South Asia, Africa, the
Near East, and East Asia. Most recently, I spent 3 exciting
years as chief of mission in Nepal, as that country attempted
to return to democracy.
My tour in Nepal followed a stint as Special Assistant to
the President and Senior Director for Asian Affairs at the
National Security Council. If confirmed, I will rely on the
experience gained throughout my career to advance United States
interests in Bangladesh.
I look forward to what promises to be a challenging
assignment. In Bangladesh, our interests revolve around three
intertwined D's--democracy, development, and denial of space to
terrorism. The seventh most populous country in the world,
Bangladesh, is overwhelmingly Muslim, and has--in the recent
past--been grindingly poor.
If, under such conditions, it succeeds in building a
tolerant, prosperous democracy, it will serve as a shining
beacon for much of the world. If it fails in these tasks, it
could become a nation of ungoverned space, and a potential safe
haven and crossroads for international terrorism.
Mr. Chairman, over the years, the people of Bangladesh have
overcome many daunting obstacles in their search for better
lives. I feel strongly that it is in the United States'
national interest to work with them, to help build a Bangladesh
where democracy flourishes, where no child goes to bed hungry,
and where no terrorist can find safe haven. If confirmed, I
will work closely with Congress in pursuit of these goals.
Let me also assure you that, if confirmed, I will zealously
protect the welfare and safety of American citizens and
interests in Bangladesh.
Thank you, again, for the opportunity of addressing you
today. I would be happy to answer any questions later on.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Moriarty follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. James F. Moriarty, Nominee to be Ambassador
to the People's Republic of Bangladesh
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a great honor to
appear before you as President Bush's nominee to serve as Ambassador to
Bangladesh. I deeply appreciate the trust President Bush and Secretary
Rice have shown in nominating me and, if confirmed, I will serve to the
best of my abilities. I also wish to express my personal gratitude to
my wife of 25 years, Lauren. In addition to being my soul mate, she was
the best Foreign Service officer I ever met and her wise counsel has
helped shape my career. She has made a heavy sacrifice in deciding to
retire in order to accompany me to Bangladesh, if I am confirmed.
Mr. Chairman, I have served my country as a Foreign Service officer
for more than three decades in South Asia, Africa, the Near East, and
East Asia. Most recently, I spent 3 exciting years as chief of mission
in Nepal, as that country attempted to return to democracy. My tour in
Nepal followed a stint as Special Assistant to the President and Senior
Director for Asian Affairs at the National Security Council. If
confirmed, I will rely on the experience gained throughout my career to
advance United States' interests in Bangladesh.
I look forward to what promises to be a challenging assignment.
Bangladesh is a country in transition in an area of the globe vital to
United States' interests. In Bangladesh, our interests revolve around
three inter-twined ``D's'': Democracy, development, and denial of space
to terrorism. The seventh-most populous country in the world,
Bangladesh is overwhelmingly Muslim and has in the recent past been
grindingly poor. If, under such conditions, it succeeds in building a
tolerant, prosperous democracy, it will serve as a shining beacon for
much of the world. If it fails in these tasks, it could become a nation
of ungoverned space and a potential safe haven and crossroads for
international terrorism.
democracy
Since winning independence from Pakistan in 1971, Bangladesh has
struggled to build a viable democracy. Its democratic performance has
been mixed, and its brief history has included periods of military rule
and civil disorder. On January 11, 2007, Bangladesh's President
declared a state of emergency in the face of an opposition boycott of
scheduled national elections and widespread political violence. In
accordance with Bangladesh's constitution, the President appointed a
caretaker government comprised of 11 nonpartisan advisers; that
caretaker government in turn embarked upon an ambitious agenda to rid
the country of endemic corruption, reform institutions necessary for a
sustainable democracy, and hold free, fair, and transparent elections.
In a country that Transparency International described in recent years
as ``perceived to be the most corrupt in the world,'' the
anticorruption campaign quickly led to the arrests of a number of
prominent individuals--politicians and businessmen alike. At present,
two of Bangladesh's former Prime Ministers are in prison facing
corruption charges.
Bangladesh's state of emergency continues today, more than a year
after the current caretaker government assumed power. Under the state
of emergency, the Bangladesh Government placed a ban on freedom of
expression and the right to engage in political activity. In August
2007, the caretaker government received a jarring wake-up call when the
country erupted in violent protests. The government, with the strong
support of the military, quickly restored order by imposing a curfew in
the areas hit by rioting. But the demonstrations showed what can happen
when legitimate means of expressing grievances are unavailable.
Before and after the protests, the United States has consistently
urged Bangladesh's caretaker government to lift the restrictions on
basic rights, and on September 9, 2007, Chief Adviser Fakhruddin Ahmed
announced a partial relaxation of the ban on political activity. The
United States has welcomed this announcement and urged the caretaker
government to move as quickly as possible to take additional steps to
restore civic freedoms and democracy. In particular, the United States
has called upon Bangladesh's caretaker government to adhere to the
electoral roadmap it announced in July 2007. That roadmap promises
national elections by the end of 2008.
I am heartened by indications that the electoral roadmap remains on
track. In an address to the nation on the anniversary of January 11,
the chief adviser reiterated his commitment to hold elections that will
restore, not replace, Bangladesh's democracy. Bangladesh's Chief of
Army staff has underscored that the military supports the caretaker
government and that he does not personally seek political office.
Bangladesh's efforts to register 90 million voters remain on track
despite disruptions from cyclone Sidr that left much of the southern
part of the country in ruins last November. There are encouraging signs
that the caretaker government is cracking down on human rights abuses.
Meanwhile, though, the United States continues to insist the Bangladesh
Government investigate allegations of extrajudicial actions by the
security forces, mistreatment of members of ethnic and religious
minorities, or wrongful detention of individuals. The anticorruption
campaign remains popular, although the government must carefully follow
due process.
Meanwhile, reformers within Bangladesh's major political parties
are pushing to democratize the parties. The caretaker government has
also responded positively to the parties' call for dialog. While these
are ultimately matters for the Bangladeshi people to decide, the United
States is actively following these developments. We also continue to
monitor the court cases brought against those detained during the state
of emergency, including the two former Prime Ministers. The United
States--along with like-minded partners--has advised Bangladesh's
caretaker government that it must meet international standards for due
process, transparency, and respect for human rights in all cases.
development
With respect to the United States goal of fostering development,
Bangladesh has enjoyed several years of strong economic growth, despite
perennial struggles against flooding, overpopulation, and poverty.
Bangladesh needs sustained growth, if it is to escape from the jaws of
debilitating and destabilizing poverty. The caretaker government has
attempted to take some positive economic steps. Encouragingly, the
Bangladesh Government has worked to expand power generation and to
improve infrastructure. For example, the government has streamlined
operations of Bangladesh's largest port, cutting transit times through
the port from 9 or 10 days to 3 or 4 days, and reducing cargo handling
costs by at least 40 percent. In the near-term, the caretaker
government faces the daunting task of reducing inflation: Prices have
soared due to high international commodity prices, devastating
monsoonal floods and widespread crop damage from cyclone Sidr. Recent
surveys and anecdotal evidence show that the people of Bangladesh worry
more about feeding themselves than about political reforms.
This is one reason why foreign assistance plays such a vital part
of United States Government efforts to promote stability and
development in Bangladesh. We have provided roughly $5 billion in
assistance to Bangladesh since its independence. That assistance has,
among other accomplishments, contributed to a 50 percent drop in
Bangladesh's population growth, provided electricity to scores of
millions of villagers, helped save the lives of hundreds of thousands
during the most recent severe cyclone, and helped establish the
conditions for three consecutive free and fair national elections. It
has also built for the United States a degree of goodwill among the
populace virtually unmatched in any other Muslim-majority country.
Currently, the U.S. Agency for International Development manages a
large food aid program that targets the poorest of the poor, especially
in the countryside where the effects of floods and other disasters are
most severe. USAID also manages a broad-based program focusing on
democracy and governance, public health, education for the country's
poor, and expanded economic opportunity and competitiveness. These
programs help provide a basic social safety net and a way out of
poverty for their beneficiaries.
Late last year, the U.S. Government provided emergency relief to
the millions of people whose livelihoods cyclone Sidr destroyed. USAID
immediately provided $19.5 million in aid and the U.S. military
immediately provided desperately needed airlift to deliver food, water,
and clothing to remote areas during Operation Sea Angel II. The United
States' response to the crisis received widespread and exceedingly
favorable media coverage in Bangladesh. This has helped cement the
friendly ties between our two countries.
The damage from cyclone Sidr has been estimated at billions of
dollars, and the Bangladesh Government has asked donors to help rebuild
agriculture and aquaculture industries, to reconstruct rural
electrification networks, and to mitigate future disasters. Bangladesh
also needs help from donors to ensure that the most vulnerable of its
citizens have adequate food security. The nation's grain stockpiles
could be dangerously low by spring as Bangladesh struggles to meet the
needs of its cyclone victims.
denial of space to terrorists
Mr. Chairman, I would like to turn now to the United States
interest in denying terrorists the use of Bangladesh's territory.
Despite a long and admirable history of religious tolerance, Bangladesh
has become a target of extremists in recent years. Poverty and
political turmoil have provided some space for terrorists. Home-grown
terrorists called the Jamaatul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB)
simultaneously exploded over 400 small bombs throughout Bangladesh in
August 2005; shortly thereafter, the JMB embarked on a terror campaign
of suicide attacks against judges, other prominent figures, and crowded
markets. The subsequent execution of six JMB leaders appears to have
left the terrorist organization on the run.
A number of press reports also indicate, however, that Pakistan-
based militant groups are using Bangladesh as a staging area and
transit point to facilitate attacks directed at targets in India, and
at least one of these groups, Lashkar-e-Tayyiba (LT), has been able to
tap into resources provided by local militant groups such as Harkat-ul-
Jihad-al Islami, Bangladesh (HUJI-B) to support their operations.
Indian press reports allege that Bangladeshi HUJI-B members and
individuals affiliated with the LT are involved in an active terrorist
network, operating from Pakistan and Bangladesh. Press reports also
suggest that this particular network is responsible for a string of
attacks in India, including the October 2005, May 2007, and August 2007
bombings in Hyderabad and probably the October 2007 bombing of a shrine
in Ajmer, Rajasthan as well.
That said, Bangladesh is committed to partnership with the United
States in the global war on terror, and the vast majority of
Bangladesh's citizens appear to have little sympathy for the
terrorists. The caretaker government has identified counterterrorism as
a top priority and has actively pursued extremists. If confirmed, I
will make it a priority to work with Bangladesh to help it counter the
internal terrorist threat, while strengthening control of its borders
and various ports of entry.
conclusion
Mr. Chairman, in closing let me say that I look forward very much
to the challenges I will face if confirmed as United States Ambassador
to Bangladesh. Over the years, the people of Bangladesh have overcome
many daunting obstacles in their search for better lives. I feel
strongly that it is in the United States' national interest to work
with them to help build a Bangladesh where democracy flourishes, where
no child goes to bed hungry, and where no terrorist can find safe
haven. If confirmed, I will work closely with Congress in pursuit of
these goals.
Let me also assure you that, if confirmed, I will zealously protect
the welfare and safety of American citizens and American interests in
Bangladesh.
Thank you again for the opportunity of addressing you today. I
would be happy to answer any questions you might have.
Senator Kerry. Thank you very much, Ambassador.
Ms. Jones.
STATEMENT OF DEBORAH K. JONES, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE
STATE OF KUWAIT
Ms. Jones. Mr. Chairman, I also welcome this opportunity to
appear before you today as the President's nominee to be the
next United States Ambassador to the State of Kuwait. I am also
deeply honored by the confidence shown in me by the President
and Secretary Rice in making this nomination and, if confirmed
by the Senate, I look forward to working closely with this
committee and with others in Congress to continue to advance
the vital interests of the United States in Kuwait, and in the
broader Middle East region.
I'm also grateful today for a number of friends who have
joined me from various countries in the region, as well as my
daughter. I'm so proud of my husband, my family, and grateful
for their steadfastness and encouragement as we have often
served, particularly in later years, at different posts, not
necessarily together as a family, in the world.
Mr. Chairman, as you've already noted, the State of Kuwait
has been a reliable partner and friend in a turbulent and
transitional region of utmost importance to United States'
interests. Because of this, as you noted, Kuwait was designated
a major non-NATO ally in 2004.
Since Kuwait's 1991 liberation from Saddam Hussein's brutal
occupation, whose painful remnants remain visible to this day,
United States military forces and our coalition partners have
relied on Kuwait's indispensable material and logistical
support for our policy priorities in Iraq, Iran, and the global
war on terror.
If confirmed, I will work to consolidate and expand that
support into broader political, social, and economic arenas, to
build and sustain a stable and democratic Iraq, and Iraq at
peace with its neighbors, and also to maintain throughout the
region.
We share with the Government of Kuwait a common interest in
combating the spread of extremist ideologies, and in rooting
out terrorist elements that threaten our peace and security.
If confirmed, I will seek to build even stronger and more
robust counterterrorism cooperation to ensure the best possible
force protection for our troops in Kuwait, as well as the
safety of our mission employees, our family members, and the
larger American community.
Kuwait continues to build positively on a proud indigenous
tradition of boisterous political discourse, somewhat unusual
in that region. In 2005, women were granted the right to vote,
and subsequently, nearly 60 percent of those eligible to do so
participated in their June 2006 parliamentary and municipal
elections.
Since then, Kuwait has witnessed further democratic
advancements, including increased press freedoms, and a much-
needed redistricting law. If confirmed, I will endeavor to help
Kuwait consolidate and expand those democratic gains,
consistent with Kuwait's own goals and with the President's
freedom agenda, to include supporting the development of
additional civil society groups in advancing the rights and
protections of vulnerable populations living within Kuwait's
borders.
On the economic front, we must seek to create new paradigms
of partnership, both within and beyond the energy sphere. The
potential for dynamic synergies between Kuwait and the United
States, combining capital, technology, and expertise to advance
global development compatible with current environmental and
other concerns, is enormous. Constructive, bilateral engagement
on trade and investment-related issues through tools such as
the Trade and Investment Framework, will support needed reforms
and cement our committed partnership.
If confirmed, I will pursue ongoing policies that promote
increased investment, trade, and project development between
our two countries.
Finally, if confirmed, I will expand U.S.-sponsored
exchange and English language programs to build stronger
bilateral ties, and thus counter the negative extremist
influences found all too often in regional media.
Mr. Chairman, I've served my country as a Foreign Service
officer for more than 25 years, most recently as principal
officer at the Consulate General in Istanbul, Turkey--another
vital ally of the United States undergoing dynamic transition
in a volatile region.
Prior to that, I served in Washington as Country Director
for Arabian Peninsula Affairs, and the lead up to the March
2003 engagement in Iraq.
My experience with the region includes overseas postings in
Baghdad, Tunas, Damascus, Riyadh, and the United Arab Emirates,
and I look forward to continuing to serve the American people
in Kuwait.
If confirmed as ambassador, I will work with persistence,
with enthusiasm, and with stamina to protect American citizens
and promote U.S. interests, while consolidating and augmenting
the close ties between our leaders and our peoples.
Again, Mr. Chairman, I'm honored by this nomination and the
opportunity to appear before you today, and I would be pleased
to answer any questions you may have.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Jones follows:]
Prepared Statement of Deborah K. Jones to be
Ambassador to the State of Kuwait
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I welcome this
opportunity to appear before you today as the President's nominee to be
the next United States Ambassador to the State of Kuwait. I am deeply
honored by the confidence shown in me by President Bush and Secretary
Rice in making this nomination. If confirmed by the Senate, I look
forward to working closely with this committee, and others in Congress,
to continue to advance the vital interests of the United States in
Kuwait and in the region. I am joined today by my daughter, Ana, a
sophomore at the Madeira School here in Virginia. My husband, Rick
Olson, also a Foreign Service officer, is serving as Deputy Chief of
Mission at USNATO, and our 12-year-old, Isabella, is happily serving
with him there. I am so proud of them and grateful for their
steadfastness and their encouragement.
Mr. Chairman, the State of Kuwait has been a reliable partner and
friend in a turbulent and transitional region of utmost importance to
United States' interests; because of this, the President designated
Kuwait a major non-NATO ally in 2003. Since Kuwait's 1991 liberation
from Saddam Hussein's brutal occupation, whose painful remnants remain
visible to this day, United States military forces and our coalition
partners have relied on Kuwait's material and logistical support for
our policy priorities in Iraq, Iran, and the global war on terror. If
confirmed, I will work to consolidate and expand that support into
broader political, social, and economic arenas to build and sustain a
stable and democratic Iraq at peace with its neighbors, and to maintain
security throughout the region.
We share with the Government of Kuwait a common interest in
combating the spread of extremist ideology and rooting out terrorist
elements that threaten peace and security in the region. If confirmed,
I will seek to build even stronger and more robust counterterrorism
cooperation to include increased information sharing, intensified
training efforts, and the careful evaluation of existing cooperative
programs to ensure the best possible force protection for our troops in
Kuwait, as well as our mission employees, family members, and the
larger American community.
Kuwait continues to build positively on a proud, indigenous
tradition of boisterous political discourse. In 2005, women were
granted the right to vote; subsequently, nearly 60 of those eligible to
so do participated in their June 2006 parliamentary and municipal
elections. Also in 2006, the Government of Kuwait respected
constitutionally mandated procedures in appointing its new leader, Amir
Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmed Al-Jaber Al Sabah. Since then, Kuwait has
witnessed further democratic advancements, including increased press
freedoms and a much needed redistricting law. If confirmed, I will
endeavor to help Kuwait consolidate and expand those democratic gains,
consistent with the President's Freedom Agenda, to include supporting
the development of fledgling, grassroots women's organizations, civil
society groups and other activists, and advancing the rights and
protections of vulnerable populations living within Kuwait's borders.
In addition to deepening our security cooperation and advancing
President Bush's Freedom Agenda, we must seek to create new paradigms
of economic partnership, both within and beyond the energy sphere. The
recent historic deal between DOW Chemical and the Kuwaiti Government,
the largest of its kind in Kuwait's history, exemplifies the kind of
creative initiatives that are possible. The potential for dynamic
synergies between Kuwait and the United States, combining capital,
technology, and expertise to advance global development compatible with
current environmental concerns, is enormous. Constructive bilateral
engagement on trade and investment-related issues, through tools such
as the Trade and Investment Framework (TIFA), will help support needed
reforms and cement our committed partnership. If confirmed, I will
pursue ongoing policies that promote increased investment, trade, and
project development between our two countries.
Finally, if confirmed, I will expand U.S.-sponsored exchange and
English language programs and utilize Middle East Partnership
Initiative (MEPI) funds to reach a broad spectrum of young citizens and
future leaders throughout Kuwaiti society. These programs ensure
stronger bilateral ties and thus counter the negative extremist
influences found all too often in regional media.
Mr. Chairman, I have served my country as a Foreign Service officer
for more than 25 years, most recently as principal officer at our
Consulate General in Istanbul, Turkey, another vital ally of the United
States undergoing dynamic transition in a volatile region. Prior to
that, I served in Washington as Country Director for Arabian Peninsula
Affairs in the lead up to the March 2003 engagement in Iraq. My
experience with the region includes four Washington assignments
directly related to the Near East and overseas postings in Baghdad,
Tunis, Damascus, Riyadh (as a dependent spouse) and the United Arab
Emirates. I look forward to continuing to serve the American people in
Kuwait.
If confirmed as ambassador, I will work with persistence,
enthusiasm, and stamina to protect American citizens and promote U.S.
interests, while consolidating and augmenting the close ties between
our leaders and our peoples. Again, I am honored, Mr. Chairman, by this
nomination and the opportunity to appear before you today. I will be
pleased to answer any questions you may have.
Thank you
Senator Kerry. Well, thank you very much, each of you, for
good, solid statements.
But, you just mentioned, Ms. Jones, in your statement,
working to deal with this issue of the radical challenge, and
so forth. Can you each share with me, based on your experience
in these countries and this region, and just watching what's
going on, what you think the most advisable and important steps
are for us to take that would have an impact, in your
judgment--not just in the country you're going to serve in, but
speak to that specifically--and also, this is a larger issue
regionally, and if you could address your sense of how we could
best contribute in our policies to facilitate that minimization
of radicalization?
Ms. Jones. Obviously, we have a lot of programs that are
funded right by the Middle East Partnership Initiative that
involve exchanges and a lot more outreach. My sense, and my
experience based in Turkey and elsewhere, is that we are
perfectly capable of competing in the vast world of ideas, and
similar to what happened prior, previously with the cold war,
the United States can honestly debate in public fora, what the
choices are.
I think some of the choices may not appear to some people
to be as stark as they were during the cold war, in the sense,
then, that we had clear--no freedom of religion and a broken
economic system. Now the challenge is much more subtle. But my
sense and my experience is that, when people participate in the
free dialog that is in our society, within our own society--
when they come and study in the United States, when they see
us, here, and see the variety that is here, it assists them in
putting into broader context and more accurate perspective--the
freedoms that we enjoy, the excesses that they may observe
coming--what they perceive to be excesses coming out of our
society--and where that really fits in the broader scheme of
human freedom and personal choice.
I think it's in large part an educational issue. And our
being comfortable and open about speaking to all of the issues
and not shying from it. Maybe that sounds simplistic, but
that's what I've seen work in Turkey.
Senator Kerry. So, your biggest single thing, you think, is
on the cultural exchange side?
Ms. Jones. I would go beyond that to even say, I think that
whenever we bring a young person to the United States, or
whenever they engage with us, they become a force multiplier,
particularly in the age of blogging, when they can go back and
say, ``This is what I saw, this is what it really was.''
I think right now, in fact, the best advertisement we have
for our system is our elections. I know so many young people
throughout the Middle East who are watching, fervently, what
happens in the United States elections, watching the debates,
and watching democracy in practice. And when they see that,
that has a far greater impact on them then any kind of pamphlet
we could ever issue. I think that's the advantage we have,
actually, with the Internet right now, and with global
communication.
Senator Kerry. Ambassador Moriarty.
Ambassador Moriarty. I'd like to endorse what Deborah has
said. I would also point out, though, that the issue in South
Asia is actually a little bit different from the issue in the
gulf and points further west.
Basically, in South Asia, you traditionally have had
relatively little support for the more extreme forms of Islam.
So, when terrorism does come into places like Bangladesh or
India, it's usually an imported ideology. And why does it come
in? It comes in because of poverty, it comes in because of a
lack of options. I've actually been told that in Bangladesh,
the United States has about its highest reputation in any
Muslim majority country in the world. Why is that so? Frankly,
it's so because we have stayed engaged with Bangladesh since
independence in 1971.
I look at other places where we come in, then come out, and
our reputation is not as strong. So, I think it's important
that we remain engaged--when I say remain engaged, I do
heartily endorse the concept of as many exchanges as possible,
but in the grindingly poor countries of South Asia and other
impoverished parts of the Muslim world, that also has to have a
very strong economic component.
Senator Kerry. Ambassador Scobey.
Ambassador Scobey. Mr. Chairman, again, I would agree with
my colleagues as well, but in addition, I think we need to also
realize, and again, based on my experience in the last several
years, even though the challenge of extremism is keen and very
real to Americans, I think we also need to realize that the
societies in the region have also been, in some ways, taken by
surprise and shocked by the violence that has emerged from
their societies.
And one of the most important parts of the response to
extremism, I believe, is taking place in these countries
themselves, through voices of moderation, moderate clerics,
government leaders, political leaders--they're all speaking out
and working together. I think it is our challenge to make sure
that we have outreach to these opinion makers inside countries,
to assure that they understand what the United States stands
for, what our principles are, because they are the true--they
have the true ability to get out into their own communities,
and to affect the views of the youth of today, and the
attitudes that they will shape, then.
Senator Kerry. Just following up--can aid policy, and
cultural policy, exchange policy, overcome the hurdles of
perceptions of our larger foreign policy? In other words, how
an administration is perceived in a region because of larger
decisions, like Iraq, or Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo, things like
that? Do you think you can fender through, notwithstanding, or
do those other things have a serious impact on your ability to
achieve your goals on a more implementation/practical level?
Ambassador Scobey. Sir, I think that the U.S. aid policies,
our economic programs in countries, our cultural programs and
exchanges are some of the tools that we have. There is also an
ongoing need for continued speaking out, publicly and
frequently to--as I said--to make clear what our values are,
what the United States stands for, and often to explain our
policies. We may not always find agreement with our policies
overseas, but I think that our honest effort to explain, and to
reach out, and to listen, to respond, does maintain the kinds
of ties that we will need to eventually overcome the challenge
of extremism throughout the region and the world.
Senator Kerry. What do you think, and with respect to the
current relationship with Egypt--visiting Senators, visiting
Secretaries of State, visiting Presidents--have had
conversations about human rights, opening the democracy,
accountability, et cetera. But last year, even, our own State
Department's report was pretty tough on what's happening in
Egypt.
You know, we are grateful for Egyptian support in a lot of
respects. And, I think they know that, and I hope they know
that. And they have, and can, play a very constructive role
with respect to the peace process. So, are we the prisoners of
those other needs in that you can't leverage anything? Or is it
that we've made a more pragmatic decision here about what we
can do?
Ambassador Scobey. Sir, I believe that our goals and
objectives in Egypt, our strong strategic cooperation are not
in conflict with our goal, and our encouragement for a
democratic reform, and respect for human rights. The visits of
Senators, of senior administration officials, the work of our
diplomats in the field--keep these issues to the front. And I
would say that other parts of the world have also brought these
issues to Egyptian attention.
We have, as you know, a number of other efforts underway to
work with civil society directly, to work with trying to build
the rule of law and institutions of government that will help
Egyptians form opinions about what good governance is. I don't
believe that this is an issue, as I said, where our goals are
in conflict, but I agree that it is a work of--that may take
time, so that all Egyptian voices will eventually be able to be
heard.
The government--the leaders in the government themselves
have, over time, acknowledged and pointed to areas where they
need reform to take place. That hasn't happened. I think it is
our goal--I know the President has made clear, even on his last
trip--that he would like to see the Egyptians take a more
leading role in the region, to promote democratic reform and
justice.
We believe it is, certainly, a capability, and we will
continue to encourage that, as we can. But, I don't believe
that there is a conflict in our goals here.
Senator Kerry. And, do you have a view with respect to the
linking of aid and human rights progress?
Ambassador Scobey. Well, sir, as you know, the
administration very strongly opposed the conditionality element
of the security assistance, economic assistance package. And,
on the belief that it does, it will not help leverage or move
Egypt toward specific changes that we have articulated for
them.
Senator Kerry. The President and the Secretary, as I've
said, have repeatedly urged the Egyptian Government to ``show
the way'' toward democracy in the Middle East. But the most
recent State Department human rights report called the record
on human rights ``poor.'' And there are many who are certain
that Egypt has regressed on democratic reform. What would you
say about that?
Ambassador Scobey. I would say that the path toward
democratic reform that many voices inside Egypt and many
international observers, including our own observers--both from
NGOs and from our embassy--have clearly pointed out that the
government has not taken enough steps toward genuine,
democratic, political reform. There are certain issues out
there now that have been particularly noteworthy, and in the
press the detention of Ayman Nour has been a particularly
difficult action for us to understand, as to why he remains in
detention, and it is our--I will certainly, if confirmed--
continue to promote, and to urge that the Egyptians release
him.
And there are other examples, as well, of what--where their
actions have not matched what we had understood of their intent
to be. If confirmed, I will continue to promote these issues,
and we will continue to work directly with civil society, and
other Egyptians who are really also seeking further reform
within Egypt.
Senator Kerry. And what is your interpretation of the
current state of threat of the Muslim Brotherhood?
Ambassador Scobey. Well, as you know, the Muslim
Brotherhood, as an organization, is illegal in Egypt. And I
don't think I have really good data as to what its ultimate
strength is. But it is a potent force throughout the region, it
has been attractive to a number of publics throughout the
Middle East. It--although it did not run in elections because
it could not--there are a number of independent candidates in
the Egyptian parliament that most experts believe are, in fact,
affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood and they captured a good
number of votes in the last parliamentary elections.
Senator Kerry. What's your attitude about the political
banning with respect to them? I mean, obviously the
experience--and I've heard this from President Mubarak, and
we've all seen it--our pressure for an election in the West
Bank, against President Abbas is--well, then Abu Mazan's pleas,
and the Israeli pleas--resulted in the election of Hamas. And
one of those things that people often talk about is, if you
push that process too fast to a place you don't know, you
better look out what you get as a result. Do you think there is
that threat? That if you sort of open it up and the Muslim
Brotherhood were legitimate, that you would in fact have a more
radical outcome, and greater instability in Egypt?
Ambassador Scobey. Sir, I think that Egypt can open up its
political system to greater political pluralism, it will be a
question for Egyptians to be able to define that. But what we
see now, is that there are many, many obstacles to the
registration of new parties and their ability to act.
Of course, as I said, the Muslim Brotherhood--although
illegal--there are many in Egypt that are drawn to its ideas,
and I think we believe that if the political process were
opened up so that other political parties could emerge,
Egyptians would be able then, to have their choice of possible
solutions to some of the political challenges that they
currently face.
Senator Kerry. Would you agree that there is some
sensitivity in the Egyptian population about foreign
interference, particularly American interference in their
political system?
Ambassador Scobey. Sir, I can't answer specifically,
because I have not really be able to test this in Egypt, but
certainly from my experience in the region, I think it is a
fairly standard sensitivity, of the appearance of any foreign
power telling them what to do.
Senator Kerry. Is there the possibility that, as we promote
political reform, we can also alienate the secular reformists
and as well as frustrate the ruling elite?
Ambassador Scobey. Well, sir, I think if we couch our goals
and objectives in terms that are consistent with international
standards for political pluralism and political freedom, I
think that we, at the end of the day, we will be able to defend
our position, in that we will win more friends in Egypt.
Senator Kerry. Have you been given any specific
instructions, with respect to enforcement on the Gaza border
and the arms trafficking and tunnels?
Ambassador Scobey. Well, sir, as you know, I'm not yet
confirmed, so I haven't. But my understanding of where the
situation is----
Senator Kerry. Well, the process of prepping up for this
and for everything----
Ambassador Scobey [continuing]. Yes, yes. Yes, sir.
Senator Kerry [continuing]. Have they----
Ambassador Scobey. It's clearly a--has been even before the
January 23rd breach--been a topic of a lot of concern, both to
Egyptians, clearly to the Government and people of Israel and
to others--it is a vulnerability. On the 23rd, the Egyptians
were overwhelmed with the number of people pushing through, and
an operation appears to have been coordinated by Hamas. The
Egyptian Government was extremely sensitive to the possibility
of civilian injuries, and were very, very careful to try to
prevent violence from breaking out.
They have gradually pushed most people--encouraged most
people--to get back into Gaza, and have tried to reseal the
border. I think they are looking, talking--I think the good
element here is that they are talking very closely, I
understand, with the Israelis, with the Palestinian authority
to try to find a way to improve the situation on the Rafah
border. And as you know, with regard to the tunneling and
smuggling problem that preexisted, the Egyptians have already,
I think, submitted requests for some specialized technical
equipment that will help them monitor the terrain, and try to
mitigate the problems of these tunnels that have been there for
30 years.
Senator Kerry. Ambassador Moriarty, what would you define
as the principal challenges right now, with respect to
Bangladesh? You mentioned the Muslim issue in your comments,
also.
Ambassador Moriarty. I look upon the three issues that I
raised as intertwined. We have to address all of them, they
have to be addressed together--one is democracy----
Senator Kerry. Development, the----
Ambassador Moriarty [continuing]. The move back toward
democracy, the other is development, increasing prosperity. The
third, which sort of overlays both of the other two, is the
desire to deny space to international terrorists.
Senator Kerry. How do you think we best do that?
Ambassador Moriarty. Well, I think we have to----
Senator Kerry. With that kind of populace, with that kind
of order, movement, et cetera?
Ambassador Moriarty. In terms of denying space to the
terrorists, I think we have to play on the already considerable
suspicion of extreme Islam on the part of most of the
Bangladeshi people. I think we do that by encouraging a
return--as quickly as possible--to democracy. And I think we do
that by encouraging steady development of the economy.
You remember that they were hit very hard by a cyclone in
November--set back years of development progress down in the
south. We are looking at a package to help with that, and I
would hope that we will be bringing it to Congress in the
coming weeks.
Senator Kerry. So, is it your judgment or the judgment of
the administration, I suppose I should ask, that the military
is resolved to withdraw from the political domain, and
facilitate transition?
Ambassador Moriarty. They continue to say so, sir. The
chief advisor who, of course, is the chief civilian official,
has repeated his commitment to this timetable of elections by
the end of this year. The Chief of Army Staff has reiterated
his determination to see this process move forward. He has
consistently said he has no desire for political office, and he
want to see the Army go back to the barracks by the end of this
year.
Senator Kerry. Have we identified factions that are opposed
to that action? That prefer to--
Ambassador Moriarty. Within the Army? No, sir. In fact, I
think that what happened was, after a few months of relative
calm last year, there were riots at the universities. I think
they looked at the--the military looked at the situation in
Pakistan, and I think there was a decision reached at some
point last year that, ``Gee, we really do have to make this
work. There is no alternative to marching back toward
democracy.''
Senator Kerry. How would you assess the influence and
relationship that we have with their military?
Ambassador Moriarty. I think it is strong. We have had
training programs for a long time. A lot of their senior
officers have studied in U.S. courses. We do have a big
question, a human rights question related to something called
the ``Rapid Action Battalions''--that is the elite group that
was set up to fight terrorism, to fight crime within the
country. Up to now, we don't really have a formal relationship
with them. We want to improve their human rights record as a
precondition for any sort of improved engagement with them.
Senator Kerry. And how would you assess regional
relationships with Bangladesh?
Ambassador Moriarty. Well, again, I would rather let those
kind of speak----
Senator Kerry. Has the political change, the military
government altered that balance in any way? Our relationship?
Ambassador Moriarty. Well, I think right now, Bangladesh's
neighbors are willing to give the current government the
benefit of the doubt and say, ``Okay, you have a timetable,
move on it.'' I don't think any of the neighbors would be
comfortable if, as you suggested, there might be further
military moves in the future. That would isolate the
Bangladeshis.
Senator Kerry. And how has the political turmoil impacted
the status of the Islamist radicals in the country at this
time?
Ambassador Moriarty. Well, you hear--oh, excuse me. I was
going to say, you hear varying things on that issue. Some
people assert that they are making progress because they have
not had as many of their leaders arrested in the anticorruption
campaign.
Others assert that there is no evidence of any groundswell
of support for the Islamic parties. I would remind you, in the
last election they gained something like 6 percent of the total
vote.
Senator Kerry. You mentioned the cyclone, natural disaster,
et cetera--this is an ongoing thing. We seem to always have a
setback, whether it's a tidal wave, or you know, whatever. Are
you aware of whether or not they are currently focused on
taking steps, both in terms of their development policies and
other policies, to deal with the potential of climate change
having a profound impact on them?
Ambassador Moriarty. They are extremely worried by climate
change. Their fears are that Bangladesh, which is very, very
low, would end up being one of the countries worst affected by
climate change in the future.
Much of what we've been doing with the Bangladeshis, in
terms of trying to improve their structure--infrastructure, to
protect against cyclone, to protect against tsunami--does, of
course, actually help out with respect to that, too.
They do need, they assert, a lot of help in improving the
infrastructure down south, much of which was hit very hard by
this latest cyclone.
Senator Kerry. When you say ``a lot of help,'' what are you
talking about?
Ambassador Moriarty. They estimated that the economic
damage and infrastructure damage was about $2 billion that need
to be repaired.
Senator Kerry. Have commitments been made with respect to
that?
Ambassador Moriarty. Yeah, there have been--we're still
looking at exactly what we need to do. In fact, we have teams
out in the field in Bangladesh right now, including from the
military, looking at what sort of infrastructure projects are
necessary.
Senator Kerry. And what about the--do you have an
assessment from the administration, anticipation as you
approach this--about the prospect for elections, i.e., that
they will be held? That they will be accountable and open?
What's your take on that at this point?
Ambassador Moriarty. Well, we are encouraged by the steps
that are being taken, to date. Basically this roadmap, just--
included the final goal, it laid out the steps that needed to
be taken to get to that goal.
Probably the most important is coming up with a revamped
voters list that is much more foolproof than what they've had
in the past. They're doing that pretty well, and progress to
date is encouraging.
So, I would say that we have seen nothing to indicate that
they're going to back off or shy away. And we, of course, are
out there. And I, of course, if I get confirmed, will go out
there to drive home the message that they need to make
progress, and they need to hold the election on time.
Senator Kerry. Your confidence level about that?
Ambassador Moriarty. Reasonably high. I mean, not having
set foot in the country yet, but again, everything we've seen
indicates that they are headed in the right direction.
Senator Kerry. Thank you.
Ms. Jones, Kuwait is an interesting and complicated place.
I remember, I was there with Strom Thurmond and Pat Moynihan,
literally, the day the al-Sabah family returned to their palace
after the invasion had been repelled. And I remember having a
long conversation with them about their gratitude, and our
interests and mutual interests and so forth.
We've had some hiccups in between then and now, that sort
of raise some questions about that. On the other hand, they are
a very important staging area for us, and we couldn't be doing
a lot of things we're doing, or pose some of the strategic
positioning that we do without their supports. How would you
characterize that relationship right now? Where do you see
those strategic interests? And how would you describe the
relationship?
Ms. Jones. Mr. Chairman, I would say that Kuwait's
relationship with the United States remains the bedrock of its
security strategy. And the mutual benefits of that relationship
remain pretty clear and compelling, as evidenced by the amount,
the support--both material and logistical--that Kuwait provides
for us, as well, which is something to the tune of a billion
dollars a year.
And that doesn't necessarily include the fuel arrangements
we have, and other things. The generous support they've given--
of course, in their interest, as well.
But because Kuwait sits at this nexus of very critical--in
a very critical area, but of a unique set of political and geo-
political circumstances, I think that relationship is going to
continue, I have no doubt of that. And in that sense, there's
an advantage for us.
It's also a small and wealthy and relatively agile society
in some respects. It's a young society. As you've commented
earlier, Mr. Chairman, the--as with most of these populations,
more than 60 percent of the society is under the age of 30,
more than 40 percent is under the age of 15, in fact, I
believe, in Kuwait.
They do have an active and vociferous, sometimes,
parliament, and they do deal with other dynamics internally
that some of these other countries do not deal with in the
region, which can, at times, make them appear to be less
forthcoming.
You mentioned Annapolis, for example. The fact is that as
their foreign minister later explained, Kuwait is not a member
of the Arab Peace Initiative Committee that did attend
Annapolis and did represent a number of countries that were not
part of that committee. But they had already agreed, in
advance, to follow the lead of the committee in providing
support, and they all subsequently pledged $300 million in
assistance to the Palestinians.
I think the issue with Kuwait on the three--on the areas of
importance for us, for example, with Iraq, sustaining their
support, but--and expanding that support into commercial
investment, and other areas that will solidify and stabilize
Iraq's ability to function as an independent and a good
neighbor-good, stable, democratic neighbor. Obviously, Kuwait
has historical concerns about Iraq, which are somewhat
justified in many people's minds there.
I would say that the same goes with the peace process--
there have been a number of commitments that we need to work
with them to follow up on, in terms of their support for the
Palestinians, for the Palestinian authority.
Frankly, their record in terms of compliance is not quite
as good as a number of our other gulf friends has been--beyond
the initial commitment. Moving back to Iraq, I think you had--
someone had commented on that earlier--the level of support,
what--Kuwait has made a number of commitments for project
assistance, and I think part of the question there is waiting
for Iraqis to direct--to decide themselves, the Government of
Iraq--which are the projects that merit the assistance. And my
understanding was that this month, someone was coming from the
Ministry in Iraq to talk to the Kuwaitis about specific
assistance.
There's no question that we need to work, and if confirmed,
these will be areas that I will press on, to push for that
support, and to be forthcoming with it.
On the freedom agenda--and this is, again, where Kuwait has
a unique environment, it's gone back and forth over the years--
but in fact the march has been fairly steadily forward in terms
of women's rights and other issues--there's a large problem
that remains with the treatment of domestic workers in Kuwait.
This is an area of concern for us. Recently, they did open
a shelter, for example, for domestics. But more needs to be
done to ensure that, again, those vulnerable populations are
protected within Kuwait, and that's one of, if confirmed, that
one of the areas that I will work with them on.
Because as they--because they know it's the right thing to
do, too. As Kuwait moves forward and continues to progress as a
full player in the modern world, with international standards,
they know that's the right thing to do.
Senator Kerry. Do you have any sense of whether or not
rivalries within the al-Sabah family for succession may or may
not complicate that relationship that you've described? The
strategic relationship we have?
Ms. Jones. Well, I--obviously I'm not in a position right
now, Mr. Chairman, to comment on a lot of those. However, I
would only note that in the transition, I mean, as the current
emir was selected, they followed their constitutional processes
and I think that was a very encouraging thing.
Again, and I don't mean to be Pollyannaish, but I think
with increased transparency, and with the transparency that
comes with their young population not only observing what
happens here and, amongst their own society and their
communication with each other--they do, I think, feel and
understand that they have an obligation to play according to
established rules, and they do have a constitution, and they
have followed that.
Senator Kerry. To what extent are there, is there evidence
of Kuwait citizens and/or organizations who finance terrorist
activities?
Ms. Jones. This is, I think, the challenge of tracking and
countering the flow of terror financing, is a huge challenge,
one that I've dealt with quite a bit in previous assignments.
And it certainly remains an item of concern in Kuwait. It's a
place where a lot of cash does flow in and out of the country,
and obviously, therefore, it's a place that people who want to
exploit these avenues will seek to exploit, given its location.
The Kuwaitis have taken a number of steps over the past
several years to increase the monitoring and tracking of money,
primarily that's been given through charitable organizations,
which is hard to track. They have put in place with their
central bank and other things, systems for tracking. Obviously,
more can be done, and that's certainly an area where we seek to
work more intensely with them to improve the mechanisms, not
only for the flow of the money itself, but for surveillance, et
cetera, of individuals who might be involved with that.
Senator Kerry. Are you aware of--how would you describe al-
Qaeda influence, and/or presence in Kuwait?
Ms. Jones. I am aware that are some who are very concerned
about the growing influence and presence of al-Qaeda in Kuwait,
perhaps in the sense of the Whack-A-Mole effect. As the Saudis
have clamped down, and al-Qaeda looks for more fertile grounds
where they might feel that they aren't under the same level of
observation or monitoring.
The Kuwaitis feel--share this concern with us, deeply--and
it is a small society, which gives them a certain advantage in
the sense that they can monitor. Obviously, there's more to be
done on that side, as well, but it's probably something that's
best discussed in another venue.
Senator Kerry. What about infiltrators from Iraq and/or
Iran, and Iran's regional policies? How do those impact Kuwait?
Ms. Jones. Well, obviously, on the Iraq side, of course,
Kuwait is deeply concerned about flows back and forth over the
border. And I think that's one of the reasons that they've been
so receptive to having us there as a presence, and would hope
to have us there for a time to come.
With respect to Iran, it's obviously--I would have to,
honestly, Mr. Chairman, look more in terms of infiltration. I'm
not aware that that is a big problem, per se, infiltration from
Iran.
I do know that the Kuwaitis have a regular dialog with
Iran. The Foreign Minister was there, recently. They have
assured us that the purpose of this dialog is to convey our
concerns, and to convey their own concerns to Iran about
Iranian activities in the region.
Senator Kerry. So, what do you understand to be the like
strategic interests here, between Kuwait and us? And are there
different strategic interests that conflict with that?
Ms. Jones. Quite honestly, I don't see that we vary.
Perhaps I'm lucky in this sense, but I don't see that we have
great--that there's a great deal of light between our strategic
interests, and Kuwait's, frankly.
I think we want the same things--we don't want a
weaponized, an Iran that has nuclear weapons. We don't want an
Iraq that is unstable, and a playing field for al-Qaeda. We
don't want al-Qaeda active in the region, and extremism. We
want development, we want a peace in the Middle East. I think
Kuwait has been extremely supportive of the Arab Peace Plan,
certainly, and others in support for the Palestinian Authority,
as well as--I am, I think at the right time there will be--I
don't think there will be problems in coming to full peace with
Israel--although I'm probably stepping out of my role here, I'm
speculating, obviously, which I shouldn't do--but I don't see
any impediment to that. They are as concerned as we are about
instability in the region.
And I think, at the same time, they have undertaken, on
their own, not only in response to pressure from us, but their
own society is undergoing important democratic transition and
changes and development, and they have the luxury of being able
to afford a lot of that, as well.
So, I think that we're actually, pretty much in step with
each other, strategically.
Senator Kerry. The arms sales that we currently have on the
table with respect to the region--how do see that affecting
that relationship?
Ms. Jones. Again, with Kuwait, it's largely--I think it's
about a $1.4 billion package, that it's mostly kits to upgrade
with missile defense system, it's the PAC-3. And again, I think
that Kuwaitis would agree with us, and the famous American
poet, that ``good defenses make good neighbors.'' Especially in
that part of the world.
Senator Kerry. So, coming back to, again, all three of
you--is there any--and two of you have now served as
ambassadors, and you've been in the region a considerable
amount of time. Is there anything that you would say to us, in
the Congress, that we ought to be doing on this committee, or
in the Congress as a whole, more effectively, in order to
facilitate what you have to try to achieve out there?
Ambassador Scobey.
Ambassador Scobey. Sir, I think the continuing interest and
oversight of our mission, our roles out there, is continuing--
is a valid, very great interest and important to us. I welcome
visits from you, from your colleagues in the Senate and the
House, to get out and to see for yourselves, and talk to the
leadership there. Obviously, the administration has put forward
requests for assistance packages, certainly, for Egypt that we
would want to work with the Senate and Congress on, in terms of
assuring that--answering questions to try to get these
approvals needed for this, because we believe these to be very,
very important elements of advancing our interests in Egypt.
Senator Kerry. Yes, sir.
Ambassador Moriarty. Well, unfortunately, Ambassador Scobey
stole almost all my thunder.
Senator Kerry. That's okay, we're happy to have nonanswers
here. [Laughter.]
Ambassador Moriarty. But I would also stress that as a
country goes through transition, as Bangladesh is going to be
going through transition, I think it's important that we have
as many codels and staffdels out as possible. Not just to
inform the Congress of what's going on out there, but more
importantly, to let the Bangladeshis hear that there is a
united message here--that we do support development, that we do
oppose the spread of terrorism, and that we do want to see that
democratic transition completed by the end of the year.
Another item I raised is, I think you will be getting a
Cyclone Sidr package coming up in the coming weeks and months,
and I hope that the Congress will look at that seriously and
will be as supportive as possible.
Ms. Jones. Mr. Chairman, I think that the Kuwaitis have
been gratified that, increasingly, Congressional delegations
who usually have used Kuwait just as a stopping point to refuel
or change planes, en route either to Iraq or Afghanistan, have
actually taken the time to stop in Kuwait and meet with the
leaders there and hear some of their concerns. I think the most
important thing we can do with Kuwait is to reassure them again
and again that we'll be there, and that we are there, and we
intend to be there for the long run.
Senator Kerry. Do you foresee any logistical issue with
respect to the potential of increased force presence there for
over-the-horizon purposes?
Ms. Jones. I think the Kuwaitis have shown that they're
ready to accommodate us as we need, in fact.
Senator Kerry. Do any of you have any potential conflict of
interest that might arise in the conduct of your
responsibilities in each of your posts?
Ambassador Scobey.
Ambassador Scobey. Sir, I've been advised by the legal
office in State that I will have to divest myself of a few
investments, if confirmed, and I'm prepared to do that.
Senator Kerry. Ambassador Moriarty.
Ambassador Moriarty. No, not that I'm aware of.
Senator Kerry. Ms. Jones.
Ms. Jones. No. I was required to recuse myself from
activity in my family's business in the State of Arizona--don't
ask me why because we have careful lawyers at State--but other
than that, I have no other issues.
Senator Kerry. And with respect to recusal, either of you,
otherwise, is there any issue from which you'd have to recuse
yourself?
Ambassador Scobey. No, sir.
Senator Kerry. None? Okay.
Well, I appreciate your testimonies today. We're going to
truly want to try to get you out there as fast as possible,
obviously. And I'm confident that we'll move expeditiously here
in the Senate.
And again, I repeat, and particularly in the case of the
two of you, Ambassador Moriarty and Ms. Jones, we're--you know,
we hate for you to have given up your position, and respect the
decision that you've made, and appreciate your mutual affection
for the Foreign Service, and for your service to the country.
And we appreciate all of you in this willingness to do it.
It is not the glamorous, glorious job that once many people
thought an ambassadorship was. It's hard work, and in some
cases hardship, and sometimes dangerous. And so, we have
enormous gratitude to all of you, and to your families, for
your willingness to undertake this.
And, we look forward to getting you confirmed, and get out
there and get on the job.
One last question, just quickly--you got any idea whether
we're ever going to have an ambassador back in Syria again?
Ambassador Scobey. Sir? Somehow I thought you might ask
that.
As you saw, Syria, it's a fascinating country with a
wonderful feeling, and wonderful people who deserve good
governance and prospects for their future, but I've had to,
sadly, conclude that the choices the Government of Syria has
made over the past 2 years since I've left have not increased
confidence that an ambassador is going there very soon.
Senator Kerry. Well, this hearing is not about Syria, it's
another topic, but I appreciate your telling us that, and I
thank you all very, very much for being here.
Good luck, Godspeed, thank you.
[Whereupon, at 2:12 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Prepared Statement of Daniel K. Inouye,
U.S. Senator From Hawaii
Today, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee will consider the
nomination of James Moriarty to serve as the United States Ambassador
to Bangladesh. I am pleased and honored to express my strong support
for his nomination.
Ambassador Moriarty has had a long and distinguished record of
public service beginning in 1975, immediately after graduating from
Dartmouth College, when he joined the Foreign Service as a political
officer. His many assignments have included posts at the U.S. Embassies
in Morocco, Swaziland, and Pakistan, as well as tours in Beijing and
Taipei. In addition, he speaks Chinese, Nepali, Urdu, French, and is
learning Bangla. His various posts have earned him numerous awards for
his vital role in shaping U.S. foreign policy. Furthermore, these
recognitions are a reflection of his command and knowledge of the
issues that affect Asia, and his effectiveness as a diplomat of the
United States.
Most recently, Ambassador Moriarty served as the United States
Ambassador to Nepal from 2004 to 2007, where he has been dedicated to
end the Maoist insurgency, and to establish peace and democracy. In
this capacity, Ambassador Moriarty has demonstrated his understanding
of the complex issues of establishing a prosperous, democratic nation.
Ambassador Moriarty's experience demonstrates an enduring
commitment to advocating American foreign policy and interests, and I
am certain that his record of public service has well qualified him to
take on the responsibilities of serving as the United States Ambassador
to Bangladesh.
On a more personal note, I have had the pleasure of knowing
Ambassador Moriarty for many years. He comes from a family dedicated to
public service. His father-in-law, David M. Peters, served as my
executive assistant and for 14 years, and his wife, Lauren Moriarty--a
native Hawaiian--is a former U.S. Ambassador and career Foreign Service
officer.
I am confident Ambassador Moriarty is well aware of the enormous
responsibilities that await him, if confirmed, and I have no doubt that
he will fulfill those responsibilities with great distinction. I
respectfully urge my colleagues on the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee to favorably support Ambassador Moriarty's nomination.
______
Responses of Hon. Margaret Scobey to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What is your assessment of the state of political reform
and human rights in Egypt? What are the most important steps you expect
to take, if confirmed, to promote human rights and democracy in Egypt?
What do you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. According to the latest country report on human rights, the
Egyptian Government's respect for human rights is poor, and serious
abuses continue in many areas. The government limits the democratic
rights of citizens and has resisted political reform.
The administration has been committed to promoting democracy and
human rights in Egypt. Senior United States Government officials have
raised serious concerns about the path and pace of political reform,
human rights, and democracy in Egypt at the highest levels and will
continue to do so. If confirmed, this will be a high priority for me as
ambassador to Egypt. I hope to establish a constructive dialog with the
government and with civil society advocates as both are necessary to
the expansion of political freedom and democratic pluralism, respect
for human rights, and rule of law that we seek. We intend to sustain
existing programs and create additional initiatives to assist in
democratic development in Egypt.
Question. Despite personal pleas from President Bush and the
cancellation of a trip to Egypt by Secretary Rice, opposition leader
Ayman Nour remains in jail. What will you do to try to secure his
release?
Answer. The administration remains troubled by the continued
imprisonment of Ayman Nour. His conviction and imprisonment raises
serious concerns about Egypt's commitment to democracy, freedom, and
the rule of law and is inconsistent with the Egyptian Government's
professed commitment to increased political openness and dialog within
Egyptian society.
If confirmed, I will continue to press the highest levels of the
Egyptian Government to release Mr. Nour under Egyptian law. His release
would be an important step in human rights promotion in Egypt, and one
that I will try to encourage.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Egypt in advancing
human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. The conditions in Egypt for advancing human rights,
including specific cases, present both opportunity and challenge. The
citizens of Egypt, both within the government and outside, are
searching for ways to address the country's future needs--economic,
social, and political. They have not reached consensus. The challenge
for any foreign person or entity is to find a balance between providing
support and encouragement, while not interfering in domestic matters.
Question. In your new position, what steps will you take to ensure
that promotion of human rights objectives will be an integral part of
post activities? If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure that
Foreign Service officers who engage in human rights activities are
encouraged and professionally rewarded for superior service?
Answer. Embassy Cairo's Mission Performance Plan (MPP) explains in
detail post's human rights objectives. If confirmed, I will use the MPP
as a framework to ensure that the embassy's country team promotes our
human rights and democracy agenda. All agencies and offices at the
embassy are represented in the country team and it affords an
opportunity to discuss how every office can contribute to our reform
plan.
As a career Foreign Service officer, I understand the importance of
recognizing and rewarding the work of outstanding officers. If
confirmed, I will use the evaluation process and award system to
recognize superior performance.
Question. Will you commit to meeting regularly with nongovernmental
organizations in the United States and Egypt, including those facing
internal political pressure, who are working to promote human rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to meet regularly with nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) in the United States and Egypt who would welcome
such meetings.
The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) in
Egypt has provided $3.1 million to the National Democratic Institute
(NDI), $2.8 million to the International Republican Institute (IRI) and
$3.9 million to International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES)
to promote domestic election monitoring; provided training and
technical assistance to Egyptian political parties; and worked with
civil society organizations advocating for political and electoral
reform. Since 2006, USAID has provided $800,000 to Freedom House to
link Egyptian civil society advocates with counterparts throughout the
Arab world through training, technical assistance, mentoring,
professional fellowships, small grants and regional coalition building,
and protection strategies. Also, the Middle East Partnership Initiative
is providing $2 million to the International Labor Organization to
undertake efforts to strengthen independent labor unions. If confirmed,
I will continue to support these programs.
In addition to support for United States' NGOS, USAID provides
direct support for Egyptian NGO's that foster civil society. These
programs have already produced a large cadre of several hundred
election monitors. Through grants to Egyptian NGOs, we continue to
support innovative Egyptian reform initiatives in political and
electoral reform, increased political participation, civil society
strengthening, civic education, human rights, women's rights, community
development, independent media, and transparency.
Question. If confirmed, how would the United States embassy monitor
Egypt's compliance with the Leahy Law prohibiting United States
assistance to foreign military units if there is credible evidence of
human rights violations? Will you affirm that any Egyptian security
force unit that is credibly alleged to be engaged in gross human rights
violations is ineligible to receive United States assistance or to
train with United States forces?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue to ensure that the United
States embassy in Egypt continues to fully comply with the Leahy Law.
Currently, all prospective training participants are rigorously vetted
for suitability by the embassy, and appropriate offices at the State
Department, including the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, the Bureau of
Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, and the Political-Military Bureau
review the names. If any Egyptian security force unit is credibly
alleged to be engaged in gross human rights violations, it is
ineligible to receive United States assistance under the Foreign
Assistance Act or Arms Export Control Act.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What was the
impact of your actions?
Answer. As a political officer in Jerusalem, Kuwait, and Iraq, as
Deputy Chief of Mission in Yemen and Riyadh, and Chief of Mission in
Syria, the advancement of human rights and democracy has been a
significant priority in all of my assignments.
As Deputy Chief of Mission in Yemen, I found an environment open to
United States assistance with democratization. I worked closely with
the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and the International
Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) to prepare Yemen for the 1997
parliamentary elections. I encouraged women's groups to focus on voter
registration and turnout--with higher numbers of women voting in 1997
than in 1993. I supported NDI's successful international election
monitoring program and approached election commission officials to pave
the way and facilitate their cooperation with IFES. In advance of the
presidential elections in 1999, I made the rounds of political
opposition parties to persuade them to field candidate for president.
In Syria, I did not find an environment open to United States
support and assistance to democracy and human rights. Nonetheless,
during my year there, I met with a wide range of civil society
activists, including those calling for political reform. I pressed the
government to allow Iraqi refugees in Damascus to participate in U.N.-
sponsored out-of-country voting for the Iraqi parliament in January
2005. To no avail, I urged the government to release well-known
political prisoners such as Riad Seif. I also advocated on behalf of
the rights of Syrian Kurds.
In Saudi Arabia, most of our human rights efforts focused on
religious freedom and women's rights. Both the Ambassador and I
frequently raised with senior Saudi officials at the Ministries of
Interior and Foreign Affairs specific cases where the Saudi policy of
allowing non-Muslims to practice their religion in private was not
respected in practice. In addition to having Saudi authorities reaffirm
this policy, in all cases that I recall, those Christians incarcerated
as a result of their religious activity were ultimately released.
Regarding women's rights, as the first woman Deputy Chief of Mission in
Riyadh, I promoted a number of large-scale women's events that allowed
Saudi women to network more broadly. I advocated frequently, with some
success, on behalf of American women who could not depart the Kingdom
without their husband's consent.
Progress in human rights and democratization in countries where I
have served has been cumulative. I take satisfaction in noting that
although it did not happen on my watch, Kuwaiti women now vote and
serve in the cabinet, local elections have occurred in Saudi Arabia,
and several candidates contested the last Yemeni presidential election.
______
Responses of Deborah K. Jones to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career, to date, to promote human rights and democracy? What was
the impact of your actions?
Answer. I have held a variety of positions throughout my 25 year
career, not all of them dealing with policy. I have striven, however,
in every aspect of my foreign service work--whether processing Somali
refugees in Ethiopia, ensuring fair, multiethnic hiring practices when
reopening our embassy in Baghdad in 1984, ensuring fair and equal
treatment to both Lebanese and Syrian visa applicants when we had no
visa facilities in Beirut and the Lebanese had to come to Damascus,
where I was consular chief, or overseeing a staff of over 16 different
nationalities while Deputy Chief of Mission in Abu Dhabi and allowing
them a voice in choosing between available programs or benefits--to
adhere to bedrock American principles of fairness based on equal
treatment under the law and participatory governance, when appropriate.
More specifically, and in more senior positions as Country Director
for the Arabian Peninsula and principal officer at our Consulate
General in Istanbul, Turkey, I was a forceful advocate with foreign
government officials for addressing serious human trafficking issues,
such as the treatment of young South Asian ``camel jockeys'' in the GCC
countries (specifically, the UAE and Qatar, where the practice has now
been largely criminalized and/or abolished in favor of robots), as well
as their treatment of foreign laborers in general; I have pressed
foreign governments, particularly the Saudis, to adhere to
international accords governing child custody and the right of the
(often female) custodial parent to take back her abducted children,
despite the constraints of Shari'a law, with significant success; and I
have marched publicly in Turkey--following the assassination of
Armenian activist, Hrant Dink, who was a personal acquaintance and good
contact of the Consulate General--in support of tolerance and religious
freedom. In addition I have spoken out openly and appeared frequently
in public with His All Holiness the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomeo,
whose diminishing Greek Orthodox community has suffered under unfair
property confiscations and other actions at the hands of the Government
of Turkey. I hosted, inter alia, a major Alliance of Civilizations
gathering at the official residence as well as mixed gatherings of
various political and religious groups who had previously avoided
interaction; when I departed Istanbul, it was written in the press that
I had been a very positive force for tolerance and change in a society
undergoing a difficult transition from its secularist, Kemalist roots
to a more democratic, albeit Islam-oriented political reality.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Kuwait?
Will you commit to make legal protections for the ``bidun jinsiya''--
the stateless people of Kuwait--and foreign domestic laborers a
priority? What are the most important steps you expect to take, if
confirmed, to promote human rights and democracy in Kuwait? What do you
hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. The most pressing human rights issues in Kuwait include
strengthening democracy, increasing protections to combat trafficking
in persons, assisting stateless individuals, and supporting civil
society and women's empowerment. The United States Embassy in Kuwait
continues to encourage democratic reform and development through
exchange and visitor programs in addition to United States Government-
funded democratic reform programming. MEPI currently funds programs
aimed at improving the professionalism of Kuwaiti journalists,
empowering student activists, increasing women's involvement in the
political system, and training political and civil society groups.
If confirmed, I will continue United States efforts to encourage
sustained Kuwaiti commitment to improve the rights of victims of
trafficking and to clarify the status of stateless individuals while
working to improve their fundamental rights. The Government of Kuwait
has taken some steps to address the needs of vulnerable population
within its borders. In September 2007, the Kuwaiti Government opened a
shelter for victims of trafficking in persons and in late 2007 the
government announced plans to study the legal issues surrounding the
bidun jinsiya in an effort to create lasting solutions to their
grievances. Unlike in previous years, the MOI issued a limited number
of passports to Bidoon that they were allowed to keep. Recently, the
Government of Kuwait announced plans to issue a list of bidoon who will
receive Kuwaiti citizenship. We eagerly await the publication of this
list and additional protections for the bidoon. These are noteworthy
efforts; however, much more needs to be done to support the needs of
both victims of trafficking and Kuwait's stateless population, and if
confirmed I will continue to raise these issues with appropriate
Kuwaiti interlocutors.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Kuwait in advancing
human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. If confirmed, I will endeavor to help Kuwait consolidate
and expand those democratic gains to include supporting the development
of fledgling, grassroots women's organizations, civil society groups
and other activists, and advancing the rights and protections of
vulnerable populations living within Kuwait's borders. Kuwait continues
to serve as a regional leader on political reform and has developed
somewhat accountable democratic institutions, as illustrated by its
robust Parliament. Kuwait has enjoyed a number of recent democratic
successes including the successful transition of government following
the January 2006 death of Amir Sheikh Jaber Al-Ahmed Al-Jaber Al Sabah,
the enfranchisement and participation of women in the political
process, and the expansion of media and press outlets. Nonetheless,
further reform is critical for Kuwait's long-term stability, and
Kuwaiti progress on democratic reform and human rights will serve as a
powerful example to the gulf region. Kuwaitis themselves must be
encouraged to drive this process toward democratic development, and
campaigning for increased participation by women, civil society and the
rights of Kuwait's vulnerable populations will remain one of my most
challenging obstacles. If confirmed, I will look for outlets to
continue United States partnership with Kuwaitis to expand and solidify
Kuwait's democratic institutions. Critical human rights issues,
including the exploitation of expatriate workers, will continue to be a
focus of embassy efforts under my leadership and guidance.
Question. In your new position, what steps will you take to ensure
that promotion of human rights objectives will be an integral part of
post activities? If confirmed, what steps will you take to ensure that
Foreign Service officers who engage in human rights activities are
encouraged and professionally rewarded for superior service?
Answer. Kuwait is a positive model of United States
transformational diplomacy efforts in the gulf. If confirmed, I will
work to solidify the groundwork on democratic reform and human rights
laid by my predecessors, and I will work to promote United States human
rights goals and objectives as an integral part of Embassy Kuwait's
activities.
A key element of these efforts will include the use of MEPI and
public diplomacy programs and exchanges to energize Kuwaiti citizens
toward proactive engagement on critical human rights issues. Embassy
Kuwait enjoys a number of robust and effective programming options at
its disposal. Examples of current MEPI programming options include the
following:
The Women's Advocacy and Political Participation program launched by
the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs
(NDI) to support Kuwaiti women's organizations and help them to
work as a coalition and increase their political participation.
The Gulf States Civil Society Organization Law Reform Initiative (ICNL)
works with regional and international experts to examine the
role of civil society in democratic societies, and the legal
framework necessary to enable and protect it. A regional
workshop examines samples of existing and draft laws governing
civil society from the region, Europe, and the United States,
and common components of effective legislative frameworks.
These two programs are examples of the broad range of programming
tools available for incubating and developing democratic reform and
human rights objectives in Kuwait. If confirmed, I will continue to
work with Congress, the Government of Kuwait, as well as international
and domestic civil society organizations to support reform efforts in
Kuwait.
Question. Will you commit to meeting regularly with nongovernmental
organizations in the United States and in Kuwait who are working to
promote human rights?
Answer. If confirmed as Chief of Mission at U.S. Embassy Kuwait, I
will endeavor to strengthen support for Kuwait democratic institutions
as well as encourage further progress on human rights issues. I will
work hard to encourage the Government of Kuwait to ease restrictions on
nongovernmental organizations and enhance opportunities for the
international community to engage with local human rights
organizations.
The use of United States-funded programs, while an important tool,
must be partnered with regular exchange and dialog with Kuwaiti leaders
and activists in order to promote positive change and reform in support
of democratic reform and the development of civil society in Kuwait.
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 2008
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Grieco, Jeffrey, to be an Assistant Administrator of the U.S.
Agency for International Development
Guevara, Ana, to be the Alternate Executive Director of the
World Bank
Morales, Hector, to be the Permanent Representative to the
Organization of American States
Walther, Larry, to be the Director of the Trade and Development
Agency
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:36 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Senator Robert
Menendez presiding.
Present: Senator Menendez.
Also present: Senators Hutchison and Lincoln.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
Senator Menendez. This hearing of the Committee on Foreign
Relations will now come to order.
Today, the committee meets to consider the nominations of
four individuals for key leadership positions in the
administration. The President has nominated Hector Morales to
be the Permanent Representative to the Organization of American
States; Larry Walther to be the Director of the Trade and
Development Agency; Jeffrey Grieco to be an Assistant
Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development;
and Ana Guevara to be the Alternate Executive Director of the
World Bank.
We congratulate you all on your nominations, and we look
forward to hearing from each of you this afternoon.
And we also welcome our colleagues, Senator Hutchison and
Senator Lincoln, who are, shortly, going to introduce Mr.
Morales and Mr. Walther today.
The United States plays a critical role in promoting
economic and social development, trade, political stability,
and poverty alleviation around the world. The Organization for
American States, the U.S. Agency for International Development,
the World Bank, and the U.S. Trade and Development Agency are
parts of the toolkit the United States has to address these
challenges.
Each nominee before us, if confirmed, would be expected to
play a key role in these organizations' missions and the
overall U.S. Government strategy overseas, something that I
personally take very seriously.
I look forward to the witnesses' testimonies, and hearing
how they might contribute to the U.S. goals in these areas.
Mr. Morales, in--your position, if confirmed, will be to
represent the U.S. interests in the premier multilateral forum
in the Western Hemisphere. You would be in a unique position to
communicate and advance U.S. priorities for the region and
represent the United States in an important process of
developing consensus among member states. The Americas is a
region which, unfortunately, has gone somewhat unnoticed by our
efforts in the last several years, at least I've viewed it that
way, and, having just taken a trip to Latin American with
several of our colleagues, heard much of that throughout our
trip. In addition, the OAS is not without its own challenges:
management capacity, budget shortfalls, and internal tension
over respecting state sovereignty. I look forward to hearing,
today, how you would work to reconcile these challenges while
advancing our priorities in the region, especially in light of
the upcoming Summit of the Americas in 2009.
Mr. Grieco, as I have said before, we are at a decisive
moment for the future of USAID, and I strongly believe that,
until we get serious about rebuilding USAID, we are not going
to get the results that the world's poor and marginalized
deserve. A mediocre effort will, at best, yield such results.
USAID should be the backbone of our foreign assistance, and be
viewed as a heavyweight agency both in Washington and in the
field. The Bureau for Legislative and Public Affairs has a key
role in making the case that USAID is a serious player with
serious people who demand serious results.
One good way to weaken an agency in Washington, and in the
eyes of Congress, is to give them a weak legislative affairs
shop. USAID has a strong tradition of weak legislative affair
shops, and I won't, personally, as the subcommittee chairman
that handles all of our foreign affairs--foreign--international
assistance, I certainly don't want to see that happen.
And so, I believe USAID has a story to tell, and they have
a case to make. Of course, if one fails at telling their story,
you will lose--but, more importantly, millions of poor and
marginalized around the world will lose--and the United States
will lose one of the most important tools of soft, but
important, diplomacy. So, I look forward to hearing how you
intend to proceed to stand in the face of that tradition and
make the Bureau of Legislative and Public Affairs the bureau
that it can be and that it needs to be.
Ms. Guevara, as we talked about America's role in
international development, we need to recognize that our
foreign assistance extends to supporting multilateral
institutions, such as the World Bank. I know that this
administration's use of the term ``multilateral'' is often used
either in vain or out of necessity, but rarely by choice. They
should be using it as a way of strengthening a unified effort,
rather than as a last resort. That's why I believe that America
must continue to play a leading role in the multilateral
financial institutions. Your position, if confirmed, would be
partly responsible for setting the tone of the relationship
between the United States and the World Bank, a relationship
that is not without challenges. The World Bank needs help, and
it needs to be reformed. I look forward to hearing how you
propose to work to advance these goals in this--current
challenges that the World Bank faces in the areas of
corruption, incentives, and results.
Finally, Mr. Walther, the U.S. Trade and Development Agency
is one of several agencies that the United States uses to fill
an important niche in the mix of programs that we carry out.
Just because the agency's budget is not as large as some of the
other agencies that this committee has jurisdiction over
doesn't mean that that work isn't vitally important, and
doesn't mean that Congress doesn't expect to see the same
results from USTDA as from those agencies to which we
appropriate billions of dollars per year.
So, for all four of you, if confirmed, you would play a
vital role in institutions whose work is not trivial and not
extracurricular, but work that is at the core of the United
States effort to combat the world's most intractable problems--
problems that merit our undivided attention. In short, this
work matters.
In that spirit, I look forward to hearing your testimony
today, and I'll end my comments there.
Seeing no other member before the committee now, please let
me turn, then, to Senator Hutchison, who will introduce Mr.
Morales.
Senator.
STATEMENT OF HON. KAY BAILEY HUTCHISON,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TEXAS
Senator Hutchison. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Appreciate your holding this hearing, because, as you have
said, these are very important posts to which I hope we can
send American representatives.
I'm particularly pleased to introduce an outstanding Texan,
Hector Morales. He has been an advisor and friend to me for
many years. And it is for the position of U.S. Ambassador to
the Organization of American States. This, too, is a very
important organization for our country and for our initiatives,
to try to bring in Central and South America to our trade base
and our friendships, and to support democracies in Central and
South America.
Hector is certainly qualified for this position. He's been
confirmed twice by the Senate, as a member of the board of the
Inter-American Foundation, in June of 2007, and as an alternate
executive director of the Inter-American Development Bank, in
December of 2007.
His impressive biography includes a bachelor of arts degree
in history from Columbia University in New York, a law degree
from the University of Texas at Austin School of Law. He's
practiced law in both Houston and Austin, and had a long tenure
with Reliant Energy, one of our largest utilities in Texas. He
was first an attorney in the International Law Department, and
rose to president and general manager of Reliant Energy
Argentina, and then as director of project development for
Latin America and the Caribbean. Today, he serves as executive
director of the Inter-American Development Bank.
He certainly knows this area, and, I think, would be a
wonderful representative for America. He also has given so much
in service to our country. I think, if there's one thing that
stands out, it is that he has been willing to leave the private
sector to give, in public service.
This is going to be a hard job. As you mentioned, the
Summit for the Americas is going to be in 2009, and I think it
would be wonderful to have him there to help in the planning
for that very important summit.
So, I hope that the committee will act expeditiously for
his confirmation. And, since he has been confirmed by the
Senate before, I hope that it is uneventful.
Thank you very much. [Laughter.]
Senator Menendez. As do all nominees. [Laughter.]
Thank you, Senator Hutchison.
Senator Hutchison. Thank you very much.
Senator Menendez. Let me turn to my friend and colleague,
who I'm proud to be back with, since I was with her in the
House, and now I get to be with her in the Senate.
Senator Lincoln.
STATEMENT OF HON. BLANCHE L. LINCOLN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM ARKANSAS
Senator Lincoln. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman. And it's
great to have you in the Senate, that's for sure. We're
delighted to be working with you again.
I am proud to be here today to introduce Larry Walther,
who's a fellow Arkansan and a nominee to be the Director of the
U.S. Trade and Development Agency.
As you know, and have very ably described, USTDA has an
impact beyond promoting growth and developing in middle-income
countries. They also help American businesses to export their
products and services overseas; and, in doing so, they create
U.S. jobs.
We, in Arkansas, understand small business. Small business
is the engine of the economy for us in this great country, and
certainly in States like ours. We also understand that small
businesses grow. We have what used to be a very small business
in Arkansas that's grown--WalMart comes to mind, but there's
many of them--that start as small businesses, and grow
tremendously.
Larry brings to this position an abundance of relevant
private- and public-sector work experience that will help him
pursue USTDA's objectives.
In the private sector, Larry worked for over 30 years for
Southwestern Bell Telephone Company, and during that time he
worked in many positions; among them, he worked closely with
governmental and regulatory agencies at the State and Federal
level. Larry's also served as the director of the Arkansas
Department of Economic Development. It's a position that has
clear relevance to the work that he would be doing over at
USTDA.
As director of the Arkansas Department of Economic
Development, Larry oversaw efforts to encourage business
investment in the State from across the world, making many
connections in that arena. This is no small order, and the
Arkansas economy has made impressive gains in recent time.
This is, in no small part, due to the success of Arkansas's
homegrown Fortune 500 companies--I mentioned WalMart; there's
also Alltel and Tyson Foods, Axiom--that have benefited from a
favorable business environment.
Given his past professional experiences in the private
sector and the work he has done for my home State of Arkansas,
I believe Larry has a great understanding of the latent
potential that many emerging economies have for companies that
are looking for new consumers abroad.
So, I hope you will look favorably upon Larry Walther's
nomination for director at USTDA, Mr. Chairman. And I thank you
for inviting me, allowing me to come today, to introduce yet
another great Arkansan for an opportunity to serve this
country.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Menendez. Thank you very much, Senator Lincoln. For
a moment there, I thought you were trying to tell me WalMart
was a small business, so----
[Laughter.]
Senator Lincoln. Used to be.
Senator Menendez. Yeah, used to be. Okay.
Senator Lincoln. Started that way.
Senator Menendez. All right. Thank you very much.
Senator Lincoln. Thank you.
Senator Menendez. And I know that you have a busy agenda,
so that if you need, at some point, to excuse yourself, we
appreciate you coming before the committee and sharing your
insights on Mr. Walther.
As we set you up there, let me just say it's time to turn
to the nominees.
We ask that you summarize your statements. Certainly, your
full statements, each and every one of you, will be included
for the record in its totality.
And we invite you, if you wish, to introduce any members of
your family that may be here with you today. We welcome all of
them.
And we'll start with you, Mr. Morales.
STATEMENT OF HON. HECTOR E. MORALES, NOMINEE TO BE PERMANENT
REPRESENTATIVE TO THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES, WITH THE
RANK OF AMBASSADOR
Mr. Morales. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and the members of the
committee, for the opportunity to appear before you today.
I am honored that President Bush has nominated me to serve
as the United States Permanent Representative to the
Organization of American States, and I am grateful to have the
support of the President, Secretary Rice, and the privilege of
your consideration.
And, with your indulgence and the committee's indulgence, I
would like to accept your offer and introduce the members of my
family that are here with me today.
First, my wife, Selden Wallace Morales, my sister, Ann
Michel Morales, and my brother-and sister-in-law, David and
Manar Morales.
For the last 4 years, I have had the honor of representing
our country at the Inter-American Development Bank; first, as
the alternate executive director, and, for the last 3 years, as
the executive director. I have also been honored to serve on
the board of the United States agency, the Inter-American
Foundation.
The Inter-American Development Bank's mission is to help
accelerate economic and social development individually and
collectively among the region's countries. During my tenure at
the bank, there have been notable accomplishments, including
the $150 million replenishment of the Multilateral Investment
Fund, the participation of this fund and the Inter-American
Investment Corporation with OPIC, and the creation of a $200
million financing initiative for small and medium businesses in
Latin America and the Caribbean, and, less than a year ago, a
$3.4 billion debt relief package to the poorest countries of
the region.
I've also been a strong advocate for greater transparency
and accountability. While I've been at the IDB, an Office of
Institutional Integrity was implemented, and the board now has
an audit committee to improve the vigilance and fiduciary
oversight of bank operations.
Latin America and the Caribbean are regions with great
economic potential, but they face the formidable challenges
that confront most developing countries. We must take advantage
of the opportunities that effective multilateralism offer to
the United States, working through institutions like the IDB
and the OAS, as we pursue goals in key strategic areas,
including the promotion of democracy, human rights, economic
prosperity, and security.
As we do so, we recognize and reaffirm our commitment,
expressed in the Inter-American Democratic Charter, that
democracy is essential for social, political, and economic
development of the peoples of the Americas.
I've had the opportunity to work multilaterally in the
Inter-American system in development. I hope this experience,
if I am confirmed, will help the United States in our
commitment to work with our partners multilaterally to advance
our common interests and values, and to ensure that the OAS
remains true to the core principles upon which it was founded,
now enshrined in the Inter-American Democratic Charter.
Over recent decades, the Western Hemisphere has undergone
profound and positive changes. Democracy prevails in all
countries but one--Cuba--and respect for human rights is the
norm, not the exception. People throughout the region have made
enormous sacrifices to strengthen their democracies, and must
now consolidate these gains in the face of very serious
challenges. These include poverty, inequality, social
exclusion, and the inability of institutions to deliver the
goods and services that people need, to take advantage of the
benefits of democracy and economic opportunity.
It is also important that the United States remain
committed to the summit process, which has enjoyed bipartisan
support since its inception, in 1994, under the Clinton
administration. President Bush has attended three summits,
which have brought significant accomplishments in the areas of
democracy, job creation, HIV/AIDS, infrastructure, development,
education, and competitiveness. The fifth Summit of the
Americas, which will take place in Trinidad and Tobago in the
first half of 2009, will be an early opportunity for the next
President to build on the accomplishments of prior
administrations, and also engage many of the region's leaders
for the first time. It is critical that the OAS remain engaged
and proactive. And, from the U.S. standpoint, this means
enterprising, multilateral engagement in the Americas to ensure
that the OAS and the Summit of the Americas continue to enhance
their important catalytic role in advancing our shared
hemispheric agenda.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to address
these issues and to continue to promote U.S. multilateral
diplomacy in the Americas at the Organization of American
States. If given the opportunity to serve, I would approach my
role as U.S. Permanent Representative with the benefit of
having traveled, worked, and lived in the region. I would also
bring to this position my deeply held belief in the importance
of a robust U.S. engagement with our regional partners to
advance freedom, economic prosperity, and social justice for
all the peoples of the Americas.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the privilege of appearing
before the committee, and I would be pleased to answer any
questions you or the other members of the committee might have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Morales follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mr. Hector E. Morales, Jr., Nominee to be U.S.
Permanent Representative to the Organization of American States
Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the Committee for the
opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored that President
Bush has nominated me to serve as the United States Permanent
Representative to the Organization of American States (OAS), and I am
grateful to have the support of the President and Secretary Rice and
the privilege of your consideration.
With the Committee's indulgence, I would like to introduce the
members of my family here today: my wife, Selden Wallace Morales, my
sister Ann Michele Morales, and my brother and sister-in-law, David and
Manar Morales.
For the last four years, I have had the honor of representing our
country at the Inter-American Development Bank; first as the Alternate
Executive Director and for the last three years as the Executive
Director. I also have been honored to serve on the board of a United
States agency, the Inter-American Foundation.
The Inter-American Development Bank's mission is to help accelerate
economic and social development, individually and collectively among
the region's countries. During my tenure at the Bank, there have been
notable accomplishments, including: the $150 million replenishment of
the Multi-lateral Investment Fund; the participation of the MIF and the
Inter-American Investment Corporation with OPIC in the creation of a
$200 million financing initiative for small and medium businesses in
Latin America and the Caribbean; and less than a year ago a $3.4
billion debt relief package to the poorest countries of the Region. I
have also been a strong advocate for greater transparency and
accountability. While I have been at the IDB, an office of
institutional integrity was implemented, and the Board now has an audit
committee to improve the vigilance and fiduciary oversight of Bank
operations.
Latin America and the Caribbean are regions with great economic
potential, but they face the formidable challenges that confront most
developing countries. We must take advantage of the opportunities that
effective multilateralism offer to the United States, working through
institutions like the IDB and the OAS, as we pursue goals in key
strategic areas, including the promotion of democracy, human rights,
economic prosperity, and security. As we do so, we recognize and
reaffirm our commitment, expressed in the Inter-American Democratic
Charter, that democracy is ``essential for the social, political, and
economic development of the peoples of the Americas.''
I have had the opportunity to work multilaterally in the Inter-
American system in the area of development. I hope this experience, if
I am confirmed, will help the United States and our commitment to work
with our partners multilaterally to advance our common interests and
values, and to ensure that the OAS remains true to the core principles
upon which it was founded, now enshrined in the Inter-American
Democratic Charter.
Over recent decades, the Western Hemisphere has undergone profound
and positive changes: Democracy prevails in all countries but one,
Cuba; and respect for human rights is the norm, not the exception.
People throughout the region have made enormous sacrifices to
strengthen their democracies, and must now consolidate these gains in
the face of very serious challenges. These include poverty, inequality,
social exclusion, and the inability of institutions to deliver the
goods and services that people need to take advantage of the benefits
of democracy and economic opportunity.
It is also important that the United States remain committed to the
Summit Process, which has enjoyed bipartisan support since its
inception in 1994 under the Clinton Administration. President Bush has
attended three Summits, which have brought significant accomplishments
in the areas of democracy, job creation, HIV/AIDs, infrastructure
development, education and competitiveness. The fifth Summit of the
Americas, which will take place in Trinidad & Tobago in the first half
of 2009, will be an early opportunity for the next President to build
on the accomplishments of prior Administrations, and also engage many
of the region's leaders for the first time.
It is critical that the OAS remain engaged and proactive. And from
the U.S. standpoint, this means enterprising multilateral engagement in
the Americas to ensure that the OAS and the Summit of the Americas
continue to enhance their important catalytic role in advancing our
shared hemispheric agenda.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with you to address these
issues and to continue to promote U.S. multilateral diplomacy in the
Americas at the Organization of American States. If given the
opportunity to serve, I would approach my role as U.S. Permanent
Representative with the benefit of having traveled, worked, and lived
in the region. I would also bring to this position my deeply held
belief in the importance of robust U.S. engagement with our regional
partners to advance freedom, economic prosperity, and social justice
for all the peoples of the Americas.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the privilege of appearing before the
Committee. I would be pleased to answer any questions you and the other
members of the Committee may have.
Senator Menendez. Thank you very much, Mr. Morales.
Mr. Grieco.
STATEMENT OF JEFFREY J. GRIECO, NOMINEE TO BE ASSISTANT
ADMINISTRATOR OF THE U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Mr. Grieco. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, members of the
committee. Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you
today.
On January 22nd, 2008, the President nominated me for the
position of Assistant Administrator for Legislative and Public
Affairs at the U.S. Agency for International Development. I'm
deeply honored by his confidence in me, and I'm most
appreciative of the support that's been given to me during the
nomination process.
I would also like to acknowledge and thank my family for
their support. Without their love and encouragement, I,
frankly, wouldn't be here today. And, with your permission, I'd
like to be able to ask my family just to stand up, briefly, if
I could: my wife, Susie, of 15 years plus, and my four great
kids, Grant, Alexandra, Danielle, who's probably asleep by now,
and Joseph, as well. And they're very appreciative for being
out of school today, Senator. [Laughter.]
Senator Menendez. They all look real sharp, too. So----
[Laughter.]
Mr. Grieco. Thank you.
I would also like to express my appreciation to my parents,
Joseph and Theresa Grieco, of Orchard Park, New York, and my
brother, Dave, whose wisdom and love and guidance throughout
all the years has been very helpful to me.
I'm a long-time student of international affairs. I've
received degrees from the Elliott School of George Washington
University, as well as the Edmund Walsh School of Foreign
Service at Georgetown, where I received my master's in Foreign
Service. In addition, I have studied at the American University
in Paris, as well as a short stint at Oxford University's
Templeton College on Comparative International Management.
I knew pretty early on that I wanted to get engaged in a
career in international affairs. I joined the administration
following 9/11, and I've taken this opportunity to serve my
country with the utmost of seriousness and respect for those
who serve. It's been exhilarating. It's been highly educational
for me, not the least because of what I've learned from my
responsibilities dealing with Congress and the American public
on behalf of the agency.
Throughout my service as the senior deputy assistant
administrator for public affairs within the LPA Bureau, and
during the past 9 months as the acting assistant administrator
at the agency for LPA, I've been struck by the emerging broad
consensus for America's international development and foreign
assistance activities, and, in particular, about the mission of
USAID.
The humanitarian development mission of the United States
has, and will continue to be, a moral imperative for this
country. Post-9/11, it is also a national security imperative.
And, among the most effective means by which this Nation brings
about transformational change in the world is through its use
of soft power. If confirmed as USAID administrator for
legislative--assistant administrator for legislative and public
affairs, I will hold the position that is central to the
ongoing conversation between the executive and legislative
branches, essential to the effective formulation of U.S.
foreign and national security policy.
If confirmed by this position, I see my responsibility as
helping to explain USAID's missions, USAID's goals, USAID's
programs to the Congress and to the American public, and to
foreign audiences, as well as to help ensure a timely flow of
information between the Congress and the agency.
I intend to ensure that you are fully informed, in a timely
manner and with a measurable fashion, about all of our USAID
matters that merit your attention, and that your advice,
concerns, and questions are immediately conveyed to our
agency's senior leadership, including our administrator,
Henrietta Holsman Fore, and our Acting Deputy Administrator,
James Kunder.
I'm very proud of our LPA team, several of which are here
today. They've received three favorable audits in the last 4
years from the Government Accounting Office, recognizing our
innovation and our communications techniques and our
competencies. More specifically, these reports have highlighted
how USAID's overseas public diplomacy activities and the first
coordinated use of targeted paid media campaigns, primarily in
GWOT countries, have helped to improve the impact of our
programming.
We've also received top honors from the League of American
Communications Professionals for our Development, Outreach, and
Communications Initiative now being implemented at more than 70
USAID missions abroad.
The combination of broad public affairs experience and,
during the past half-dozen years, serving at the agency, of
legislative experience and work on U.S. foreign assistance, has
prepared me for the added responsibilities that I will assume,
if confirmed, as assistant administrator for legislative and
public affairs.
Should the Senate choose to confirm me for this position,
it would be an honor to serve side by side with the 8,000
dedicated USAID employees who, at great risk and personal
sacrifice, answer the development challenges around the world.
Just this past month, I helped to supervise the return of
the remains of a USAID Foreign Service officer, John Granville,
who was murdered in Khartoum, Sudan, on New Year's Day. John
was from the town that I was born and raised in--Buffalo, New
York. And the sense of outpouring from Buffalonians for the
service that John provided to our country and for the service
that USAID provides to the poor, the starving, and the hopeless
throughout the developing world, was truly inspiring for me.
As I committed to John in my prayers at his funeral, and to
his family, we will endeavor to serve them with the same
distinction and purpose that John served our country and that
our committed USAID employees do for the American people every
day at over 80 missions and offices around the developing
world.
In closing, I want the committee to know that, if
confirmed, I intend to make myself fully available to consult
with any interested staff and members on any and all issues at
AID that may fall within your purview. It's my strong belief,
and my firm conviction, that full and ongoing communications
among all of our major stakeholders are critical within our
system of government if the U.S. national interest is to be
effectively served. I will dedicate myself to carrying out that
principle, Mr. Chairman.
This concludes my formal public statement. I now welcome
any questions that you or other Senators here today may have
for me.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Grieco follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jeffrey J. Grieco, Nominee to be Assistant
Administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Hagel, and other Senators of the
Foreign Relations Committee, thank you for the opportunity to appear
before you today.
On January 22, 2008, President Bush nominated me for the position
of Assistant Administrator for Legislative and Public Affairs at the
U.S. Agency for International Development. I am deeply honored by his
confidence in me and am most appreciative of the support that has been
given me during the nomination process.
I would also like to acknowledge and thank my family for their
support. Without their love and encouragement, I would not be here.
With your permission Mr. Chairman, I would like to recognize my wife of
15 years, Suzie, and our four great-children--Grant, Alexandra, Joseph,
and Danielle. I would also like to express my deep appreciation to my
parents, Joseph and Theresa Grieco of Orchard Park, NY, and my brother,
David Grieco, whose wisdom, love, and guidance has helped me so much
over the years.
I am a long time student of international affairs, having received
degrees from the Elliott School of International Affairs at George
Washington University and the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service
at Georgetown University. In addition, I studied at the American
University in Paris, and also for a short time at Oxford University,
Templeton College. I knew early on that I wanted a career in
international affairs.
Indeed, I have been very fortunate to have had many experienced and
well-known mentors and professors over the years including Dr. Jeanne
Kirkpatrick, former Secretary of State Madeline Albright, Dr. Gaston
Sigur, Dr. Alan Goodman, and former USAID Deputy Administrator, Dr.
Carol Lancaster.
I joined the administration following September 11, 2001, and I
have taken this opportunity to serve my country with utmost seriousness
and respect for those who serve. It has been exhilarating and highly
educational, not the least because of what I have learned from my
responsibilities in dealing with the Congress and public on behalf of
USAID.
Throughout my service as the Senior Deputy Assistant Administrator
for Public Affairs in the Bureau of Legislative and Public Affairs
(LPA), and during the past 9 months as the Acting Assistant
Administrator, I have been struck by the broad political consensus for
America's international development and foreign assistance activities
and, in particular, about the mission of USAID.
In his National Security Strategy of 2002, the President stated
that ``including the world's poor in an expanding circle of
development--and opportunity--is one of the top priorities of U.S.
international policy.'' Since then, the administration has nearly
tripled official development assistance (ODA) worldwide, doubled
assistance to Latin America, and nearly quadrupled assistance to
Africa. Secretary Rice has reaffirmed his mandate to elevate
development. It now plays a key role in our national security
architecture as part of the three ``D's''--defense, diplomacy, and
development--and it is vital to her vision of ``transformational
diplomacy.''
The humanitarian and development mission of the United States has
been and will continue to be a moral imperative of this country. Post
9-11, it is also a national security imperative and among the most
effective means by which this Nation brings about transformational
change in the world through its ``soft power.''
If confirmed as USAID Assistant Administrator for Legislative and
Public Affairs, I will hold a position that is central to the ongoing
conversation between the executive and legislative branches essential
to the effective formulation of U.S. foreign and national security
policy.
If confirmed for this position, I see my responsibilities as
helping to ``explain'' USAID missions, goals, and programs to the
Congress and to the American people and foreign audiences, as well as
to ensure a complete and timely flow of information between the
Congress and the Agency. I intend to ensure that you are fully informed
in a timely and measurable fashion about all USAID matters that merit
your attention, and that your advice, concerns, and questions are
immediately conveyed to the Agency's senior management including the
Administrator of USAID, Henrietta Holsman Fore, and Acting Deputy
Administrator James Kunder.
In my professional career, prior to joining the administration, I
have had substantial experience in international and public affairs,
working in major public affairs firms and managing major international
accounts. This has equipped me to participate in and help lead the
public diplomacy and outreach efforts of the U.S. Agency for
International Development.
I am very proud of our LPA team for receiving three favorable
audits by the Government Accounting Office (GAO), recognizing our
innovative communications techniques and competencies. More
specifically these reports highlighted USAID's overseas public
diplomacy activities and the first coordinated use of targeted paid
media campaigns combining tailored message targeting and pre- and post-
campaign audience impact measurements. We have also received top honors
from the League of American Communications Professionals for our new
Development Outreach and Communications Initiative (DOC), now being
implemented in more than 70 USAID missions abroad.
The combination of broad public affairs experience and, during my
past half dozen years service in the U.S. Agency for International
Development, legislative experience on U.S. foreign assistance has
prepared me for the added responsibilities I would assume as Assistant
Administrator for the Bureau for Legislative and Public Affairs.
Should the Senate choose to confirm me for this position, it would
be an honor to serve side by side with the 8,000 dedicated USAID
employees who, at great risk and personal sacrifice, answer the
development challenges around the world. Just this past month, I helped
to supervise the return of the remains of a USAID Foreign Service
officer, John Granville, who was murdered in Khartoum, Sudan on New
Years Day. John was from the town that I was born and raised, Buffalo,
NY, and the sense of outpouring from Buffalonians for the service that
John and USAID provide the poor, the starving and the hopeless
throughout the developing world, was inspiring. As I committed to John
in my prayers at his funeral and to his family, we will endeavor to
serve them with the same distinction and purpose that John and our
committed USAID employees do for the American people everyday at over
80 missions and offices around the world.
In closing, I want the committee to know that, if confirmed, I
intend to make myself fully available to consult with interested staff
and members on any and all matters at USAID that may fall within your
purview. It is my strong belief that full and ongoing communications
among all major stakeholders are required within our system of
Government if the U.S. national interest is to be effectively served,
and I will dedicate myself to carrying out that principle.
Mr. Chairman, this concludes my statement before the committee. I
now welcome any questions that you and the other Senators here today
may have for me.
Thank you.
Senator Menendez. Thank you very much. And I apologize, I
thought I had your name--surname right. It's Grieco.
Mr. Grieco. Grieco, that's right.
Senator Menendez. Grieco. Okay. Thank you very much for
your opening statement.
Ms. Guevara.
STATEMENT OF ANA M. GUEVARA, NOMINEE TO BE ALTERNATE EXECUTIVE
DIRECTOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL BANK FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND
DEVELOPMENT
Ms. Guevara. Mr. Chairman, I'm grateful for the opportunity
to appear before you today.
I'd like to recognize my little godchild, Ian Carr, who is
in the back of the room with his little sister, Mary, and my
little niece and nephew, who are in Californian history class,
watching this on the Internet. I also have a large group of
supporters, here, of very good friends and colleagues. And,
especially, I'd like to recognize my current boss, Assistant
Secretary of Commerce Admiral Sutton, the tall one in the back
of the room, and two very good friends and mentors, Ex-Im Bank
board member Bijan Kian, and former Congressman Henry Bonilla,
from the great State of Texas.
I am honored to have been nominated to serve--
Senator Menendez. That's all? [Laughter.]
Ms. Guevara. I am honored to have been nominated to serve
as U.S. Alternate Executive Director at the International Bank
for Reconstruction and Development.
President Bush said, in his State of the Union Address,
that America is leading the fight against global poverty,
hunger, and disease, and that America is a force of hope in the
world, because we are a compassionate people. I share this
belief. And as compassionate people with a unique leadership
role in the World Bank, the United States must engender strong
partnerships to ensure programs meant to eradicate poverty and
create inclusive economic growth are not squandered by
corruption and mismanagement. If confirmed, I will have the
great privilege and responsibility to represent the United
States at the World Bank. I look forward to the opportunity to
work with Secretary of the Treasury Paulson and others in our
Government, as well as with our partners at the World Bank, to
improve its effectiveness and impact.
Catalyzing prosperity in the developing world and post-
conflict countries is not just a moral imperative; it helps
create local stability and peace, and it creates new markets
for America entrepreneurs. Indeed, our prosperity and security
is tied to those whom we endeavor to help.
For the past two decades, whether as a businesswoman or a
government official, I have gained extensive experience forging
strong partnerships and formal agreements with governments and
international institutions in Asia and Latin America. If
confirmed, I will apply these skills to build coalitions that
will foster broad support for U.S. priorities with member
countries of the World Bank.
My professional life has focused on increasing trade and
developing economic competitiveness, whether by opening new
markets, providing capacity-building for modern supply chains,
customs procedures, and cultural and heritage tourism, or by
protecting U.S. countries from unfair and corrupt practices
overseas, or even by promoting venture capital and
entrepreneurism. I have also served as ex-officio board member
of the Export-Import Bank, worked with the board of the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation, and overseen the
Department of Commerce's participation in the Interagency
Working Group on Multilateral Aid.
The most gratifying experience of my professional life,
however, has been the community education projects--in Mexico,
China, Poland, Ukraine, and rural America--that I was fortunate
to be involved with while in the private sector.
In Mexico, I developed a 10-year educational development
program, where I learned, firsthand, about the many challenges
in implementing a results-oriented project. It allowed me to
see how, given the right tools, proper food and nutrition, warm
clothes, and a little hope and encouragement, that even the
poorest child facing the greatest odds can flourish, exceeding
his or her own expectations and transforming a community's
quality of life, and, more important, quality of spirit.
In working with the community projects, I also learned how
corruption can hurt these programs and the people they are
meant to help, when I was forced to turn away one of the
communities under consideration because I was not convinced
local officials would enforce proper fiduciary controls for
project funds.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will use the combination of
my experience with the private sector, public sector, and
community service to build support for U.S. priorities, such as
anticorruption, governance and accountability, transparency,
debt sustainability, environmental safeguards, and to improve
results. I will seek to help developing countries capitalize on
the benefits of globalization and trade, and to promote an
inclusive and sustainable prosperity through private-sector
development in these countries.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would be pleased to answer the
committee's questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Guevara follows:]
Prepared Statement by Ana M. Guevara, Nominee for United States
Alternate Executive Director of the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development, Before the Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations
Mr. Chairman and Members of the committee, I am grateful for the
opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored to have been
nominated to serve as U.S. Alternate Executive Director at the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. President Bush
said in his State of the Union Address that America is leading the
fight against global poverty, hunger and disease; and that ``America is
a force for hope in the world because we are a compassionate people.''
I share this belief. And as compassionate people with a unique
leadership role in the World Bank, the United States must engender
strong partnerships to ensure programs meant to eradicate poverty and
create inclusive economic growth are not squandered by corruption and
mismanagement.
If confirmed, I will have the great privilege and responsibility to
represent the United States at the World Bank. I look forward to the
opportunity to work with Treasury Secretary Paulson and others in our
government--as well as with our partners at the World Bank--to improve
its effectiveness and impact. Catalyzing prosperity in the developing
world and post-conflict countries is not just a moral imperative. It
helps create local stability and peace. And it creates new markets for
American entrepreneurs. Our prosperity and security is tied to those
whom we endeavor to help.
For the past two decades, whether as a businesswoman or government
official, I have gained extensive experience forging strong
partnerships and formal agreements with governments and international
institutions in Asia and Latin America. If confirmed, I will apply
these skills to build coalitions that will foster broad support for
U.S. priorities with member countries of the World Bank. My
professional life has focused on increasing trade and developing
economic competitiveness, whether by opening new markets or providing
capacity building for modern supply chains, customs procedures and
cultural and heritage tourism or by protecting U.S. companies from
unfair and corrupt practices oversees, or even by promoting venture
capital and entrepreneurism. I have also served as ex-officio board
member of the Export Import Bank, worked with the board of the Oversees
Private Investment Corporation and overseen the Department of
Commerce's participation in the Interagency Working Group on
Multilateral Aid.
The most gratifying experience of my professional life, however,
has been the community education projects in Mexico, China, Poland,
Ukraine, and rural America that I was fortunate to be involved with
while in the private sector. In Mexico I developed a 10-year
educational development program where I learned first hand about the
many challenges in implementing a results oriented project. It allowed
me to see how given the right tools, proper food and nutrition, warm
clothes--and a little hope and encouragement--that even the poorest
child facing the greatest odds can flourish, exceeding his or her own
expectations and transforming a community's quality of life and more
importantly, quality of spirit. In working with the community projects,
I also learned how corruption can hurt these programs and the people
they are meant to help when I was forced to turn away one of the
communities under consideration because I was not convinced local
officials would enforce proper fiduciary controls for project funds.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed I will use the combination of my
experience with the private sector, public sector and community service
to build support for U.S. priorities such as anti-corruption,
governance and accountability, transparency, debt sustainability,
environmental safeguards, and to improve results. I will seek to help
developing countries capitalize on the benefits of globalization and
trade, and to promote inclusive and sustainable prosperity through
private sector development in these countries.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would be pleased to answer the
committee's questions.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Ms. Guevara.
Mr. Walther.
STATEMENT OF LARRY WOODROW WALTHER, NOMINEE TO BE DIRECTOR OF
THE TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT AGENCY
Mr. Walther. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I'd like to introduce my wife and soulmate of almost 38
years now, Janice Walther. She's over there. Janice and I have
two children, Bill and Mandy. And Bill is a mechanical engineer
who works for other Department of Army in Pine Bluff, Arkansas,
and he and his wife have two children under--let's see, 7 and
under. My daughter--her husband is a college professor; they
have four children, 8 and under. And so, it was a little
difficult for them to travel from central--you know, from
Arkansas and from Missouri to be here, but they really wanted
to be here.
It is a pleasure to appear before you today as President
George W. Bush's nominee to be director of U.S. Trade and
Development Agency. If confirmed, I look forward to making a
direct impact on the economic growth and development of middle-
income and developing countries around the world through the
promotion and export of U.S. technology and ingenuity. My
career has taught me many things that are relevant to the
success leading USTDA, but none may be as important as the
impact of the expansion of infrastructure and its impact on
economic development and growth.
Before being selected as the President's nominee for USTDA
director, I enjoyed a wonderful career in the private sector. I
started as a switching engineer with Southwestern Bell
Telephone Company in 1970, and was fortunate to achieve success
throughout my career. Ultimately, I concluded 30 years of
service with SBC, with is now AT&T, as the vice president for
corporate services and chairman of the SBC Foundation. In that
capacity, I oversaw a philanthropic organization that managed
$67 million in community and charity giving.
More recently, I had the honor of serving as director of
the Arkansas Department of Economic Development. As the
director of ADED, I was responsible for the overall direction
and management of the department and for representing the
governor and the State on all matters concerning statewide
issues of economic development. In so doing, I provided
direction and policy advice to the governor, to his cabinet, to
the legislature, and regional and local leaders on key issues
affecting the economic development and business climate in the
State of Arkansas.
As a result of this background, I have a deep appreciation
for the essential role of infrastructure, both physical and
institutional, in establishing the ideal environment for the
private sector to serve as a catalyst for growth. I also
understand the role of government in promoting and assisting
growth. USTDA trade and development missions reflect this
focus. If confirmed, I will look forward to applying my
experience in building the--on the agency's outstanding record
of success.
As you well know, USTDA's activities position U.S. firms to
play key roles in the priority projects in developing
countries. Through the strategic use of foreign assistance
funds, USTDA seeks to create an environment favorable for
trade, investment, and sustainable economic development. The
agency accomplishes its mission by assisting early project
planning activities designed to promote trade capacity and
sector development. In engaging U.S. private-sector expertise
early in the project planning process, USTDA helps to ensure
that U.S. firms will be competitive during the implementation
phase. This model of foreign assistance has created successful
mutual economic benefits to both U.S. industry and our partner
countries in emerging economies.
On a more personal note, the agency already has a
significant focus on promoting the development of information
and communications technology around the world. Given my
background and the capacity of this sector to serve as a
catalyst in the development of other sectors, I would like to
reinforce the agency's commitment in this area. More broadly,
this unique trade and development mission is one that I am
committed to successful leading.
Mr. Chairman, I am eager to undertake the role of USTDA
director. If confirmed, I will build upon the agency's
outstanding reputation of responsiveness, flexibility, and
success with the U.S. business community. I intend to continue
the agency's long track record of partnerships with exceptional
projects, sponsors overseas to foster commercial solutions for
their developmental goals. I am deeply honored and humbled that
the President has nominated me to serve as USTDA director, and
I look forward to working with you and your staff in the
future.
I want to thank you, again, very much for holding this
hearing today, and I'd be happy to answer any questions.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Walther follows:]
Prepared Statement of Larry W. Walther, Director-Designate, U.S. Trade
and Development Agency
Thank you very much Chairman Menendez, Senator Hagel and the
Members of the Committee.It is a pleasure to appear before you today as
President George W. Bush's nominee to be the Director of the U.S. Trade
and Development Agency (USTDA). If confirmed, I look forward to making
a direct impact on the economic growth and development of middle income
and developing countries around the world through the promotion and
export of U.S. technology and ingenuity. My career has taught me many
things that are relevant to successfully leading USTDA, but maybe none
as important as the impact that the expansion of infrastructure has on
economic growth.
Before being selected as the President's nominee for USTDA
Director, I enjoyed an accomplished career in the private sector. I
started as a Switching Engineer for Southwestern Bell Telephone Company
in 1970 and was fortunate to have achieved success throughout my
career. In my professional capacities, a significant potion of my
career with SBC was spent in a leadership role in the area of
governmental and regulatory relations. Specifically, I had the pleasure
of representing the company before all levels of government, the
majority of which was working with state regulatory commissions and the
legislative and executive branches. I also had a major role within the
company in economic analysis and marketing oriented business
development.
Ultimately, I concluded 30+ years of service with SBC as the Vice
President for Corporate Services and Chairman of the SBC Foundation. In
that capacity, I oversaw a philanthropic organization that managed
$67.4 million in community and charity giving. As Chairman of the
Foundation, I was charged with the responsibility for developing and
refining the Foundation's strategic plan, implementing that vision, and
ensuring it met the goals of the SBC Foundation's directors and the
Chairman of SBC. In supporting various philanthropic organizations, I
had to evaluate and identify those programs that best met the goals of
the Foundation, and had a high likelihood of success, ensuring I was a
good steward of the Foundation's funds.
More recently, I had the honor of serving as Director of the
Arkansas Department of Economic Development (ADED). As the Director of
the ADED, I was responsible for the overall direction and management of
the Department and for representing the Governor and the State on all
matters concerning statewide issues of economic development. In so
doing, I provided direction and policy advice to the governor and his
cabinet, the legislature, and regional and local leaders on key issues
affecting the economic development and business climate of Arkansas. I
formed significant relationships with top level management within the
private sector, addressing the economic conditions and business and
investment opportunities in the State. In addition, I led numerous
economic and trade development missions to the Far East and Europe,
actively pursuing investment by foreign companies into the Arkansas
economy.
As a result of this background, I have a deep appreciation for the
essential role of infrastructure, both physical and institutional, in
establishing the ideal environment for the private sector to serve as a
catalyst for growth. I also understand the role of government in
promoting and assisting growth. USTDA's trade and development missions
reflect this focus. If confirmed, I look forward to applying my
experience in building on the agency's outstanding record of success.
As you well know, USTDA activities position U.S. firms to play a
key role in priority projects in developing countries. Through its
strategic use of foreign assistance funds, USTDA seeks to create an
environment favorable for trade, investment, and sustainable economic
development. The agency accomplishes its mission by assisting early
project planning activities designed to promote trade capacity and
sector development.
Fundamentally, USTDA provides access to U.S. technology, expertise
and ingenuity in meeting developmental challenges. This access serves
as the basis of the public-private partnerships that are a hallmark of
the agency's success. Often, USTDA investments are matched by
contributions from U.S. firms that share the agency's and project
sponsor's commitment to a development priority.
By engaging U.S. private sector expertise early in the project
planning process, USTDA helps to ensure that U.S. firms will be
competitive during the implementation phase. This model of foreign
assistance has created successful mutual economic benefits for both
U.S. industry and our partner countries in emerging economies. USTDA
has an impressive record of achievement in carrying out this mission.
Since 1981, USTDA has been associated with more than $28 billion in U.S
exports. This amounts to approximately $39 in U.S. exports for every $1
invested by the agency.
USTDA also has a strong record of support for U.S. small
businesses. In fact, the agency contracts exclusively with small
businesses in evaluating the funding proposals that the agency
receives. These contracts help to provide small businesses with
important international experience that they can apply in competing for
other business opportunities.
In recent years, the agency has placed considerable emphasis on
activities that advance U.S. policy objectives. Priority areas have
included the promotion of global energy security, the application of
environmental technologies, ensuring secure and safe trade, and
enhancing regional integration. In doing so, I believe the agency has
significantly leveraged its resources, and magnified its impact, by
focusing on areas that complement efforts by other U.S. Government
agencies.
In addition, USTDA has targeted its program on developing
countries' trade capacity. This area now accounts for half of the
agency's obligations worldwide. Recognizing the capacity of trade to
unleash the dynamic power of the private sector as an engine for
growth, these activities are designed to enhance countries' ability to
efficiently and effectively participate in the global economy.
In these ways, USTDA rightly recognizes that for the infrastructure
to reach its fullest potential, the institutional capacity also must be
in place for the private sector to succeed. By helping to create both
the infrastructure and the environment for U.S. firms to compete
overseas, USTDA is opening new markets to U.S. goods and services
around the world.
USTDA has a unique trade and development mission, and I am
committed to that mission. I am also interested in exploring additional
efforts that the agency can make as an integral part of advancing
larger U.S. policy priorities. I seek and welcome the guidance and
support of the Congress in these efforts. The agency already has a
significant focus on promoting the development of information and
communications technology around the world. Given my background and the
capacity of this sector to serve as a catalyst for the development of
other sectors, I would like to reinforce the agency's commitment in
this area.
Mr. Chairman, I am eager to undertake the role of USTDA Director.
If confirmed, I will build upon the agency's outstanding reputation for
responsiveness, flexibility and success with the U.S. business
community. I intend to continue the agency's long track record of
partnerships with exceptional project sponsors overseas to foster
commercial solutions to their development goals. Moreover, I will
consult regularly with this committee and its counterpart in the U.S.
House of Representatives. I also plan to continue USTDA's close
coordination with other U.S. Government agencies through the Trade
Promotion Coordinating Committee, and with other agencies that possess
technical expertise and other resources that can be applied in
increasing the effectiveness of USTDA's programs.
I am deeply honored and humbled that the President has nominated me
to serve as USTDA Director and look forward to working with you and
your staff in the future. Thank you very much for holding this hearing
today. I am happy to answer any questions that you have.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Walther.
Thank you all.
And let me start a first round of questioning. We'll put up
7 minutes, and, unless we get other members, I'll continue
thereon.
So, let me start with you, Mr. Morales. I appreciated what
you said in your opening statement. I want to know what you
think the role of the OAS should be. I know what it is, but I
want to know what you think the role of the OAS should be in
the Americas.
Mr. Morales. Mr. Chairman, I think the role of the OAS is
extremely important. I mean, clearly its mission to help
promote and consolidate democracy is fundamental. I think that
we need to continue to support that. But it also does quite a
bit in the area of development. Both of these are critical if
we're going to have the kind of stability, I think, that we
want to see in the region. I believe that you have to have
democracy in order to really have effective programs that are
going to alleviate the challenges that I outlined in my
statement--poverty, social exclusion--because that--hopefully,
that will lead to economic and social development. They
mutually reinforce one another. So, the role of the OAS is
critical to that, and that's what I believe.
Senator Menendez. Let me ask you. We are the largest
contributor to the OAS. How do you see our role in the process
of developing consensus among member states? And, before you
answer that, you know, we have a challenge in the hemisphere. I
spent a lot of time on focusing in the hemisphere when I was in
the House, as well as now, in the Senate, and just came from a
visit there, of five countries. You know, we have a challenge
in the hemisphere. We see authoritarian--what I consider to be
authoritarian rule, guised under the cloak of constitutions,
such as in Venezuela. We see a movement toward the populace of
many countries who do not believe that democracy has brought
good things to life and/or open markets. And we see a rising
tide of anti-Americanism.
In that context, how do you see us working with the other
countries of the OAS to bring common cause to what you describe
as your own vision of what the role should be?
Mr. Morales. I think that consensus-building is very
difficult. I--the work that I've had the pleasure to do at the
Inter-American Development Bank--while not similar to the OAS
in terms of ``one vote, one country,'' the work there is very
much based on a consensus spirit. So, what that means is,
advocacy, a willingness to listen, and a willingness to
engage--and I think that that is--I would imagine--I don't know
what the OAS is like, but I have spoken to colleagues who have
worked there and are working there, and it is, I think,
critical that we send a signal that--one, that we care about
the institution. I think the regional members have--and the
observers--have a real interest in the success of the OAS. So,
I think our active participation is a way of manifesting our
commitment to the goals of the--to the OAS, as well as our
commitment, more broadly, to the region.
So, I think that--while there are clearly many different
voices, I think what we have to signal is that, if these are
democratic governments, we need to be prepared to work with
them across ideological lines, across party lines, and that's
the signal that we should send. Hopefully, they'll want to work
with us, but I think we have to be willing to say that this is
what we're prepared to do.
I think, in terms of the budget, we do offer more than 60
percent of the budget, but we're also providing assistance in a
number of other programs. I think that the fact that it's not
percentage-based allows, I think, the other countries to feel
that their vote is just as important. And it is. Every vote in
that institution is important. But, it also means that we have
to be very active and engaging, and be strong advocates.
Senator Menendez. What do you think is the biggest
challenge the OAS has? And, after defining it, how would you
work to meet that challenge, to overcome that challenge?
Mr. Morales. The--clearly, I think, the challenges--among
the largest challenge is how democracies can help to provide
the benefits and goods that people expect that type of
government to offer. And I think that the OAS, through many of
its programs, whether it's through the human rights--the work
of the Human Rights Commission, whether the electoral
observation missions that it's doing--all of these programs, I
think, are designed to show that a democratic and pluralistic
form of government is the best way to ensure that these
challenges that exist can be addressed, and addressed
effectively.
I think that how I would go about it, if I were to be
confirmed, would be to continue to underscore the importance of
the Inter-American Democratic Charter, to work, not only on the
reinforcement of democracy, but, as I said earlier, also on the
development program. Economic and social programs are
critically important to the--to democracy. So, that, if I were
to be confirmed, would be how I would approach the position.
Senator Menendez. Thank you for your answer. If you are to
be confirmed, I would urge you to look at legislation, that
Senator Martinez and I have, creating a fund for the Americas.
I think it's incredibly important. And we certainly would be
looking for some vigorous advocacy at the OAS. We think our
country needs it in the hemisphere, and this is our front yard,
our closest neighbors. And--many of us believe that the only
time we pay vigorous attention is when we have a problem--and
when we have a problem, it's late in the process. We need to
engage, early on. So, I'm happy to hear some of your answers.
Mr. Grieco, let me ask you--you and I had a chance to talk,
in private, about some of the challenges of the department, as
you know. I know that both AID and the State Department have
complained about a number of congressional directives, about
limitations, about holes on reprogramming. And, as I talk to my
colleagues, that happens because they feel they don't get the
right consultation--not information, not notification, because
that's just telling me what--something is happening; doesn't
engage me in the process of working toward a decision. So,
notification is one thing. A lot of that is by statute, and
necessary, so it's not a question of whether you have the
discretion. Engagement and consultation is another. And so,
hence, I think you've seen a rise of congressional directives
on limitations and holes in the reprogramming.
How would you, in your role--now, you've been acting in
this role for 9 months. So, now the question is--now--and, I
believe, largely, you've had authority, but now, with the
absolute confirmation of the Senate, presuming that happens,
how would you work to improve this relationship with Congress,
number one? And, number two, would you commit--responsiveness
is part of our challenge, getting responsiveness to questions
posed, both orally and in written form--how would you commit--
would you commit to a timeline for responsiveness to
congressional inquiries? And, if so, what would that timeline
be?
So, first, how would you seek to make the relationship more
constructive, more engaging, more responsive? And, certainly,
in terms of inquiries, what would you be willing to commit
yourself to?
Mr. Grieco. Well, I think--if I can start with the latter,
I think what we'd like to try to do--since I've been involved
in--as an acting assistant administrator in the bureau right
now, we've gotten our congressional response rates for written
requests down to 90 percent, or at a 2-to 3-week average right
now. I think we can improve that even more, frankly.
In addition to those written responses, what we have talked
about within the agency--and we've had several new assistant
administrators now confirmed, that have now joined us in our
African Bureau, Latin America Bureau, and so forth--there is a
big interest on behalf of our assistant administrators to come
up and do more regular consultations on our programming, with
the committee and with our appropriators committees, as well.
We're anxious to do that.
We are seeing, now, I think, a more active approach from
our assistant administrators to come out to Congress and
testify on various issues. We just had an assistant
administrator, Kate Almquist, up, this week, on Kenya. We hope
to have more assistant administrators in our functional bureaus
also testifying in the next few weeks, as well. And I think
we'd like to see an aggressive positioning of the agency,
especially on its programming budget, on its operating-expense
budgets, to come up and talk to Congress, and get Congress's
ideas, too.
We talked, yesterday, a little bit about the congressional
budget justification, some of the frustrations that you've
experienced with that, and I think we're more committed than
ever, and we're fairly optimistic, that the long version of
that CBJ, which you're doing to receive, hopefully, in the next
few weeks, is going to have much greater detail for your
requests. We'll offer datasets from us to you, providing
greater congressional interest----
Senator Menendez. So, I'm going to get country----
Mr. Grieco. You're going to get countries----
Senator Menendez [continuing]. Or the committee----
Mr. Grieco [continuing]. And sectors.
Senator Menendez [continuing]. Country-by-country projects?
Mr. Grieco. Plus sectors, as well. And I'm--if I can just--
if you would oblige me for one second, we also added to the CBJ
this year, specifically at this committee and other committees'
request, you will receive sector and element representations in
charts that break it out, not just by the countries, but also,
now, by some of the biggest issue areas that you've raised with
us--trafficking in persons; maternal and child health will now
have its own page; HIV/AIDS, malaria, and TB will be broken
out; family planning and reproductive health; and basic ed--
just to name a few. So, that--we believe that it's going to be
better than last year's version. We're listening to Congress,
and we're responding to Congress. We think we can make it
better. We're in the middle of a process in this, and we hope
that, with your guidance and your consultation, that it can be
what you want it to be.
Senator Menendez. How about performance data?
Mr. Grieco. Performance data is based on a separate system,
so we have FACTS, which is a new foreign assistance measurement
system, which is tied to our performance analysis, and that
is--we're going to be offering the staff a briefing on that, I
understand, within the next week or so. That's a newer system,
and it's ready to roll out formally, I believe, to the Hill,
and we're looking forward to doing that.
Senator Menendez. Well, I see no other member before the
committee, so I'm going to continue. If a member comes in, I
will yield to them.
How does the budget of the Bureau of Legislative and Public
Affairs compare to that of the H Bureau at the Department of
State and the legislative shop at the Millennium Challenge
Corporation?
Mr. Grieco. AID is fairly small, sir, in comparison. AID's
got about eight leg officers. My understanding is State's got
approximately 100, with admin staff included; MCC, I think,
between four and six on the leg side. Our bureau has about 80
people, total, when you add----
Senator Menendez. Millennium Challenge has between four and
six?
Mr. Grieco. Just on the leg side, yeah.
Senator Menendez. And you have what?
Mr. Grieco. I have about eight leg liaison officers, for
us. And we----
Senator Menendez. What's your budget, compared to the
Millennium Challenge budget?
Mr. Grieco. I've never been asked, or privy to, the MCC's
budget on their leg side, but I--if the committee requests, I'd
be happy to try to provide that information.
Senator Menendez. Yeah, well, we would like to see it. AID
has a very important role, and I appreciate what the Millennium
Challenge Corporation does, but it sounds like that's a
disproportionate leg shop, compared to what you do.
Let me ask you this. How would you describe the overall
capacity of the Legislative and Public Affairs Bureau at AID?
Mr. Grieco. Compared to MCC----
Senator Menendez. Just--the overall--your overall----
Mr. Grieco. Oh, I think----
Senator Menendez [continuing]. Capacity.
Mr. Grieco. I think that we have tremendously dedicated
people. Several of our staff--career staff have been in the
bureau for more than 20 years, and are experts--really, I
think, the U.S. Government's experts--on an appropriations
process on our foreign assistance budgets. Our public affairs
staff is equally dedicated, and we--as I said, the GAO reports
have validated that we have unique competencies here that, I
think, can be expanded. We're looking--the administrator, when
she arrived, the first thing she did was, we need to rebuild
LPA staffing. She's getting us several more legislative
staffers, that are in process now. We have several more public
affairs staffers coming in. A new chief of public liaison just
arrived yesterday. And we're doing aggressive replanning on
both the staffing and resource side for us. And we have a very
small program budget within the bureau, which we implement the
strategic ad campaigns, which we talked about in our doc
program overseas.
But, there is some program money that we received previous,
under the Biden Pell Grant, for domestic education, about what
development does for U.S. interests, for us to talk about to
the domestic audience. And, unfortunately, that's been capped
at only about $25,000 a year. We would love to see that cap
removed, so that we could do more aggressive outreach to the
American public about what foreign assistance does for their
own security and does for U.S. national interests.
Senator Menendez. You're capped at 25,000?
Mr. Grieco. 25,000.
Senator Menendez. To communicate to the American people
why----
Mr. Grieco. Yes.
Senator Menendez [continuing]. We spend what we spend, and
what's their----
Mr. Grieco. For development----
Senator Menendez [continuing]. Interest in it?
Mr. Grieco [continuing]. Education portion, yes. Now, I
have a $1.7 million budget for the whole bureau, which includes
my staffing, my leg staff, my public affairs staff, and
outreach activities, generally.
Senator Menendez. Okay. Well, that answers part of that
question I was going to provide to you. If you had more money,
what you do differently, in terms of the public perception,
here domestically, about the importance of AID and our foreign
assistance, in general?
Mr. Grieco. This would be program money, so the program
money that we would receive for that purpose would have to--you
know, I'm very cognizant that, in the past, Congress has had a
number of problems with the agency, over many decades, with
some of that money being provided for domestic audience
education that was used for other purposes. And I think that's
one of the problems, in the past, that's put some constraints
on the agency.
Since I've been there, more 7 years, we're very focused on
targeting our work, providing Congress with initial analyses of
what we're trying to achieve, and then doing post-event
performance reviews, and providing you with the information
show what our audience reach was, did we move the audience
awareness ticker? And I think we can show you a model that
works, because we're doing it now throughout the developing
world, as well.
Senator Menendez. Now, let me--before I turn away from
you--I would like to pursue that a little bit more, but--okay.
State wants the record to reflect that they only have 70,
not 100 employees. [Laughter.]
Mr. Grieco. Sorry. I stand corrected, and I'm sure I'll
hear from Mr. Bergner later about that. [Laughter.]
Senator Menendez. No, no, no. You were giving your best
estimate. You didn't have the numbers before you. We can't hold
you responsible for it. I just wanted to get proportionality,
here----
Mr. Grieco. All right.
Senator Menendez [continuing]. Get a sense.
So, the record is reflected, now, for the State Department,
that they don't have 100, they have 70. [Laughter.]
Senator Menendez. Which means that I'm still going to get
my requests a lot quicker, now that I know they have 70. Let me
just----
[Laughter.]
Senator Menendez. Let me just ask you one thing. You were
very good in giving me an answer about how you're trying to
improve the timelines, but you didn't make a commitment to what
the timelines would be, in terms of responding to inquiry--
congressional inquiries. Is it 2 weeks? Is it 3 weeks? What
would it be?
Mr. Grieco. Here is the issue, that we spoke about a little
bit, briefly. If the request requires us to go out to our
missions overseas, it automatically adds time for us, because
our staffing at the missions is so tight, and they're doing,
many of them, two and three different jobs at the mission, and
with----
Senator Menendez. So, let's bifurcate it.
Mr. Grieco. So----
Senator Menendez. Let's say it doesn't go out----
Mr. Grieco. If it doesn't require----
Senator Menendez [continuing]. The request doesn't
require--go outside. What would you commit yourself to?
Mr. Grieco. I'll commit myself, sir, to 2 weeks, at the
outset; and if we can improve upon that, in practice, that's my
goal.
Senator Menendez. And if it is outside--or you have to go
through the bureaus outside, what would you think would think
would be an appropriate timeframe?
Mr. Grieco. Again, it's going to depend on whether the
information is going to require us, in the field, to undertake
actions to extract the information from our local partners or
our local NGOs or host governments, but----
Senator Menendez. What do you think is a reasonable
timeframe?
Mr. Grieco. Within a month?
Senator Menendez. Okay.
Ms. Guevara, let me ask you a couple of questions. You're
going to be--you know, ``alternative executive director''
sometimes sounds like, well, doesn't really matter, until--it's
like being Vice President, you know, you're there and waiting.
I look at the alternative executive director in a little bit
different way, much more proactively, and have--and certainly,
as we have seen--if Mr. Morales gets confirmed, he's going to
be leaving a position that the all--you know, there's going to
be alternatives to--alternates to. So, you know, it can--you
can ultimately function in the position, itself. So, I'd look
at the alternate as very important in our decisionmaking.
And so, the World Bank--there's an area--two areas that I
want to explore with you. One is, middle-income countries can
now borrow from the private capital markets at pretty
competitive interest rates. So, what's the incentive for poor
countries to borrow from the World Bank? And, in essence, how--
what do you see the comparative advantage is for the World
Bank--to borrow from the World Bank versus--you know, from
middle-income countries versus, largely, the market that they
can achieve in the private marketplace, without the World
Bank's constraints?
Ms. Guevara. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The World Bank has a mission that is not only just to loan
money, but one of the things that it brings is its ability to
have capacity-building and provide technical assistance. This
is the one thing that it has over a regular bank that might be
lending money to developing countries or to middle-income
countries, is that the World Bank could provide capacity-
building, could help with helping countries meet their
environmental safeguards and other social safeguards.
Senator Menendez. So, you think that that is the singular
nature--that it's the capacity-building essence of it, that
gives the bank the desirability--the people the desirability--
countries, I should say--the desirability to go to the bank?
Ms. Guevara. I certainly think it's one of the best
incentives. If the countries can go to the private sector and
don't need that help, then there's no need to go to the bank.
Senator Menendez. So, how do you think the bank should
charge for those activities?
Ms. Guevara. I think the poorest countries--if we're
looking at Africa, those services should not be charged,
necessarily, for those countries. If you're looking at more
middle-income countries, depending on the service, then you
could look at what that capacity-building and technical
assistance would be.
Senator Menendez. Is that--well, what does the bank do now
in that regard, do you know?
Ms. Guevara. I don't have a lot of information on that,
but----
Senator Menendez. Let me ask----
Ms. Guevara [continuing]. I'll be glad to find out.
Senator Menendez [continuing]. You this. What do you think
is the main mission of the bank? Is it economic expansion or is
it poverty alleviation?
Ms. Guevara. It's eradication of poverty. And to the extent
that it's promoting economic growth, it should do it in an
inclusive manner.
Senator Menendez. Okay. You gave me the words ``inclusive
manner.'' Give me a little bit of meat on that bone.
Ms. Guevara. Yes, sir. We've heard a lot about global
prosperity, especially in the last years, and globalization,
and the point is that not everybody has been able to partake in
that growth and in that prosperity. And what the World Bank
does is ensure that this prosperity includes all people, even
those that perhaps don't have the natural ability to partake in
it.
Senator Menendez. And the reason I pursue that with you is
because we can have economic expansion, but that does not
guarantee poverty alleviation or elimination.
Ms. Guevara. I agree.
Senator Menendez. And so, we look forward to seeing our
leadership on the bank move in a direction that, maybe, can
have economic expansion, but is also about significant poverty
alleviation, at the end of the day.
Let me ask you this. The World Bank, as with so many
institutions, particularly of this size, has--suffers from some
of the problems that plague large bureaucracies: it has
entrenched interests, it has turf wars, it has competing
ideologies, power, and, of course, money. In my mind, the most
obvious, and, frankly, in my view, the most absurd, tradition
at the World Bank is the instinctive structure--the way in
which the bank promotes its recognition for bank personnel is
based on pushing money out of the door, rather than on the
results their programs demonstrate. I know that--from your
discussion of your private-sector experience, I'm sure you
didn't achieve success by pushing--just simply pushing money
out the door. If you did, I--tell me the company, so, when I
retire, I can go try to work there. [Laughter.]
Senator Menendez. So, point is, Do you think that's a good
way to run an agency?
Ms. Guevara. I think it's vitally important for the
effectiveness of the World Bank to have a focus on results-
based measurements, and that it's not just about how much money
you pushed out the door, but following that project and making
sure that results on the ground were made, and, further, in
having incentive to countries who show that they are showing
results in the way that their loans and their credits are given
to them.
Senator Menendez. What would you do to--then, if you are
confirmed, would you do to change that present standard at the
bank?
Ms. Guevara. Well, if I was confirmed, I would work with
the USCD. Again, I think, coalition-building and building
support from different countries is very important, and working
with President Zoellick to see what sorts of internal policies
could be changed to move in that direction.
Senator Menendez. Let me ask you one last set of questions.
Give me a sense of the governance structure of the bank. Who
has the power within the bank? And who makes the majority of
the funding decision? Who decides where the money goes and what
it's used for?
Ms. Guevara. The bank is run by the board of directors that
are representatives of the member states, and it's the board
that votes on where the funding will go.
Senator Menendez. And how does that directorship--is it
weighted, or is it--is it equal votes?
Ms. Guevara. Yes, sir, it's weighted, depending on how
large a share the member has.
Senator Menendez. So, therefore, it's not just that the
directors have a vote, but, since it's weighted, there's
obviously a universe in that structure that has a pretty big
say about where that funding goes, right?
Ms. Guevara. Yes, sir.
Senator Menendez. Mr. Walther, let me ask you--I thought I
heard this in your opening statement. I think it's a good
thing, but I just--let me ask you. Many people, when they're
confirmed at the late stage of an administration, try to
scramble and put their mark on the agency, and sometimes
propose changes, reorganizations, a refocusing of the mission.
Sometimes they can be good, sometimes it can be chaotic,
because it cannot be executed within the timeframe of the
appointment. So, how--what would be your agenda for the next 10
months or so, if you were to be confirmed by the Senate?
Mr. Walther. That's very--a very good question, Mr.
Chairman.
I have observed----
Senator Menendez. I'm looking for a very good answer.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Walther. I'm going to get----
Senator Menendez. You have to have some humor in this
process, I think. [Laughter.]
Mr. Walther. Touche.
I have observed this agency from afar for some time. I've
had friends--two people who were former directors, and people
that have worked within the agency--so, I've observed it for
some time. And this agency is very unique. It's small. It's
very nimble. It uses its resources very conservatively and
wisely. And the staff, from my observation, is very
professional. I have had some discussions with the senior
staff, only. But, I am very, very encouraged and very--the
level of expertise and the way they conduct themselves is
extremely professional. I can see no changes like that at all.
They've got a wonderful mission. They're accomplishing their
mission. And I would like to continue to aid them in doing
that, and in aiding these countries, also.
Senator Menendez. Good. Let me ask you--you just described
a very nimble agency. It's a niche agency, as well.
Mr. Walther. Right.
Senator Menendez. It requires its interrelationship with
other agencies, to some degree, to perform its mission. How do
you see yourself working to facilitate that coordination?
Mr. Walther. I have a history, in jobs that I've had in the
past, including as director of the Department of Economic
Development, of being a team player. I like to work with other
agencies. I've always done that. And there's a--when you can
work together for the same goal, you can pool your resources
and really accomplish more together than you can apart. And so,
I see us working with the State Department, with the U.S. Trade
Representative, with other agencies, with the Ex-Im Bank and
others. And I will--they do that--I will continue to do that,
and I will look forward to those relationships.
Senator Menendez. One final question. The agency aims to
promote U.S. enterprise and support at the same time--economic
development in developing countries, through its activities. Of
the two--export promotion or development assistance--which do
you believe should be prioritized at TDA?
Mr. Walther. The notion is that they should be balanced
equally. And there's a--there is, actually, a third thing, and
that is the United States trade policy or foreign policy. So,
we need to balance all three of those.
I'm--I've always been involved in economic development. I
like to see the creation of jobs. And so, I am anxious to see
our results in the area of creating jobs within the United
States. But, on the other side, this is a unique way of
providing international aid to developing and middle-income
countries, where we both are partners, and we will equally
benefit, and we should--in both the jobs, the exports, and the
infrastructure in the foreign country.
So, I would hope that it would be a balanced approach to
aid to foreign countries.
Senator Menendez. Equal parts----
Mr. Walther. Equal parts.
Senator Menendez [continuing]. At every TDA event?
Mr. Walther. That's the objective. We--you--I mean, and you
can't--it's hard to measure that. I mean, you know, you put--
you help them--convince them that a power plant's the right
thing to do, and then we get the--we get the export, they get
the infrastructure. So, it's--you know, hopefully, they think
that they get a fair result from our partnership, and so do we.
Senator Menendez. Mr. Morales, one last question. The--you
mentioned it, and I think it's incredibly important, and we
talked about it privately; I just want to get you on the record
on this--the Inter-American Democratic Charter. In recent
years, the member states have debated whether to more clearly
define what constitutes--what conditions constitute a violation
of the charter, and what automatic responses might be included
in the charter to help the OAS deal with violations of its
principles. How do you believe we can work to strengthen the
charter?
Mr. Morales. Mr. Chairman, the charter is not a treaty,
it's not a convention; so, it doesn't have, for example,
sanctions associated with noncompliance. There are provisions
in the charter that call for the review--for example, if there
are conditions going on in one of the member states that raises
concern, that those can be looked into, but they do require
consent of the country.
Having said that, the--these issues can be raised to the
Permanent Council; and, in fact, there have been a number of
initiatives that have been presented, I believe, in the last
three general assemblies, to try to help countries implement
the principles that are enshrined in the Inter-American
Democratic Charter. And, I believe, as recently as last year,
Secretary Insulza has presented different--or, some initiatives
to try to strengthen the charter. So--but, clearly--because
it's not a treaty, it doesn't have those sanctioning
provisions; but, ultimately, I think, the force of the charter,
the strength of it, depends on the ability for all of the 34
member countries of the OAS to believe in it, to try to
implement it in their countries and in their democracies.
Senator Menendez. Wasn't Venezuela recently an example of
which, just by saying no, the will of the OAS was largely
aborted, in terms of having--I don't know if it was observers
are in certain violations, or a rapporteur, or something to
that effect?
Mr. Morales. The case that you're referring to is with
regard to RCTV, and there was a concern raised about the
ability for freedom of expression. And, in fact, this is an
issue that Secretary Rice raised at the general assembly in
Panama. Our Alternate Permanent Representative sent a letter to
Secretary Insulza, requesting that the matter be looked into
under, I believe, it's article 18 of the charter. But, as I
indicated earlier, the charter also provides that--to be able
to do that, it requires the consent of the country in question,
and Venezuela did not provide its consent.
Senator Menendez. It seems to me that if the charter is
going to be meaningful, at the end of the day, other than an
aspirational document, we need to get the member states to come
around, to have some teeth to it; otherwise, it's--it is a fine
aspirational document, but it just remains that, at the end of
the day. It would be something I would look forward to, when
you're there, hearing about what ground exists for moving in
that direction.
Let me--we've tried to explore, on behalf of the committee,
both your views as--on some of the critical issues, your
capabilities to perform the job. Let me thank all of you for
testifying, for your willingness to serve our country in these
important positions.
However, the record will remain open until the end of the
day tomorrow so that committee members may submit additional
questions for the record.
I ask that each nominee respond expeditiously these
questions. Obviously, we need your answers to them before we
can move--the Chairman can move, when he chooses to do so, to a
final business committee meeting.
And since I have no other members here and no additional
comments, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:45 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses of Ana Guevara to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. Corruption and lack of transparency in the natural
resource sector severely hampers development and poverty alleviation in
less developed countries. The World Bank has made a commitment to
combat corruption through adoption of the Governance and Anti-
Corruption Strategy. What should the U.S. Government do to ensure that
this strategy is meaningfully implemented and mainstreamed into World
Bank interventions?
Answer. Fighting corruption has become a top priority for the Bank.
In March of 2007, the board approved the Governance and Anti-Corruption
(GAC) Strategy, and in September the Bank released its final
implementation plan. Implementation of the GAC will likely have
tremendous resource and operational implications for how the Bank does
business, and it is still developing appropriate ways to integrate
governance and anticorruption efforts into all levels of Bank
engagement. The United States has actively engaged management on the
implementation of this strategy at the policy, country strategy, and
project levels. Moving forward, it will be important to provide
incentives to Bank staff to (1) engage more proactively on the ground,
(2) incorporate concrete good governance objectives in projects, (3)
develop stronger results frameworks, (4) increase early involvement of
a broad range of stakeholders, and (5) strengthen synergies with other
international actors at the global level, such as it has with the
Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (EITI). If confirmed, I
will commit to strongly pursue this top priority of the United States.
Question. What actions should be taken to ensure that the World
Bank effectively tackles natural resource corruption and adopts a more
focused and coherent approach to natural resource management?
Answer. The World Bank has adopted several initiatives to tackle
the natural resource corruption issue. For example, it is a strong
supporter of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, which
promotes transparency in resource rich countries through the reporting
and publication of company payments and government revenues from oil,
gas and mining. It has also worked on a set of indicators that can be
used to measure and track countries' overall fiscal transparency. But
more could be done to encourage a broader comprehensive and systemic
approach for natural resource management. Among other initiatives, the
Bank could (1) incorporate the GAC implementation principles
consistently into all natural resource Bank projects, (2) ensure
natural resource programs are supported on the ground by governance and
law enforcement programs specific to its sector as well as with those
that are nationally focused, (3) incorporate strategic partners, civil
society, and indigenous people in project development and oversight to
ensure human rights, economic, and environmental goals are
strategically met, (4) develop projects that promote equitable economic
and social development, and (5) strengthen synergies with other
international actors at the global level, particularly those that fight
money laundering. If confirmed, I would have the opportunity to obtain
more information about these challenges once inside the World Bank, and
would urge the World Bank management to strengthen its efforts.
Question. The forestry sector is at particularly high risk for
corruption, with a long history of illegal logging fueling conflict and
poor governance from Cambodia to Liberia. The World Bank has funded
several failed forestry projects, for example with the Bank's
inspection panel reporting last month that its forestry initiative in
the Democratic Republic of Congo broke several internal procedures and
ignored the rights of local people living in the forest areas. What
concrete benchmarks to combat corruption in the forestry sector will be
developed so that the Bank does not repeat these mistakes? How should
the United States promote these efforts?
Answer. Good governance in the forestry sector is critically
important because it can help improve the livelihoods of hundreds of
millions of poor people in developing countries and because forests
provide a global public good supplying carbon storage services.
As part of its efforts to attack corruption and consistent with the
broader U.S. Government's results agenda, the Bank should consider
applying governance benchmarks for the forest sector. While it would be
necessary for me to have access to more detailed information at the
Bank before making specific recommendations on benchmarks in the DRC,
or other countries, benchmarks could generally focus on ensuring Bank
projects include (1) transparent practices and engagement with local
communities and civil society groups in project development, management
and oversight, (2) participatory and sustainable land use planning that
includes environmental and social safeguards, and (3) strengthened law
enforcement capacity and improved management of artisanal logging. The
United States has been engaged on the Bank's forest sector activities,
as reflected in the U.S. statement on the inspection panel case. If
confirmed, I look forward to opportunities to engage with Bank
management to underscore the seriousness that the United States
attaches to this issue, and to work closely with Treasury and other
U.S. Government agencies to make sure that the U.S. interests in forest
sector governance reflected in that statement are fully addressed by
the Bank in its future operations.
Question. How should the World Bank actively support the efforts of
civil society groups, including their ability to operate freely and
without intimidation?
Answer. Unfettered input from civil society is an important
component of the development process. It plays an especially crucial
role in post-conflict countries. The World Bank has several mechanisms
to actively support the efforts of civil society groups both at the
country programming and project levels. It also holds hundreds of
learning programs for civil society each year. Inclusion of civil
society in Bank activities often gives the poorest people a voice
without fear, and the ability to hold the Bank and local governments
accountable. While the Bank cannot control the policies of host
governments, these mechanisms lend legitimacy to civil society groups
and help create political space for their activities. If I am
confirmed, I will use my voice on the board to encourage the Bank to
maintain and strengthen its mechanisms for engaging with civil society.
Question. The Governance and Anti-Corruption strategy highlights
the importance of meaningful civil society engagement and consultation
in World Bank efforts to combat corruption--what steps should the World
Bank take to build up the capacity of civil society groups to monitor
the natural resource sector and public financial management and to hold
governments to account on these issues?
Answer. Civil society groups can provide an important check on
government abuse and Bank projects, as we recently saw in the DRC
Inspection Panel. In its March GAC report and the September
implementation plan, the Bank committed to working with a wide array of
stakeholders, including civil society groups, to combat corruption. A
fundamental course of action for success that the Bank has identified
is to strengthen transparency so the groups can be better informed. The
Bank should also continue its trend of increasing civil society
participation in country programming and projects, as well as its
capacity-building seminars on building strong civil society
organizations. These activities will be essential for holding
governments accountable in the natural resource sector and public
financial management. If confirmed, I will work with the U.S. Executive
Director, other Bank Executive Directors and key Bank staff to
strengthen civil society engagement and consultation as part of the
overall effort to combat corruption.
______
Responses of Ana M. Guevara to Questions Submitted
by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Relationships with other development partners: Do you
currently have relationships with senior officials at USAID, the
Department of Treasury, and the other multilateral financial
institutions in Washington like the Inter-American Development Bank and
the International Monetary Fund? If so, please describe the nature of
these relationships. If confirmed how will you build upon and draw on
these relationships to help advance the United States's role at the
World Bank?
Answer. Yes, I do have relationships with senior officials at
USAID, the Department of the Treasury, Department of Commerce, Inter-
American Development Bank, Export-Import Bank, and Oversees Private
Investment Corporation. The nature of the relationships vary from
professional to personal. If confirmed, I will build upon and draw on
these relationships in three ways:
Learn from their personal experience what strategies have
been most successful.
Leverage their relationships to build new strategic
partnerships at the World Bank.
Pursue opportunities to create greater synergy with those
institutions to help advance U.S. priorities.
An example might be working with USAID to create greater
coordination with educational projects like the Education for All Fast
Track Initiative, which is a World Bank initiative, but for which USAID
has the lead in the U.S. Government. Another example might be working
with IADB to garner ``bloc'' support for U.S. positions at the World
Bank. Or even, to use the Department of Commerce's broad global network
to promote U.S. priorities by urging Bank members in their capitals to
adopt strong procurement practices.
Question. U.S. reputation with the World Bank: The World Bank has
tremendous convening power, with the decrease of the United State's
reputation for ``playing fair'' in multilateral environments, how are
you going to improve the United State's credibility inside an
institution whose staff increasingly views the United State's role with
skepticism rather than optimism?
Answer. Improving U.S. relationships within the World Bank is
essential for attaining desired results and will be my priority. I will
work with the U.S. Executive Director and other U.S. Government
colleagues to strengthen American leadership and advance our country's
interests, while demonstrating consistent respect for multilateral
engagement. I hope to achieve this by focusing on five key strategies:
Identifying far-sighted strategies where the United States
can take the lead and shape the agenda. This is important in
order to shape consensus early prior to country positions being
solidified;
Incorporating other country's national interests into the
justification of our position. This requires research up front
to use hard data to relieve their concerns and invalidate their
alternatives. It will also allow them to support U.S. positions
without appearing to be submitting to U.S. pressure.
Building broad coalitions by cultivating bilateral
relationships with our key allies and developing countries that
play influential roles. This will require head-to-head
advocacy, including visits with key decision makers in
capitals, and officials from small countries that are well
respected and wield extensive personal influence. This is
important in order to avoid opposition simply because an
initiative appears to be American made.
Promoting the importance of multilateral diplomacy and the
work of the Bank through think tanks, educational institutions,
policy makers, Congress, and young people. This will build
public support for continued engagement.
Ensuring that colleagues at the Bank understand the
reasoning when the United States must take a position on its
own. And ensure that others do not misrepresent the U.S.
position.
By being part of the process and the solution, the United
States can foster increased respect and optimism. Engaging in
consistent multilateral diplomacy will expand our influence and
make it easier when we have to stand alone.
______
Responses of Jeffrey J. Grieco to Questions Submitted
by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. If confirmed, would you commit to a timeline for
responsiveness to congressional inquiries? If so, what would that
timeline be for written inquiries? What would the timeline be for phone
calls placed to USAID?
Answer. I would like to affirm the response I provided during my
SFRC hearing that, should I be confirmed, LPA will commit to timelines
for written Congressional member inquiries as a measure of our
responsiveness. These timelines would be:
Standard correspondence: Two weeks should be a reasonable
standard for correspondence which can be answered in
Washington.
Field input correspondence: One month for letters that
require major inquiry or research in the field involving our
missions, in-country partners, and/or host governments.
Needless to say, if confirmed, I intend to strive to do better
in both cases.
Interim response commitment: I also recognize that in some
rare cases we may have no choice but to exceed those standards
for a complete or comprehensive response. In those cases I
commit to a timely interim response and/or other appropriate
communication with the subject congressional office.
Receipt and processing of congressional correspondence: We would
also like to affirm that all correspondence is time stamped upon date
of receipt by our congressional correspondence unit. This is important
since all USAID mail is routed via a terrorist screening center and
there are some significant delays in receipt of correspondence sent via
regular mail. For this reason, we also maintain a direct facsimile
capability for member letters to be transferred to USAID at (FAX) 202-
216-3237. Lastly, to speed up response times, we encourage members to
call us directly to arrange pick-up. Upon receipt of this call to our
congressional correspondence unit at 202-712-4462, a USAID legislative
liaison officer will come by and pick up the letter.
Question. If confirmed, what improvements would you suggest for the
management of staff and communications of the Bureau of Legislative and
Public Affairs?
Answer. As noted at my hearing, I would like to focus on two sets
of improvements critical to the Bureau--one set operational and one set
strategic. My first set of improvements would be ``operational'' to
support LPA mandated activities including:
Staffing improvements: In helping to make the Agency better
informed about the role, responsibilities, and needs of the
Congress, it is valuable for us to find ways in which we can
communicate more systematically and proactively to the Congress
on Agency plans, programs, and issues. To do significantly
better on this objective is conceptually easy, but harder in
practice. With currently only seven congressional liaison
officers and potential impending departures, to address the
usual high demand for information from congressional members
and staff, it is difficult to sustain significantly proactive
communications efforts to Congress. I am already hard at work
improving the staffing/hiring of open personnel positions
within the Bureau, both of a career and noncareer nature. I
will continue to make the case for further legislative staff in
Washington and more targeted communication (specialists)
staffing both in Washington and the field.
Maintaining resources: We have been able to maintain the LPA
operating expense budget at consistent levels but we need
further support for improving our program allocations for (a)
domestic development education activities so as to build a
wider constituency for U.S. foreign assistance and development
activities abroad (e.g., by removing the cap on Biden-Pell
grants), and (b) encouraging wider program support for our
successful targeted country-based ad campaigns which show
dramatic and specific increases in host country awareness of
USAID implemented foreign assistance activities.
Better information sharing with congressional staff: We will
further this through continued improvements to our
correspondence unit and more assistance with CODELs and
StaffDels. Note, USAID does not receive directly any list of
CODELS and StaffDels to our more than 80 countries--this being
very important to our efforts to improve support for member
trips and planning. If these lists are provided to me I commit
that we would secure the information on a classified system
only.
Intra-agency communications about legislative affairs:
There are numerous measures we have undertaken and will
undertake to improve internal communication, including
frequent and regular staff meetings, more systematic
linkages between congressional liaison officers and press
and public affairs officers, Bureau and office off sites
for team building and communication, the creation and
maintenance of an online congressional calendar and it's
continual cross checking with the administrator's strategic
scheduling activity; the weekly Strategic Communications
Group (SCG) meetings.
Among the ways in which we have sought to improve sharing
congressional priorities with our Agency staff is to assign
congressional liaison officers and press officers to
support specific Bureaus, and expect their close and
intimate participation in the work of those Bureaus, beyond
simply attending their staff meetings.
In addition, we have asked the Bureaus to designate, and intend to
strengthen, a roster of ``gate keepers'' whose principal
function is a close liaison with LPA.
We also plan to expand our LPA provided training to the rest of
the Agency on congressional operations, and possibly to
expand opportunities for USAID employees to perform details
and other Hill assignments as a firsthand way of
familiarizing more Agency employees with how the Congress
works.
My second set of improvements would be Agency-wide imperatives or
``strategic improvements'' which may have a significant impact or
reliance on LPA including the following:
Operating expense plus up for USAID staffing: LPA will continue to seek
approval from Congress for the operating expense increase for
USAID which would allow 300 plus new Foreign Service officers
and civil servants each year for next 3 years and would
dramatically improve our training float for the Agency. This
initiative, spearheaded by the administrator, is entitled the
``Development Leadership Initiative'' which LPA has already
briefed some SFRC staff on its importance in revitalizing
USAID.
Focus on new diversity recruitment strategies: At the administrator's
initiative, USAID is reformulating it's new human capital
resources strategy for 2009-2013: LPA serves on the
administrator's new diversity recruitment working group and is
especially active in seeking new strategies to increase
Hispanic and underrepresented minority recruitment.
Securing agreement from Congress for the President's program budget
request for USAID: LPA will work closely with Congress on the
fiscal year 2009 proposed budget, as well as in consideration
of any future action on the fiscal year 2008 supplemental and
future fiscal year 2009 supplemental. We recognize the
supplemental(s) are very important to Congress, especially in
consideration of humanitarian assistance priorities contained
therein.
GDA and Administrator Fore's commitment to major expansion of USAID's
public-private partnerships: In fiscally tight budget
circumstances increased use of public-private partnerships only
makes sense in order to maximize use and leverage of limited
foreign assistance budget dollars. Today, of total resource
flows to the developing world the vast majority are private--a
reversal from 20 years ago. USAID needs to take advantage of
this and LPA needs to help communicate the importance of this
trend to key audiences.
NOMINATIONS
----------
TUESDAY, APRIL 8, 2008
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Barrett, Barbara McConnell, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Finland
Ghafari, Yousif Boutrous, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Slovenia
McEldowney, Nancy, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Bulgaria
Urbancic, Frank, to be Ambassador of the Republic of Cyprus
Volker, Kurt, to be the U.S. Permanent Representative on the
Council of NATO
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:30 a.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Barack Obama
presiding.
Present: Senators Obama, Menendez, Cardin, Casey, Lugar,
Voinovich, and Barrasso.
Also Present: Senator Kyl.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BARACK OBAMA,
U.S. SENATOR FROM ILLINOIS
Senator Obama. This hearing of the Committee on Foreign
Relations will now come to order. Today, the committee meets to
consider the nomination of five important diplomatic positions.
The President has nominated Barbara McConnell Barrett to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Finland, Yousif Boutrous Ghafari
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Slovenia, Frank Urbancic--
did I say that correctly?--to be Ambassador of the Republic of
Cyprus, Nancy McEldowney to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Bulgaria, and Kurt Volker to be the U.S. Permanent
Representative on the Council of NATO.
I want to congratulate all of you on your nomination. I
look forward to hearing from each of you this afternoon, or
this morning.
I also want to welcome my colleague Senator Kyl, who has
joined us to introduce Ms. Barrett today. And I understand that
Senator Casey will be joining us a little later to introduce
Mr. Volker.
Senator Levin, who regrets he cannot be here, he has got
this little thing he has got to do right now, chairing the
Armed Services Committee hearing of General Petraeus and
Ambassador Crocker. But he asked me to note his support for Mr.
Ghafari's nomination to be Ambassador of Slovenia. His
statement of support will be included in the record.
[Senator Levin's statement appears at the end of this
hearing in the ``Additional Material Submitted for the Record''
section.]
And I just want to welcome our esteemed colleague and the
ranking member on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
Richard Lugar.
I am very pleased to welcome each of our nominees today.
Without exception, you bring an impressive range of talents and
experience to your assignments, and I look forward to
discussing the challenges you are likely to encounter and how
you intend to strengthen our Nation and its allies in the
course of your service.
Your nominations come at a critical moment in the history
of American diplomacy. The challenges we face are formidable--
securing our country, revitalizing our alliances, bolstering
young democracies, and confronting the common threats of the
21st century, including terrorism and nuclear weapons
proliferation, climate change and poverty, genocide and
disease.
Turning these challenges into opportunities will require
renewed American leadership. It will also require ambassadors
who exemplify the principles that make our Nation great. Upon
confirmation, each of you will work with countries that are
close partners of the United States and share our common faith
in the value of self-determination, accountable governments,
collective security, and human rights.
And Mr. Volker, if confirmed, will serve as the United
States Permanent Representative to the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization. NATO is the most powerful and most successful
military alliance in the history of the world. No organization
has done more to promote peace and stability in Europe or to
create the protective shield that has allowed the democracies
of the North Atlantic to grow into a free and prosperous
community.
But as we saw at last week's summit in Bucharest, NATO is
not as strong, as capable, or as united as I believe it should
be. Afghanistan, NATO's first major mission beyond the borders
of Europe, has been overlooked and undermanned by many members
of the alliance, including the United States. Success in
Afghanistan, I believe, is critical to American national
security and to the security of the entire world. And a failure
there would not only endanger our Nation and global stability,
it would cast serious doubt on the ability of NATO's military
and political architecture to uphold our security in the 21st
century.
Some new troop commitments to Afghanistan were made in
Bucharest, and that is good news. But neither the
administration nor our allies have yet done enough to muster
the resources that would win the war there and prevent
Afghanistan from reemerging as a safe haven for the Taliban and
al-Qaeda. The Bucharest summit also left out one of three
candidates for membership and failed to provide the young
democracies of Georgia and Ukraine with membership action
plans.
Mr. Volker, you are a professional diplomat of the first
order, and I have confidence that you will represent the United
States ably in Brussels. However, ensuring that NATO retains
its rightful place as the cornerstone of the Euro-Atlantic
alliance will require that we do more to enlarge NATO to
include worthy European democracies and focus more resources on
the fight against the Taliban and al-Qaeda.
Doing so will require adroit diplomacy at NATO
headquarters, but it will also mean making the case directly to
the citizens of Europe that we must all increase our commitment
to global security. We succeeded in coming together to confront
the greatest challenges of the second half of the 20th century.
We cannot succeed in confronting the challenges of the 21st
century unless we do so together.
Mr. Urbancic, if confirmed, you will be serving in Cyprus
at a time of new optimism in the long struggle to bring an end
to the estrangement of the Greek and Turkish Cypriot
communities. After three decades, last Thursday's opening of
the Ledra Street crossing in downtown Nicosia was a tangible
indication of goodwill on both sides of the island to forge a
settlement between two peoples who share a common home, a
common history, and a common destiny.
I hope that the day of Cypriot reunification comes in the
course of your ambassadorial service and that you will do
everything in your power to help the Republic of Cyprus and the
Turkish Cypriot community reach a just and lasting peace.
Slovenia has been on the cutting edge of democratic change
in Eastern Europe. Since its early success gaining membership
in NATO and the European Union, it has been a model for the
progress of the Balkans. Despite its small size, Slovenia
currently leads the nations of the European Union while it
occupies the EU's Presidency. Its citizens are helping to set
the agenda for an entire continent.
Slovenians are focusing Europe's attention on the
unfinished business of bringing peace and prosperity to the
Balkans. The people and Government of Slovenia will need the
help of the United States and other partners as they
consolidate their democratic gains and seek to extend those
gains throughout the region.
Mr. Ghafari, as an immigrant who has truly lived the
American dream, you represent the strength found in our
country's diversity. Similar strengths should characterize life
in the Balkans. In some parts of the region, including
Slovenia, it already does. I hope your story and your service
will resonate with people throughout the former Yugoslavia.
After a difficult transition from communism and setbacks in
the 1990s, Bulgaria has made impressive economic strides in
recent years. As a potential hub for oil and gas distribution,
the country could play an important role in Europe's future
energy security. However, Bulgaria continues to struggle with
corruption and the corrosive influence of organized crime. Any
failure to address these challenges could jeopardize the
country's future cooperation with the European Union and, with
it, much of the progress that has occurred in the recent past.
Ms. McEldowney, you will need to work aggressively to
assure that the democratic backsliding, which has happened in
some other parts of Eastern Europe, does not occur in Bulgaria.
The country's institutions and judicial system will need your
support and assistance in order to help Bulgaria remain on
course toward full Euro-Atlantic integration.
In recent years, the United States has dramatically reduced
its financial assistance to Bulgaria, so you will have to be
creative. But your exemplary record as a member of the Foreign
Service bodes well for your work on these critical tasks.
And finally, Ms. Barrett, you have a different task, as you
will represent America in a country that has traveled further
down the path of democracy and prosperity. Finland is a world
leader in technology and innovation and even outranks the
United States in some measures of development. But it still
faces challenges in its relationship with Russia and its long-
standing position outside of the Euro-Atlantic security
institutions.
At some point soon, Finland may move toward membership in
NATO. Should the Finnish people and Government choose to pursue
that objective, I hope you will be their biggest booster.
All of you are coming before this committee at a defining
moment in America's story. Now is not a time for half-hearted
diplomacy. We need to raise the bar for our allies, and that
must begin with raising the bar for ourselves. Together, with
our partners in Europe, I am confident that we can make whole a
world that is in need of repair. And I look forward to a more
detailed discussion of the challenges and opportunities that
await you.
I want to acknowledge that Senator Voinovich has joined us,
as well as Senator Cardin. I will now turn it over to Senator
Lugar for his opening statement, and I will then allow for
brief opening statements from Senator Voinovich and Senator
Cardin. We will then turn it over to Senator Kyl for his
introduction of Ms. Barrett, and I know he has other things to
do as well.
So, Senator Lugar.
STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD G. LUGAR,
U.S. SENATOR FROM INDIANA
Senator Lugar. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
I would like unanimous consent that a statement by our
Ranking Member, Senator DeMint, be placed in the record at this
point.[Senator DeMint's statement appears at the end of this
hearing in the ``Additional Material Submitted for the Record''
section.]
Senator Obama. Without objection.
Senator Lugar. Mr. Chairman, I thank you very much for
calling and chairing this timely hearing. The need for
ambassadors in each of the posts that are represented here
today is imperative, and the timeliness of this hearing is
extremely important. And we are delighted that our colleague,
Senator Kyl, is here today to introduce a candidate, Ms.
Barrett, for Finland.
Let me just focus short remarks and really in the spirit in
which you have addressed the Bucharest summit, Mr. Chairman. I
am disappointed about the lack of progress made at the summit.
While additional troop commitments for Afghanistan were
secured, it is unclear if any of the national caveats that
constrain troop deployment were removed at this point.
And while agreement was found on missile defense, it
appears that the cost included the refusal to proceed with
membership action plans for Ukraine and Georgia. Lastly, the
Greek veto of Macedonia's membership bid is extremely
unfortunate and a strategic blunder for European security, in
my judgment.
Mr. Volker, you will bear the brunt of many of these
questions as we come to you in the lineup at this point. And
you are a veteran of the trail, having spent a lot of time with
Members of Congress thinking about summits in the past. But I
would just say that I have enjoyed working with you over the
years. You will make a great ambassador to NATO, but I still am
concerned about the progress of the 2006 summit at Riga as well
as last summit, and I just will query what lessons were learned
at Bucharest that can be applied to next year's 60th
anniversary summit.
It appeared to those of us in the Senate the diplomatic
spade work got started very late in the process this year, and
that by the time the President gauged on the matter, most
issues may have been decided by some members. In hindsight, I
will query whether you believe it was a wise decision for
President Putin to be invited to the summit. He accused the
alliance at that point of demonizing Russia. Imagine what he
would have said if the alliance had supported Ukraine and
Georgia's MAP plans.
I read some press accounts about President Putin's refusal
to sign the NATO-Russia communique. Is it your understanding
this refusal was linked to NATO's pledge that Ukraine and
Georgia will one day join NATO?
I have concluded that Germany's opposition to Ukraine and
Georgia's receiving of the MAP plan has been largely based upon
Russia and energy. A number of NATO members are currently
dependent on Russia for energy. Do Russia's energy reserves
provide a de facto veto of NATO's activities?
And I will pose a question to Ms. McEldowney about Bulgaria
in due course. Sofia's January 2008 agreement with Russia to
host a portion of the South Stream energy pipeline was truly a
setback to an independent and secure European security
strategy. What was Bulgaria's motivation in concluding this
deal? And what role do you believe the lack of progress on the
Nabucco pipeline played in the South Stream decision?
Do you believe that there is time or opportunity to
convince friends in Bulgaria to change course or, for that
matter, for those of you who are serving in Europe to be
instrumental in reviving Nabucco as opposed to South Stream?
Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the opportunity for a preview of
some of the issues and questions, and I look forward to
participating in this vital hearing.
Senator Obama. Thank you very much.
I would like to acknowledge that we have been joined by
Senator Casey, as well as Senator Menendez. What I would like
to do is let them, let all of the other members of the
committee make a brief opening statement, and then turn it over
to Senator Kyl so that he can provide his introduction of Ms.
Barrett.
Let us start in the order of people who showed up, with
Senator Voinovich.
STATEMENT OF HON. GEORGE V. VOINOVICH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OHIO
Senator Voinovich. Thanks, Mr. Chairman. We appreciate your
holding this committee meeting and thank Chairman Biden for
putting all of these people before us so that we can get on
with their appointments.
My first observation is, Mr. Urbancic, you should be going
to Slovenia. [Laughter.]
Although, Mr. Ghafari, you and I have met, and you will do
well in Slovenia. Slovenia has a role. It is president of the
European Union, and it is very much engaged, as you know, in
what is going to happen in Kosovo and really understands the
need to make sure that it gets done right.
Mr. Volker, you are going on to NATO, and NATO has got some
real challenges with operations in Afghanistan, and whether the
members are going to come onboard and send troops or lie back.
How is that going to work? You have got the KFOR forces in
Kosovo right now, the relationship with that, and also the
issue that the chairman just brought up about NATO enlargement.
I would be interested to know if our Government is going to
take the position of trying to work things out between Greece
and Macedonia, and where you think that issue is going, if
anywhere.
And Finland--Ms. Barrett, Finland is now in charge of the
OSCE ministerial lines, and there are a couple of members of
this Foreign Relations Committee that are very interested in
the OSCE, particularly in the Office of Democratic Institutions
and Human Rights. Because that is the organization that deals
with the issue of Muslim xenophobia and also deals with anti-
Semitism.
And right now, the OSCE is at a crucial point because it is
going to be appointing a new person to head up ODIHR, and we
really would like to make sure that this new person really
knows what he or she is doing and is committed--particularly to
our issue of anti-Semitism, they call it ``the tower
incident,'' and on discrimination.
Mr. Urbancic, you have got to face the issue of Cyprus and
Turkey and how is that all going to work out with the prospect
of Turkey joining the European Union?
And, of course, Bulgaria. How is that issue coming? We were
successful in getting Bulgaria into NATO. We felt that that
would move things along. How are the Bulgarians doing in terms
of their niche capabilities, and how are some of the human
rights and other changes that need to be made going in there?
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Obama. Thank you very much, and thank you, Senator
Voinovich, for setting a good example of brevity.
Let me turn it over to Senator Cardin, and if we can try to
keep our remarks to 5 minutes or less so that Senator Kyl is
not too further delayed and that we have an opportunity to ask
as many questions as possible.
STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Cardin. Mr. Chairman, thank you. And I thank you
for your convening this hearing so that we can move forward on
these important positions for the United States in Europe.
I first want to just thank all of the nominees for their
public service, their willingness to serve, and I thank your
families for allowing this participation and helping our
country. And we know it is a family sacrifice. So we thank you
all for that.
Europe is very important to the United States. I want to
follow briefly on what Senator Voinovich said in regard to the
OSCE. I have the honor of being the Senate chair of the OSCE,
and there are several issues of concern within the countries
that are represented by the nominations today on OSCE issues.
You have already mentioned Kosovo, which is--I would be
interested in pursuing that.
We have minority issues. In Bulgaria particularly, there is
a concern about the Roma population, as well as the Turkish
minority. I would be interested to hear your perspective on
that. We have the concerns of human trafficking in several of
the countries that are represented here. So I look forward to
those questions.
And then NATO, I am concerned about the Bucharest summit as
to the influence Russia has on the expansion of our NATO
allies, and I would be interested in pursuing that during the
question period.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Obama. Thank you.
Senator Menendez.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will be even
briefer.
I appreciate the service of all of the nominees. My
particular questions, when we get to that point, will be for
Mr. Volker and Mr. Urbancic as it relates to Greece and the
Macedonia, the firearm issue, as well as Cyprus. And they are,
I think, in my view, important countries. There are some
significant issues that are outstanding there, and I will be
looking to see your insights on them as it relates to my
support for your nominations.
With that, Mr. Chairman, I think I have had the greatest
model of expediency.
Senator Obama. You have done outstanding.
Senator Casey.
Senator Casey. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much. I am
going to be very brief. I am going to be offering, in a few
moments, opening remarks by way of introduction to Mr. Volker.
So I will defer until then.
But thank you very much.
Senator Obama. Good. Well, it is now time to turn to the
nominees. I will ask that each of you deliver your statements
in the order that you were introduced. You will each have 5
minutes for your statements, and if you are summarizing a
statement, the text of your entire presentation will be
included in the hearing record.
Also, if you would like, please feel free to introduce any
members of your family that are with you here today because, as
Senator Cardin noted, I know that this is a family affair, and
we are extraordinarily grateful for their service, as well. And
we would like to welcome them all to the committee. I know this
is a great occasion for them.
So what I would like to do is to allow Senator Kyl to
introduce Ms. Barrett. And then, Ms. Barrett, we will go with
your statement.
Senator Casey, I am sorry. Who were you going to be
introducing?
Senator Casey. Mr. Volker.
Senator Obama. Mr. Volker. So, Mr. Volker, you are down at
the end. So I will make sure that Senator Casey has occasion to
introduce you before your testimony.
Senator Kyl, please proceed.
STATEMENT OF HON. JON KYL,
U.S. SENATOR FROM ARIZONA
Senator Kyl. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the
committee.
Got it. Thank you very much for your courtesy in allowing
me to formally introduce Ms. Barbara Barrett to you. I want to
assure you that mine is more than the obligatory introduction
of a constituent.
I calculated that I have known Barbara Barrett for almost
40 years, and we have been good friends during that entire
time. And I would also note that Senator McCain strongly
endorses her nomination and confirmation, and we have submitted
a statement for the record from Senator McCain, as well.
[Senator McCain's statement appears at the end of this
hearing in the ``Additional Material Submitted for the Record''
section.]
Ms. Barrett has a resume, which I can't do justice to, and
frankly, in the interest of time, I am just going to highlight
a couple of matters from it. But I think it is important to
also get a measure of the individual, and I will really close
with what I think are her most important attributes in terms of
representation of the United States in an important country
abroad.
She has served as--nationally, for example, as vice
chairman of the Civil Aeronautics Board here in Washington,
Deputy Administrator of the Federal Aviation Administration. In
Phoenix, she was a partner in a prominent law firm there. She
has served in our community in numerous ways, and I do
encourage you to look at the resume to see the breadth of her
experience there.
She has also represented interests in Washington, DC, and
internationally, as well. She has been a teacher as a fellow at
Harvard's John F. Kennedy School of Government. She served as
president of the International Women's Forum. She was Chairman
of the U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy, which
looked very hard at U.S. efforts at public diplomacy and had
some significant recommendations to make in that regard. She
was senior advisor to the U.S. mission to the United Nations.
One of her current passions, which I really admire--and
incidentally illustrates that her travel schedule is, frankly,
more robust than mine, and I go home almost every weekend--is
working with the Thunderbird School of Management and the U.S.
Afghan Women's Council on a program to work with and mentor and
train Afghan women as entrepreneurs and effective members of
their communities. I know this is a passion because I have
talked to her about it on numerous occasions.
I could go on about her resume, but I really want to just
tell you about the kind of person that Barbara Barrett is. I
can't think of anyone who could more effectively represent the
interests of the United States Government in a foreign embassy.
She is obviously highly intelligent, has a broad background of
experience, great skills, a tremendous personality, huge
energy. I talked about her travel schedule. She will work at it
very hard. But most importantly, she has the diplomatic skills
to represent the United States in an important post abroad.
And so, I urge you to take as quick action as you can in
this committee to confirm these nominees and enable full
representation of the United States in these important posts
around the world, beginning with my long-time friend, Ms.
Barbara Barrett.
Senator Obama. Well, that is a wonderful introduction, and
I would note that my understanding is it is colder in Finland
than in Phoenix. So I don't know if you have gone shopping yet,
but----
Senator Kyl. Anything to sacrifice for the United States.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Obama. Thank you. Thank you very much, Senator Kyl,
for the very gracious introduction.
Ms. Barrett, please proceed.
STATEMENT OF HON. BARBARA McCONNELL BARRETT, NOMINEE TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF FINLAND
Ms. Barrett. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I
consider it an extraordinary privilege to appear before you
today as the President's nominee to the United States
ambassador role to Finland. I am grateful to President Bush and
to Secretary Rice for their trust.
If confirmed, I intend to demonstrate that their trust is
well placed by building upon the excellent existing
relationships between our countries and by advancing American
interests in Finland.
I thank Senator Jon Kyl for introducing me today and
Senator McCain for his written record.
I recognize that it is a demanding responsibility to serve
the public as an ambassador of the United States of America.
Thirty-three years ago this spring, I began my journey in
public service as an intern at the Arizona State legislature.
My respect and admiration for government leadership was
inspired by observing then-Senate Majority Leader Sandra Day
O'Connor. She was a leader among her colleagues, an advocate
for transformative legislation, and a champion of meaningful
causes.
During my legislative experience, I learned the importance
of serving constituents and making practical improvements to
people's lives through public service. Meanwhile, in business,
I was an executive of two Fortune 500 companies, chairman of
the board of a small bank, CEO of the American Management
Association, a fellow at Harvard's Institute of Politics, and
on the boards of two aircraft manufacturers and an airline.
Tangential to business, I learned to fly a plane and shoe a
horse.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, if confirmed as
ambassador, I will advance the priorities of the United States
mission to Finland. The first priority of our embassy is
continuing high-level bilateral cooperation with Finland to
combat terrorism. In 2006, Finland was one of the first
countries to sign the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear
Terrorism, an effort co-established by the United States and
the Russian Federation. Additionally, Finland has actively
participated in counterterrorism and nonproliferation
initiatives sponsored by the United Nations and the European
Union.
The Finnish civil aviation authority has fully implemented
the U.S. Federal Aviation Administration's security directives
regarding air carriers operating to the United States. I
understand the sensitivity of these aviation cooperation
efforts because I am a pilot, and I served on the Phoenix
airport boards and the Civil Aeronautics Board and was second-
in-command at the FAA.
Serving today at the governance level in defense,
technology, and engineering companies, I work with some of the
world's most pressing national security issues, starting with
terrorism. Ensuring the welfare and safety of American citizens
at home and abroad would be among my highest priorities. So, if
confirmed, I will continue to advance our high level of
coordination between Finland and the United States to deter,
detect, and defeat terrorism.
A second mission priority is our cooperation with Finland
on peacekeeping and regional stability, especially in Kosovo
and Afghanistan. Finland, a long-time advocate for Kosovo, has
been instrumental in mustering international support for this
new nation and has deployed more than 400 troops with NATO
forces there.
In Afghanistan, too, Finns are part of NATO's International
Security Assistance Force. Finland demonstrates its long-term
commitment to Afghanistan, not just by contributing troops, but
also through development assistance, poppy eradication, and
other counternarcotics efforts.
My work with the U.S. Afghan Women's Council inspired
Thunderbird's Artemis Project, a program, as Senator Kyl
mentioned, that trains and mentors Afghan women entrepreneurs.
Working with Afghan students, doctors, business leaders, and
American troops on the ground in Afghanistan makes me respect
and profoundly appreciate Finland's support.
Having observed circumstances, both in the Balkan States
and in Afghanistan, and having met with government officials in
both places, Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will work to ensure
that Finland's important contributions to peace and stability
in Kosovo and Afghanistan continue and receive our recognition.
The missions third priority is promoting pro-growth
innovation for energy security and the environment. During
2008, as was mentioned, Finland is chairing the OSCE, the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. And
Finland is also a global leader in biofuels and renewable
energy with a quarter of its total energy consumption derived
from renewable resources.
As a sister of a liquefied natural gas supertanker captain,
I understand the disparate distribution of petroleum and other
fuel reserves and the resultant urgency of diversifying fuel
sources. On this and many other topics, Finland and the United
States will mutually benefit from an exchange of information
gained from research, innovation, and thoughtful leadership.
Through the years, I have instigated, organized, and
chaired countless international symposia, large and small. If
confirmed, energy and environment will be topics of my focused
attention.
Another priority for the mission is to enhance mutual
understanding and protect and promote U.S. interests. Finland
is a true friend of the United States and a transatlantic
advocate for beliefs that we share. As Chairman of the U.S.
Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy, chairman of
Thunderbird School for Global Management, and past chairman of
the International Women's Forum, I have led delegations to
China, Russia, South Africa, Israel, Jordan, and a number of
other important nations. I have lectured at the Moscow School
of Politics. I have spoken at college campuses and visited
medical clinics and elementary schoolrooms in rural villages on
six continents.
I know the importance of academic, scientific, and cultural
exchanges. And if confirmed, I will foster and sustain our
relationship with Finland by energetically engaging personally
with the Government and people of Finland to advance our shared
values and interests. And I will do my utmost to lead by
example and support our embassy's efforts to expand
communication and engagement through vigorous public diplomacy.
Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee, my
personal interest, my professional experience in defense,
international business, aviation, and public policy and law
prepare me well for ambassadorial duties. My life experience
has been strengthening political and economic ties with other
nations and achieving results through mutual understanding,
communication, and collaboration--in short, diplomacy.
If confirmed, I pledge to do everything I can to lead the
embassy that represents the finest values of the United States,
and I will do my level best to advance American interests by
strengthening the bonds between the United States and Finland.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Barrett follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Barbara McConnell Barrett, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Finland
Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of this committee, I
consider it an extraordinary privilege to appear before you today as
the President's nominee to be the United States Ambassador to Finland.
I am grateful to President Bush and Secretary Rice for their trust. If
confirmed, I intend to demonstrate that their trust is well placed, by
building upon the excellent existing relationships between our
countries and by advancing American interests in Finland.
I thank Arizona Senator Jon Kyl for introducing me today.
I recognize that it is a demanding responsibility to serve the
public as an Ambassador of the United States of America. Thirty-three
years ago this spring, I began my journey in public service as an
intern in the Arizona State Legislature. My respect and admiration for
governmental leadership was inspired by observing then-Senate Majority
Leader Sandra Day O'Connor. She was a leader among her colleagues, an
advocate of transformative legislation, and a champion of meaningful
causes. During my legislative experience, I learned the importance of
serving constituents and making practical improvements to people's
lives through public service.
Meanwhile, in business, I was an executive of two Fortune 500
companies, chairman of the board of a small bank, CEO of the American
Management Association, a fellow at Harvard's Institute of Politics and
on the boards of two aircraft manufacturers and an airline. Tangential
to business, I have learned to fly a plane and shoe a horse.
Mr. Chairman and members of this committee, if confirmed as
Ambassador, I will advance the priorities of the United States mission
in Finland. The first priority of our embassy is continuing high-level
bilateral cooperation with Finland to combat terrorism. In 2006,
Finland was one of the first countries to sign the Global Initiative To
Combat Nuclear Terrorism, an effort coestablished by the United States
and the Russian Federation. Additionally, Finland has actively
participated in counterterrorism and nonproliferation initiatives
sponsored by both the United Nations and the European Union. The
Finnish Civil Aviation Authority has fully implemented U.S. Federal
Aviation Administration security directives regarding air carriers
operating to the United States.
I understand the sensitivity of their aviation cooperation because
I am a pilot and served on the Phoenix airports board and the U.S.
Civil Aeronautics board and was second in command at the FAA. Serving
today at the governance level of defense, technology, and engineering
companies, I work with some of the world's most pressing national
security issues, starting with terrorism. Ensuring the welfare and
safety of American citizens at home and abroad would be among my
highest priorities. So, if confirmed, I will continue to advance our
high level of coordination between Finland and the United States to
deter, detect, and defeat terrorism.
A second mission priority is our cooperation with Finland on
peacekeeping and regional stability, especially in Kosovo and
Afghanistan. Finland, a long-time advocate for Kosovo, has been
instrumental in mustering international support for this new nation,
and has deployed more than 400 troops with NATO forces there. In
Afghanistan too, Finns are part of NATO's International Security
Assistance Force (ISAF). Finland demonstrates its long-term commitment
to Afghanistan not just by contributing troops, but also through
development assistance, poppy eradication, and other counternarcotic
efforts.
My work with the U.S. Afghan Women's Council inspired Thunderbird's
Project Artemis, a program that trains and mentors Afghan women
entrepreneurs. Working with Afghan students, doctors, business leaders,
and American troops on Afghan soil makes me respect and profoundly
appreciate Finland's support. Having observed circumstances both in the
Balkan states and in Afghanistan and having met with government
officials in both places, Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will work to
ensure that Finland's important contributions to peace and stability in
Kosovo and Afghanistan continue--and receive our recognition.
The mission's third priority is promoting pro-growth innovation for
energy security and the environment. During 2008 Finland is chairing
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Finland is
also a global leader in biofuels and renewable energy with a quarter of
its total energy consumption derived from renewable sources. As a
sister of an LNG supertanker captain I understand the disparate
distribution of petroleum and other fuel reserves and the resultant
urgency of diversifying fuel sources. On this and many other topics
Finland and the United States will mutually benefit from an exchange of
information gained from research, innovation and thoughtful leadership.
Through the years I have instigated, organized, and chaired countless
international symposia, large and small. If confirmed, energy and the
environment will be topics of my focused engagement.
Another priority of the U.S. mission is to enhance mutual
understanding and protect and promote U.S. interests. Dating back to
John Morton, a United States immigrant from Finland and a signer of the
Declaration of Independence, the Finnish people have proven that they
understand and share our core values, including an abiding belief that
all people deserve freedom, democracy, and human rights. Finland has
been recognized for its lack of corruption, respect for democracy, and
its consistently high quality, universal education. Finland is a true
friend of the United States and a transatlantic advocate of beliefs we
share.
As Chairman of the U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy,
Thunderbird School of Global Management, and the International Women's
Forum, I have led delegations to China, Russia, South Africa, Israel,
Jordan, Ireland, Chile, El Salvador, Colombia, Peru, Argentina,
Ecuador, and other important nations. I have lectured at the Moscow
School of Politics, spoken on college campuses, and visited medical
clinics and elementary schoolrooms in rural villages on six continents.
I know the importance of academic, scientific, and cultural exchanges.
If confirmed, I will foster and sustain our relationship with Finland
by energetically engaging personally with the Government and the people
of Finland to advance our shared values and interests. And I will do my
utmost to lead by example and support our embassy's efforts to expand
communication and engagement through vigorous public diplomacy.
A final priority element for the United States mission in Finland
that I will mention is expanding economic opportunities for bilateral
trade and investment. The potential is vast for enhanced economic
cooperation between the United States and Finland and through Finland
to other parts of the European Union, the Baltic States, and Russia.
Finland is a leader in research and development with leading edge
advancements in technology, biotechnology, telecommunications, and
equipment. While practicing law in Arizona, I was Chairman of the
Arizona District Export Council, the Arizona World Affairs Council, and
the U.S. Secretary of Commerce's Export Conference. I worked to advance
the market for American goods and services by hosting and leading trade
missions, seminars, and other trade advancement efforts. During the
Uruguay round of GATT, I was a trade advisor involved in efforts to
improve global protection of intellectual property. At the Civil
Aeronautics board, I participated in bilateral and multilateral
negotiations between the United States and nations in Europe, Asia, and
Latin America. If confirmed, I will continue Ambassador Ware's efforts
to create opportunities for U.S. companies by expanding our trading and
investment relationships.
Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee, my
personal interest and my professional experience in defense,
international business, aviation, public policy, and law prepare me
well for ambassadorial duties. My life experience has been
strengthening political and economic ties with other nations and
achieving results through mutual understanding, communication, and
collaboration--in short, diplomacy. If confirmed, I pledge to do
everything I can to lead an embassy that represents the finest values
of the United States, and I will do my level best to advance American
interests by strengthening the bonds between the United States and
Finland.
Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you.
Senator Obama. Thank you very much, Ms. Barrett.
Next, Mr. Ghafari.
STATEMENT OF HON. YOUSIF BOUTROUS GHAFARI, NOMINEE TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA
Mr. Ghafari. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for
recognizing my immigrant status, and with that, I disclose
forgive me for my accent.
I would also like to acknowledge this morning the presence
of my wife, Mara Ghafari, for 30 years, the mother of our three
children; our son, Peter Ghafari, who is here today. Our two
daughters are graduating very shortly from college. They could
not be here, and you would be happy to know, Senators, they
both will be taxpayers very shortly, with a smile.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for
allowing me to appear before you today as President Bush and
Secretary Rice's nominee to represent the United States in
Slovenia. I am privileged that they have selected me to
represent our country as Ambassador to Slovenia and honored
that this committee is willing to consider my nomination.
I believe that my presence here today is a testament to the
power of American democracy. I can think of no other country in
which the opportunities for education, economic success, and
personal accomplishments are so great. I have been
extraordinarily fortunate. I came here as a young man with very
little means and no family connections. Yet I had the
opportunity to receive a good education and establish
successful businesses. We are living the American dream. And
now I have come to that point in my career where I hope to be
granted the privilege of serving my country.
Our bilateral relationship with Slovenia is strong and
vibrant, particularly now since Slovenia holds the European
Union presidency for the first half of 2008. It is a
relationship enriched by generations of Slovene Americans and
the enduring ties they maintain with their land of origin,
including your honorable colleague, Senator George Voinovich.
Thank you for being here, Senator.
As the first of the former Yugoslav republics to gain
independence, Slovenia plays a key role in the Western Balkans.
It has worked long and hard to stabilize the entire Southeast
Europe region, was the first of the former Yugoslav States to
gain membership in NATO and the European Union, and actively
contributes to regional security by deploying more than 350
troops to Kosovo.
In its role as European Union president, Slovenia played a
remarkable role in coalescing European support for resolution
of Kosovo's status and recognized Kosovo soon after its
declaration of independence. The United States and Slovenia
share the goal of European Union expansion in the Balkans,
believing that it will further regional stabilization and
development. As a strong, stable, and economically prosperous
member of the Union, Slovenia recognizes that it has both a
responsibility and an interest in aiding Western Balkan nations
to move toward greater European and transatlantic integration
and has undertaken several initiatives to achieve this goal.
One of Slovenia's notable initiatives is the International
Trust Fund for demining and mine victims assistance, ITF. Since
its inception in 1998, the ITF has raised more than $220
million in donations, and as of October 2006, the fund had
cleared nearly 70 million square meters of mines and aided more
than 900 mine victims.
We have also worked side-by-side with Slovenia in the
struggle against terrorism. Slovenia has contributed forces to
the international missions in Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon, and
elsewhere, recently deployed more than 11 percent of its armed
forces abroad. It recently increased its troop contribution in
Afghanistan and has contributed equipment and ammunition to the
Afghani Armed Forces.
If confirmed, one of my top priorities will be to promote
continued strong bilateral cooperation in the fight against
terror and to encourage the Slovene Government to increase its
participation in NATO missions.
Slovenia's strong economy presents many opportunities for
United States businesses. There are approximately 40 United
States companies with investments and/or sales offices in
Slovenia, and it is estimated that United States investment
totals more than $490 million. We should continue to encourage
the Slovenian Government to strengthen its market economy
through privatization and increase foreign direct investment.
If confirmed, I will work to increase opportunities for
U.S. companies and further expand our trade and investment,
resulting in benefits to both our peoples.
Finally, if confirmed, one of my top priorities will be to
continue to foster and sustain our close relationship by
personally reaching out to the Slovene Government, people, and
media to explain the United States perspective, to promote
United States policy interests, to remind young people of
America's constant support for peace, freedom, and human rights
in Southeastern Europe and throughout the world. I will
continue to support our embassy's efforts to expand academic,
scientific, and cultural exchanges, all of which will serve to
bring our peoples closer together.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, the people of
America are diverse in origin, religion, and education. Yet
they are almost universally inclusive and generous. Our way of
government, even in the harsh light of an imperfect reality, is
fair and welcoming and enables its citizens to live in safety
and prosperity.
I hope, as a personal mission, even in a small way to serve
as a testament to the inclusive and generous spirit of the
American people and our way of life. I thank you again for this
opportunity to appear before you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Ghafari follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Yousif Boutrous Ghafari, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Slovenia
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for allowing me
to appear before you today as President Bush and Secretary Rice's
nominee to represent the United States in Slovenia. I am privileged
that they have selected me to represent our country as ambassador to
Slovenia, and honored that this committee is willing to consider my
nomination.
I believe that my presence here today is a testament to the power
of American democracy. There is a reason the opportunities that are
possible in this great country are referred to as the ``American
dream.'' I can think of no other country in which the opportunities for
education, economic success, and personal accomplishments are so great.
I have been extraordinarily fortunate; I came here as a young man with
very little means and no family connections, yet I had the opportunity
to receive a good education, establish successful businesses, marry,
and raise a family. We are living the American dream. And now, I have
come to that point in my career where I hope to be granted the
privilege of serving my country.
Our bilateral relationship with Slovenia is strong and vibrant,
particularly now since Slovenia holds the European Union Presidency for
the first half of 2008. It is a relationship enriched by generations of
Slovene-Americans and the enduring ties they maintain with their land
of origin.
As the first of the former Yugoslav Republics to gain independence,
Slovenia plays a key role in the Western Balkans. It has worked long
and hard to stabilize the entire Southeast Europe region, was the first
of the former Yugoslav states to gain membership in NATO and the
European Union, and actively contributes to regional security by
deploying more than 350 troops to Kosovo. In its role as European Union
President, Slovenia played a remarkable role in coalescing European
support for resolution of Kosovo status and recognized Kosovo soon
after its declaration of independence.
The United States and Slovenia share the goal of European Union
expansion in the Balkans, believing that it will further regional
stabilization and development. As a strong, stable and economically
prosperous member of the Union, Slovenia recognizes that it has both a
responsibility and an interest in aiding Western Balkan nations to move
toward greater European and transatlantic integration and has
undertaken several initiatives to achieve this goal.
One of Slovenia's notable initiatives is the International Trust
Fund for Demining and Mine Victims Assistance (ITF). Since its
inception in 1998, the ITF has raised more than $220 million in
donations from various countries, the European Union, the U.N.
Development Program and more than 70 private companies. More than $100
million of this total has come from the U.S. Government as part of a
program mandated by Congress that matches nearly all donations made by
other governments, individuals, and corporations. As of October 2006,
the fund had cleared nearly 70 million square meters of mines and aided
more than 900 mine victims, most of them coming from Bosnia-
Herzegovina. Both the Slovene Embassy in Washington and the United
States Embassy in Ljubljana have been involved in fundraising efforts
for ITF.
We have also worked side-by-side with Slovenia in the struggle
against terrorism. Slovenia has contributed forces to the international
missions in Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon, and elsewhere, and recently
deployed more than 11 percent of its armed forces abroad. It recently
increased its troop contribution in Afghanistan and has contributed
equipment and ammunition to the Afghani Armed Forces. If confirmed, one
of my top priorities will be to promote continued strong bilateral
cooperation in the fight against terror and to encourage the Slovene
Government to increase its participation in NATO missions, particularly
in Afghanistan, where it could offer an Operational Mentoring and
Liaison Team.
Slovenia's strong economy presents many opportunities for United
States businesses. There are approximately 40 United States companies
with investments and/or sales offices in Slovenia and it is estimated
that United States investment totals more than $490 million. We should
continue to encourage the Slovenian Government to strengthen its market
economy through privatization and increased foreign direct investment.
If confirmed, I will work to increase opportunities for U.S. companies
and further expand our trade and investment, resulting in benefits to
both our peoples.
Finally, if confirmed, one of my top priorities will be to continue
to foster and sustain our close relationship by personally reaching out
to the Slovene Government, people and media to explain the United
States perspective, to promote United States policy interests, to
remind young people of America's constant support for peace, freedom,
and human rights in Southeastern Europe, and throughout the world. I
will continue to support our embassy's efforts to expand academic,
scientific, and cultural exchanges, all of which will serve to bring
our peoples closer together.
Mr. Chairman, the people of America are diverse in origin,
religion, and education, yet they are almost universally inclusive and
generous. Our way of government, even in the harsh light of an
imperfect reality, is fair and welcoming, and enables its citizens to
live in safety and prosperity. I hope, as a personal mission, even in a
small way, to serve as a testament to the inclusive and generous spirit
of the American people and our way of life. I thank you again for this
opportunity to appear before you.
Senator Obama. Thank you very much, Mr. Ghafari.
Mr. Urbancic and Ms. McEldowney, Senator Casey, I think,
may be constrained by his schedule. So I hope you don't mind if
we go a little bit out of order, allow Senator Casey to
introduce Mr. Volker and allow Mr. Volker to go ahead and make
his statement. And then we will go back to you guys. Okay.
Senator Casey.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT P. CASEY, JR.,
U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA
Senator Casey. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much, and I do
want to thank the other nominees who are here for this
courtesy.
Mr. Chairman, it is my distinct pleasure this morning to
introduce Mr. Kurt Volker to the committee. Kurt with his
family appears before the committee as the nominee for one of
our most important diplomatic postings, the United States
Permanent Representative to the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization, we know as NATO.
The NATO alliance just completed a major summit in
Bucharest, Romania, where the alliance agreed to accept two new
members, Croatia and Albania, and took action on other issues,
including bolstering force levels in Afghanistan. NATO, almost
60 years old following its founding, remains the anchor of the
relationship between the United States and Europe. I believe
Kurt Volker is the right person to represent the United States
at our NATO mission in Brussels.
Kurt was born and raised in Hatboro, PA. He is a proud
graduate of Hatboro-Horsham Senior High School. Following high
school, he chose to remain in Pennsylvania and attended Temple
University in Philadelphia. Following college graduation, he
moved to Washington, DC, to earn a master's degree in
international relations from the George Washington University.
Kurt then entered the United States Foreign Service as a
career officer in 1988, where he served with honor and
distinction ever since. I want to note that Kurt is married to
Karen Volker, another Foreign Service officer, and is the proud
father of two daughters, Sonja and Katja. Did I pronounce those
correctly?
Mr. Volker. Very close.
Senator Casey. Okay. [Laughter.]
Help me.
Mr. Volker. Sonja and Katja.
Senator Casey. Sonja and Katja. Thank you very much.
Mr. Chairman, you have Kurt's CV in front of you, as well
as other members of the committee, so I won't recite every
detail. But I want to quickly run through some of the
highlights of his career, which demonstrate how rapidly Kurt
has risen through the ranks of the Foreign Service.
First of all, he served as a special assistant to the
United States envoy for negotiations in Bosnia during the
1990s; then as the deputy political counselor at the United
States embassy in Budapest, Hungary, from 1994 to 1997; the
senior advisor to then-NATO Secretary General Lord Robertson at
the beginning of this decade; next, the director on the
National Security Council responsible for NATO in Western
Europe from 2001 to 2005; and today, Mr. Volker serves as the
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Europe and Eurasian
Affairs at the State Department.
He serves as second-in-command for this key regional bureau
at State and is focused on U.S. relations with NATO, the
European Union, and key European States. Looking at his
background, you recognize that Kurt's entire career has helped
prepare him for this moment, to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to
NATO. He recognizes that NATO retains an enduring value, even
though the cold war is a distant memory and that when NATO acts
in a unified manner, the entire world benefits.
I am also proud that Kurt represents the very best of the
U.S. Foreign Service. A seasoned diplomat who advances the
interests of his country without regard to politics or
partisanship, Kurt has proudly served four presidential
administrations during his career. He played a valuable role in
helping Hungary prepare for NATO accession during the Clinton
administration, but also was instrumental in spearheading
NATO's next two rounds of expansion during the Bush
administration.
Mr. Chairman, for all these reasons, I heartily endorse
Kurt Volker, a distinguished native of the State of
Pennsylvania, to be confirmed as the U.S. Permanent
Representative to NATO, and I thank you for allowing me to
speak this morning on his behalf.
Senator Obama. Thank you very much, Senator Casey.
Given that wonderful introduction, I think it is best if,
Mr. Volker, you go ahead and proceed. And if you want to
introduce--as a father of two daughters, I am a little biased
here. But feel free to introduce those exceptional young
ladies, as well.
STATEMENT OF KURT D. VOLKER, NOMINEE TO BE U.S. PERMANENT
REPRESENTATIVE ON THE COUNCIL OF THE NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY
ORGANIZATION, WITH THE RANK AND STATUS OF AMBASSADOR
Mr. Volker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you,
Senator. After an introduction like that, I think it is best if
I don't say anything at all.
But I would like to introduce my wife, Karen, who is here,
and my two daughters, Sonja and Katja. Karen--Mr. Chairman, you
will be interested--attended Occidental College from 1979 to
1981.
Senator Obama. We overlapped.
Ms. Volker. We had friends in common.
Senator Obama. That is wonderful.
Mr. Volker. Friends in common. And my oldest daughter,
Sonja, began school in Brussels when I was working for Lord
Robertson at NATO and was born there.
Senator Obama. Wonderful.
Mr. Volker. It is an honor to be here before this committee
as the President's nominee to serve as Permanent Representative
to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and a particular
honor also to be introduced by Senator Casey from my home
State, Pennsylvania. And I am grateful that you would take the
time and offer such words of encouragement. Thank you.
I am also delighted, I should say, to see so many friends
from the Diplomatic Corps from European countries here today,
and I just want to point out Ambassador Gianni Castellaneta
from Italy, who is a good friend. Thank you for being here and
for your support.
I have a longer statement I would like to enter into the
record. Mr. Chairman, I am especially pleased to be nominated
to serve as Ambassador to NATO because I have dedicated my
career to building a healthy, secure, democratic transatlantic
community. In 20 years in the Foreign Service, I have served
four administrations working on our NATO alliance from many
angles--the executive branch, I spent a year here in the Senate
as a legislative fellow, and at NATO in some of our allied
countries.
I have worked closely with this committee and its staff on
a variety of issues over the years. And I am grateful for the
close cooperation that we enjoy today between the committee and
the Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs, which I represent.
This career-long commitment to NATO and to our transatlantic
partnership with Europe stems from my commitment to the
founding principles of our Nation--the values of individual
liberty, democracy, market economy, human rights, and the rule
of law--which transcend our national borders and define the
best hopes of humanity.
We and the other members of NATO are part of a single
transatlantic democratic community based on these shared
values. We view challenges in the world from this shared
perspective, and we need to work together if we are to deal
with these challenges effectively and advance these values in
the world.
The fact that the cold war is over does not mean that
threats to our democratic community have gone away. They have
changed from the threat of ground attack in Europe to threats
such as terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction, the consequences of failed States. And NATO has
done a remarkable job securing the freedom of this community
for nearly 60 years while transforming itself as threats have
changed. It has added new members, taken on critical
operational missions, built partnerships with nations around
the globe. NATO is now a frontline alliance dealing with the
challenges of the 21st century.
The just-concluded Bucharest summit further advanced the
transformation of NATO, renewing our commitment to operations
in Afghanistan and in Kosovo, inviting new members,
strengthening partnerships, and focusing on the defense
capabilities needed for the future. We got a lot done at
Bucharest. I think we have a lot more to do as well, and I
think we need to keep working on some of the issues that you
and the other Senators have raised.
The United States is deeply committed to the effort in
Afghanistan and to all NATO missions. We have made enormous
investment, suffered serious losses. I honor the service of our
men and women in uniform, as well as our diplomats and
civilians in the service of NATO.
And I also want to pay tribute to the contributions and
sacrifices of our allies and partners. Several allies are
fighting hard in Afghanistan and have suffered fatalities.
Denmark and the U.K. in recent days. Canada, in particular, has
suffered significant losses. And the Netherlands, Poland,
Spain, Italy, Germany, and Australia as a non-NATO ally.
Indeed, all 26 members of NATO and 14 partners have made
sacrifices and are making meaningful contributions in
Afghanistan.
Though we still need more forces and greater flexibility in
the deployments of some, it is important to stress that we
respect and honor all of these contributions to our common
efforts. At the Bucharest summit, allies and partners such as
France, Poland, the Czech Republic, Georgia, Azerbaijan, and
others came forward with contributions to our operations.
NATO faces serious challenges on the ground in Afghanistan,
but also in maintaining the political solidarity and the
defense contributions needed for a strong and healthy alliance.
If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to NATO, I will focus my
efforts on strengthening support and understanding in Europe
for two fundamental ideas. That the prosperity and well-being
of our democratic societies still depends critically on
security, so we must invest in security. And that the security
of Europe and North America remain fundamentally linked, so we
must face our modern-day security challenges together. These
are the challenges NATO must tackle in the coming years.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for the opportunity to be here
today. If confirmed, I will do my very best to serve my country
with distinction, and I look forward to working closely with
you and this committee in the process. I would be pleased to
hear your views and answer any questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Volker follows:]
Prepared Statement of Kurt D. Volker, Nominee to be U.S. Permanent
Representative on the Council of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization, With the Rank and Status of Ambassador
Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee.
It is an honor to come before this committee as the President's
nominee to serve as the United States Permanent Representative to the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization. I am grateful for the confidence
expressed by President Bush and Secretary Rice through this nomination.
I am joined here today by my wife, Karen, also a career member of
the Foreign Service. I am also delighted to see friends here from the
diplomatic corps and others with whom I have worked to transform NATO.
Their support means a great deal to me, and I thank them for being
here. I am also grateful for the support of my family and others who
cannot be here today.
Mr. Chairman, I am especially pleased to be nominated to serve as
Ambassador to NATO because I have dedicated my career to building a
secure transatlantic community, based on shared democratic values.
In 20 years in the Foreign Service, I have served four
administrations, advancing our agenda for NATO--at our embassies in the
United Kingdom and Hungary; as a legislative fellow here in the United
States Senate; at the U.S. Mission to NATO and in the NATO Secretary
General's Private Office; at the National Security Council; and
currently as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for the
Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs. In this latter capacity, I am
proud to have worked closely with this committee on a variety of issues
and am grateful for the close relationship between the committee and
the European Bureau.
I am committed to NATO and to our transatlantic partnership because
I am committed to the founding principles of our Nation--the values of
individual liberty, democracy, market economy, human rights, and the
rule of law. These are principles which transcend our national borders
and define the best hopes of humanity. We and the other members of NATO
are part of a single transatlantic community, based on these shared
democratic values.
Those of us who are a part of this community view security
challenges in the world from the shared perspective of our values. We
know that we need to work together if we are to deal with these
challenges effectively, and to continue to advance these enduring
values in the world.
NATO's defense of freedom helped to end the cold war. Yet the end
of the cold war did not mean the end of threats to our democratic
community. The strategic landscape has changed and NATO has changed
with it. To be sure, NATO's core mission remains the collective defense
of its members. But the means by which NATO goes about this mission
have changed dramatically over time.
NATO is now in the process of learning how to defend our
transatlantic community against new threats and challenges that are
often global in scope--threats such as terrorism, the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction, and the consequences of failed states.
In its nearly 60-year history NATO has served as:
Our defense of freedom against the Soviet threat, leading
eventually to the collapse of the Iron Curtain and the birth of
a Europe whole and free.
The military force that ended ethnic cleansing in the
Balkans and kept the peace so democratic governance could
emerge.
The driver for democratic progress in Central Europe,
admitting 10 new allies since the fall of the Berlin wall--and
deciding to admit still more at the Bucharest Summit last week.
A core security organization building partnerships with
dozens of nations around the world.
A front-line alliance in dealing with the 21st century
challenges of terrorism and extremism--for example, by
conducting counterterrorism operations in the Mediterranean, or
running the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF)
mission in Afghanistan.
The Bucharest Summit further advanced NATO's transformation, by
renewing our commitment to operations in Afghanistan and Kosovo,
inviting new members, setting a vision of future membership for others,
strengthening partnerships across the globe, and focusing on the
defense capabilities needed for the future, including missile defense.
NATO's most important operational challenge is in Afghanistan. The
United States is deeply committed to the long-term effort in
Afghanistan. We have made enormous investments in blood and treasure. I
honor the service of our men and women in uniform, as well as our
diplomats and civilians. I respect enormously the families who
sacrifice so their loved ones can contribute to meeting these important
challenges.
I also want to pay tribute to the contributions and sacrifices of
our allies and partners in Afghanistan. They are fighting hard,
especially in the East and South, and have suffered significant
casualties--Denmark and the U.K. in recent days, but also Canada, the
Netherlands, Australia, and others. All 26 allies, along with 14 non-
NATO partners, have troops in Afghanistan. All are playing a vital
role, and all are determined to see this mission through to success.
At the Bucharest Summit, allies endorsed a strategic vision for
Afghanistan that reaffirms their long-term commitment to build an
enduring, stable, secure, prosperous, and democratic Afghan state, free
from the threat of terrorism. Many allies backed up these words with
deeds by announcing new force contributions.
Most notably, though by no means alone, President Sarkozy announced
that France will send a new battalion to Eastern Afghanistan, freeing
some United States troops to do more to help allies in the South. In
addition to the French contribution and the temporary addition of 3,500
United States Marines, United Kingdom, Polish, Czech and other
additions bring the total to about 6,000 new forces so far in 2008.
That said, all allies must do still more to provide the combat
troops, helicopters, and trainers crucial to winning this
counterinsurgency fight. Allies must also make serious efforts to
ensure their citizens understand that the mission matters, success is
within reach, and humanitarian assistance is possible only in a secure
environment.
NATO faces real challenges, operationally on the ground, as well as
politically in Europe. Violence levels are up, particularly in southern
Afghanistan where opium production is also largest. Many Europeans are
skeptical about the Afghanistan mission--people either believe it does
not matter to them, that success is out of reach, or that humanitarian
assistance alone should be enough. We are working with our NATO
partners to clarify the mission and its importance. As agreed in the
common vision statement issued at the Bucharest Summit, we are building
a shared NATO counterinsurgency strategy that provides for population
security, real economic development, and progress in governance. Civil-
military coordination can and should be better, and we welcome the
naming of a new U.N. Special Representative, Kai Eide, who will bring
greater coherence to our international civilian efforts. The narcotics
trade fuels the insurgency and fosters corruption, making all other
efforts an uphill struggle. NATO allies can do more to help the Afghans
lead their own counternarcotics strategy.
In acknowledging the serious challenges, we also must recognize our
achievements. Working with our Afghan allies, NATO forces thwarted the
Taliban's much-hyped ``spring offensive'' last year. Allies and
partners are helping the Afghans build capacity so they can improve
good governance and increasingly stand themselves at the forefront of
security operations.
It is easy to forget the gains made since 2001. Under the Taliban,
there were only 900,000 kids in school--none of them girls, because it
was illegal. Only 8 percent of the population had access to medical
care. There were only 50 kilometers of paved roads. The Taliban imposed
a dark and severe regime on the people of Afghanistan, while terrorists
were allowed to train and export their violence and extremism to other
countries.
Today, there are nearly 6 million kids in school--over 1.5 million
of them girls. Over 65 percent of the population has access to medical
care, and there are over 4,000 kilometers of paved roads. The
government was elected by 8 million Afghan voters, on the basis of a
constitution approved through an open process, a Loya Jirga.
To be sure--the challenges in Afghanistan are great, and success
will take time. But we are doing the right thing in Afghanistan, we are
making progress, and we should continue.
NATO's other major operation is in Kosovo, where NATO's Kosovo
Force (KFOR) remains the ultimate guarantor of peace and stability for
all people in Kosovo, with nearly 16,000 personnel from 35 allied and
non-NATO troop contributing nations. It was NATO that ended ethnic
cleansing not only in Kosovo but in the wider Balkans, and it has kept
the peace that has enabled democratic governance to emerge.
At the recently concluded Bucharest Summit, NATO recommitted itself
to helping ensure a safe and secure environment and declared its
intention to play a key role in the establishment of a new, multiethnic
Kosovo Security Force and a civilian agency to oversee it.
NATO has played, and will continue to play other vital operational
roles-from its role in securing peace in Bosnia (which has now been
passed on to the European Union), to counterterrorist naval operations
in the Mediterranean, to offering support for African Union forces in
Darfur and transporting humanitarian supplies to Pakistan after a major
earthquake, and Louisiana after Hurricane Katrina.
One of the fundamental principles of the alliance is that the door
to membership is open to those European democracies who wish to pursue
it. The enlargement process has been and remains a driving force for
countries to focus on difficult reforms. The United States must
continue to provide leadership and clarity of purpose in expanding the
alliance to advance the goal of a Europe whole, free, and at peace.
NATO enlargement has been a historic success--securing freedom,
democracy, and burgeoning prosperity for 100 million people in Central
and Eastern Europe, and strengthening NATO in the process.
In Bucharest, allies reiterated the importance and success of
NATO's open door policy. Membership invitations were issued to Albania
and Croatia, marking an historic occasion for security and stability in
the Balkans. Allies also determined that Macedonia is ready to receive
an invitation as soon as the name issue is resolved. We hope this is
done as quickly as possible. We look forward to working in close
cooperation with the Senate as we seek its advice and consent to the
ratification of the protocols of accession for each of the invitees,
which are to be signed by July 2008.
Allies provided an unprecedented commitment to Ukraine and Georgia,
stating unequivocally that these countries will become members of NATO.
They welcomed their request to participate in the Membership Action
Plan (MAP). Allies recognized that the MAP process will benefit reform
efforts and authorized foreign ministers to review and take decisions
on their MAP participation in December 2008. We must continue to
support their aspirations.
Allies also invited Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro, to
begin an intensified dialog relating to their membership aspirations
and conveyed their desire to develop a closer relationship with Serbia.
NATO's cooperation with these countries will further increase stability
in the western Balkans.
To further secure freedom and democracy, NATO is also strengthening
its relationships with partners across the globe and the developing of
new capabilities, such as missile defense, energy security, and cyber
defense.
When the wall fell in 1989, NATO was an alliance of 16 members and
no partners. Today, NATO has 26 members--with 2 new invitees,
prospective membership for others, over 20 partners in Europe and
Eurasia, 7 in the Mediterranean, 4 in the Persian Gulf, and others from
around the globe.
Through the creation of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and
the Partnership for Peace, NATO provided the political and practical
cooperation necessary to help the newly independent nations of Europe
integrate into the transatlantic community.
NATO has also established the Mediterranean Dialog and Istanbul
Cooperation Initiative to reach out to the Middle East, and reached out
to new partners around the world on the basis of shared security
interests and democratic values. Australia, Japan, New Zealand, South
Korea, and now Singapore are making valuable contributions to NATO
operations, especially in Afghanistan, and the alliance decided at
Bucharest to remain open to developing relationships with additional
countries.
It is also vital that NATO work effectively with international
organizations such as the European Union and United Nations. A capable
and united European Union is in NATO's interest. We recognize the value
that a stronger and more capable European defense brings, providing
capabilities to address common challenges, and support NATO and the
European Union working closely together. We also need to work as
closely as possible with the United Nations, particularly in U.N.-
mandated, NATO-led operations as in the Balkans and Afghanistan.
In Iraq, NATO provides leadership training to Iraqi Security Forces
to help establish a more secure environment. The NATO training mission
in Iraq is looking to broaden its training mission in response to Prime
Minister Maliki's requests. Allies have also agreed to proposals for a
structured cooperation framework to develop NATO's long-term
relationship with Iraq.
NATO is committed to building a relationship where NATO and Russia
can work together to address common interests such as nonproliferation,
counterterrorism, and border controls and counternarcotics with respect
to Afghanistan. We welcomed Russia's most recent offer of a mechanism
for transiting nonmilitary freight through Russian territory in support
of ISAF.
On other issues such as Kosovo, missile defense, and the
Conventional Armed Forces in Europe Treaty (CFE), serious differences
remain. On CFE, NATO has endorsed the U.S. parallel actions package,
which we believe can ensure the viability of this important security
regime.
We are working hard to develop the capabilities needed for a new
century-the NATO Response Force, the C-17 consortium, the Special
Forces coordination, and steps toward NATO missile defenses. At
Bucharest, allies recognized that ballistic missile proliferation poses
an increasing threat; that missile defense forms part of a broader
response to counter this threat; and that the U.S. system will make a
substantial contribution to protecting alliance territories and
populations. NATO will continue its work on missile defense, and also
with Russia as well, in order to provide more effective defenses for
all alliance territory.
A NATO Cyber Defense Policy, endorsed at Bucharest, enhances our
ability to protect our sensitive infrastructure, allows pool
experiences, and come to the assistance of an ally whose infrastructure
is under threat. I thank Senators on this committee for focusing
attention on this issue following the cyber attacks against Estonia.
NATO's role in energy security, noted at Bucharest, will help
address threats to energy infrastructure and in order to better
safeguard the security interests of the allies. I appreciate the
leadership of Senators on this committee for their involvement in
energy security and believe NATO is building a response to the concerns
you have raised.
NATO faces genuine challenges, as it always has. The strength and
enduring character of the alliance comes from our ability to face these
challenges together. As Winston Churchill said, ``the only thing worse
than fighting with allies is fighting without them.''
If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador to NATO, I will work to strengthen
support and understanding in Europe for two fundamental ideas:
That the prosperity and well-being of our democratic societies still
depends critically on security, so we must invest in security.
That the security of Europe and North America remain fundamentally
linked, so we must face our modern-day security challenges
together.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for the opportunity to be here today. If
confirmed, I will do my very best to serve my country with distinction
and to work closely with you and this committee.
I look forward to listening to your views, and to responding to any
questions you and the members of the committee may have.
Senator Obama. Thank you very much.
Mr. Urbancic.
STATEMENT OF FRANK URBANCIC, JR., NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO
THE REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS
Mr. Urbancic. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And let me say, too, that I today am honored to be
supported here by my wife and lifetime partner, Michelle; our
two children, Frank and Arlette; and most importantly perhaps,
my father and mother from Indianapolis, who have driven here to
join us today. So we are very honored to have the presence of
Senator Lugar.
It is also a great privilege for me to be nominated by the
President to serve as the next Ambassador of the United States
to the Republic of Cyprus. And if confirmed, I will do
everything in my power to justify that trust as well as that of
Secretary Rice in sending forward my nomination.
At the outset, I would also note my intention to heed an
admonishment of the ancient stoic philosopher from Cyprus, Zeno
of Kition, who said famously that the reason we have two ears
and one mouth is that we may listen more and speak less. I will
keep my comments brief.
May I also say that I am honored to be here Mr. Chairman,
and thank you very much for calling us here to speak about our
countries.
I personally have spent 27 years in the Foreign Service,
deepening my understanding of the issues in the basin of the
East Mediterranean and the risks that its people face. I have a
deep and abiding interest in Cyprus, and from this background,
I have a keen awareness of the role that the United Nations in
Cyprus can play and that what a positive role multilateral
diplomacy can play in bringing about healing of deep political
divides.
In graduate school, I specialized in Byzantine studies,
with a particular interest in Orthodox Church history. From
that study, as well as my work in the region, I have come to
understand the unique position that Cyprus has always held
throughout its own history.
There was a time when I could translate Aristotle. Those
days are gone, unfortunately, but I will try to get them back.
And my time in Istanbul has also given me the opportunity to
speak another great language of this region. If confirmed, I
intend to use this familiarity with the languages of both the
Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities to support
efforts to reunite the island.
We need to establish there and--we need to work with the
leadership of that island to create a bizonal, bicommunal
federation. Reunification of Cyprus under these long-agreed
principles will allow its communities to realize the full
potential of their own history.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with all members of
the committee, and your views are very important to me. And I
would like to work closely with you in the future to deepen
United States-Cypriot--the United States-Cypriot relationship,
building upon the work of my predecessors, of course.
The United States and Cyprus have many shared interests and
ties. I have learned that Cyprus, for example, is one of the,
if not the largest per capita participant in the Fulbright
program anywhere in the world. Cyprus was the first European
Union country to sign a shipboarding agreement with the United
States under the Proliferation Security Initiative.
Our countries are working together to safeguard Cypriot
cultural heritage, prevent pillaging, and stop the illegal
trafficking in the sale of antiquities. I look forward to
seeking new opportunities to expand our partnerships and to
further our mutual understanding.
If confirmed, I realize I will be accredited to one
government. That is the Government of the Republic of Cyprus.
The United States does not recognize any other state on the
island. That said, we need to engage the Turkish Cypriot
community. We need to help them prepare for reunification by
strengthening their NGOs and reducing economic disparities
across the island. We also need to urge them to combat money
laundering and to counter possible terrorist threats. If
confirmed, I will ensure the U.S. assistance program continues
to support one overarching aim, and that is reconciliation
between the two communities and reunification.
If confirmed, I will pursue one of the administration's
policy priorities--a comprehensive Cyprus settlement. The de
facto division of that country pains Greek Cypriots and it
pains Turkish Cypriots, and it damages United States strategic
interests in the region. The dysfunctional and unacceptable
status quo also threatens effective NATO-European Union defense
cooperation, and it remains an obstacle for Greek-Turkish
relations.
Currently, though, there is room for guarded optimism. Many
see 2008 as a year of opportunity for Cyprus. Both community
leaders state that they want the same thing. They have the same
goal. They want a bizonal, bicommunal federation, and the U.N.,
with strong American support, is considering reinvigorated
settlement efforts.
Negotiating the details of a bizonal, bicommunal federation
will be a difficult task, of course. Both sides will need
strong leadership, and they undoubtedly will have to make hard
decisions and settle for some probably painful compromises. A
federation, however, with a single international sovereignty
enjoying European Union membership, peace, and prosperity is
achievable, and I hope to help advance it, if confirmed.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Urbancic follows:]
Prepared Statement of Frank Urbancic, Jr., Nominee to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Cyprus
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for giving me
the opportunity to be with you here today. It is my great honor to be
nominated by President Bush to serve as the next Ambassador of the
United States to the Republic of Cyprus, and, if confirmed, I will do
everything in my power to justify that trust, as well as that of
Secretary Rice in sending forward my nomination.
At the outset, I would note my intention to heed an admonishment of
the ancient Stoic philosopher from Cyprus, Zeno of Kition, who said,
``The reason we have two ears but only one mouth, is that we may learn
more and speak less.'' I will keep my comments brief. May I also say
that I am honored to be supported here today by my wife and lifetime
partner, Michelle, our two children, Frank and Arlette, and my parents
visiting us from Indiana.
Mr. Chairman, I have spent 27 years in the Foreign Service,
deepening my understanding of issues in the basin of the east
Mediterranean and the risks that its people face. I have a deep and
abiding interest in Cyprus, its people, and the politics and history of
the region. I served at the U.S. mission to the United Nations during
the first gulf war, and, in addition, I was Senior Adviser in that
mission for Eastern European Affairs after my return to the United
States from the second gulf war. From those experiences, I have a keen
awareness of the role of the United Nations in Cyprus and the role that
multilateral diplomacy can play in bridging deep political divides.
In graduate school, I specialized in Byzantine studies, with a
particular interest in Orthodox Church history. Because of that study,
as well as my work in the region, I have come to understand the unique
position that Cyprus has always held throughout its history. Cyprus has
long played a role as a multicultural crossroad of history and
civilization, and this remains true today. There was a time when I
could translate Aristotle, and my time in Istanbul has also given me
the opportunity to speak another great language of this region. I
intend to use this familiarity with the languages of both the Greek
Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities to support efforts to reunite
the country into a bizonal, bicommunal federation. Reunification of
Cyprus under these long-agreed principles will allow its communities to
realize the full potential that history has long foreseen for this
beautiful and historically rich island.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with all members of the
committee. Your views are important to me, and I would like to work
closely with you to deepen the United States-Cypriot relationship,
building upon the work of my predecessors.
The United States and Cyprus have many shared interests and ties. I
was pleased to learn that more than 3,000 Cypriots have studied in the
United States under U.S. Government-sponsored academic exchange
programs, including the Fulbright Program--one of the largest, if not
the largest, per capita rate in the world. Cyprus was the first
European Union country to sign a ship boarding agreement with us under
the Proliferation Security Initiative--a significant provision given
that Cyprus has the eleventh largest merchant fleet in the world. Our
countries are working together to safeguard Cypriot cultural heritage,
prevent pillaging, and stop the illegal trafficking and sale of
antiquities. I also expect that the nearly 15,000 American citizens who
transited Cyprus in the summer of 2006, as they were evacuated from
Lebanon, will long remember the generosity and gracious reception they
were given by the Cypriot people. I look forward to seeking new
opportunities to expand our partnerships and further our mutual
understanding.
If confirmed, I realize I will be accredited to one government,
that of the Republic of Cyprus. The United States does not recognize
any other state on the island. That said, we need to engage the Turkish
Cypriot community. We need to help them prepare for reunification by
strengthening their NGOs and reducing economic disparities across the
island. We also need to urge them to combat money laundering and
counter possible terrorist threats. For all our programs, I will ensure
U.S. assistance continues to support one overarching aim--
reconciliation and reunification.
If confirmed, I will pursue one of the administration's policy
priorities--a comprehensive Cyprus settlement. The de facto division of
the country pains Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots and damages
United States strategic interests in the region. The dysfunctional and
unacceptable status quo also threatens effective NATO-European Union
defense cooperation and remains an obstacle for Greek-Turkish
relations. Furthermore, I am sure both communities would agree that
Turkey, a key NATO ally, would be better off anchored to Europe through
European Union membership. Yet the continued impasse on Cyprus
negatively affects all these considerations. Many outside observers
have increasingly asserted that in the absence of a settlement in the
near future, the world will accept a de facto division ad infinitum.
This would be a bad outcome, and one we should all strenuously seek to
avoid.
Currently, though, there is room for guarded optimism. Many see
2008 as a year of opportunity for Cyprus. Both community leaders state
they want the same goal--a bizonal, bicommunal federation, and the
U.N., with strong American support, is considering reinvigorated
settlement efforts. Negotiating the details of a bizonal, bicommunal
federation, such as governmental structure, administrative and
territorial jurisdictions, security considerations, and property
disputes will be a difficult task. Both sides will need strong
leadership and undoubtedly have to make hard decisions and settle for
some possibly painful compromises, but the goal will be worthwhile--a
federation, with a single international sovereignty, enjoying European
Union membership, peace, and prosperity. That goal is achievable, and I
hope to help advance it, if confirmed.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I look forward to answering any questions.
Senator Obama. Thank you.
Ms. McEldowney.
STATEMENT OF NANCY E. McELDOWNEY, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO
THE REPUBLIC OF BULGARIA
Ms. McEldowney. Good morning. I am very pleased to state
that I am joined today by family members who have traveled to
visit me all over the world in the course of my Foreign Service
career. They have also traveled here to Capitol Hill from
Philadelphia today. My sister and brother-in-law, Heidi Hayes
and Richard Johnson, their son, Nicolas Johnson, as well as
family friend, Elaine Jones.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I am deeply honored
to appear before you today as the President's nominee to be the
next American Ambassador to Bulgaria. I am grateful for the
confidence expressed by President Bush and Secretary Rice
through this nomination, and I ask today, with respect and
humility, for your confidence, as well.
If I am confirmed, I pledge to validate your trust by
advancing our Nation's interests in Bulgaria and throughout the
region. I also pledge to work closely with this committee and
your congressional colleagues in pursuing our common objectives
and shared agenda.
My appearance before this committee today is the
culmination of more than two decades of public service as an
American diplomat. Patriotism and service to Nation have shaped
my life and the lives of my entire family. My father was a
member of the United States Marine Corps. My husband served 26
years as a pilot in the United States Air Force. And my younger
brother, now a lieutenant colonel in the Air Force, recently
concluded a deployment to Afghanistan.
I have spent my entire adult life working to protect and
advance our country's interests as a professional diplomat. I
have served overseas in Europe, the Middle East, and the former
Soviet Union. Here at home, I have worked in the Department of
State, the Department of Defense, and on the staff of the
National Security Council.
I have served as deputy chief of mission in two embassies
and have frequently functioned as acting chief of mission.
These experiences have helped prepared me for the
responsibilities and challenges that I will face if confirmed
for this position.
Since this committee voted 3 years ago to confirm our
current ambassador, a number of important developments have
taken place. Bulgarian and American soldiers are now exercising
together inside Bulgaria, and we are now deployed side by side
in Iraq, Afghanistan, Bosnia, and Kosovo. Bulgaria is now a
member of both the European Union and the NATO alliance,
following the achievement of important domestic reforms and
sustained economic growth, fueled in part by the generous
assistance allocated by this Congress as well as by the active
involvement of United States companies.
These are impressive accomplishments, and they illustrate
the vibrancy and potential of our bilateral relationship. But
as many members of this committee have noted, there is still
more to be done. Bulgaria still suffers from pervasive
corruption and organized crime that undermines public
confidence in its institutions. The Balkan region is still
burdened with instability. European energy supplies still lack
sufficient diversity and security. And there is still more that
the United States and Bulgaria can do together to advance our
common strategic interests.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, my top priority will be to
protect the security of the United States and our citizens,
including American facilities and personnel in Bulgaria. I will
work together with a talented team of civilian and military
professionals at our embassy in Sofia to advance American
interests in five key areas.
We will deepen our cooperation in combating terrorism,
proliferation, and other forms of transnational crime. We will
advance stability throughout the Balkans to help this long-
troubled region enjoy peace and prosperity as part of an
undivided Euro-Atlantic community. We will promote the security
and diversity of energy supplies, building upon Bulgaria's
strategic location as a key transit route across the European
continent. We will catalyze unfinished legal and judicial
reforms, supporting the Bulgarian Government's own efforts to
combat corruption and promote the rule of law. And finally, we
will expand our trade and economic cooperation, increasing
commercial opportunities for U.S. companies.
This is an ambitious agenda. But I believe it is one that
can be achieved through concerted effort and joint action.
Bulgaria is a government that is firmly committed to the
principles and practices of democracy and free market economy.
It has made significant progress in domestic reform in
international engagement and is determined to continue these
efforts.
As a bilateral partner, a NATO ally, and a genuine friend
to the United States, Bulgaria is a country of great importance
and bright promise. Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will do my
utmost to maintain the distinguished record of service by the
men and women who held this position before me. I will strive
unceasingly to advance American interests and promote American
values.
I thank you again for the honor of appearing before you
today, and I look forward to answering any questions that you
may wish to pose.
[The prepared statement of Ms. McEldowney follows:]
Prepared Statement of Nancy E. McEldowney, Nominee to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Bulgaria
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today as the President's nominee to be the next American
Ambassador to Bulgaria. I am grateful for the confidence expressed by
President Bush and Secretary Rice through this nomination. I ask today,
with respect and humility, for your confidence as well. If I am
confirmed, I pledge to validate your trust by advancing our Nation's
interests in Bulgaria and throughout the region. I also commit myself
to work closely with this committee and your congressional colleagues
in pursuing our common objectives and shared agenda.
Mr. Chairman, my appearance before this committee today is the
culmination of more than two decades of public service as an American
diplomat. Patriotism and service to the Nation have shaped my life and
my family. My father was a member of the United States Marine Corps. My
husband served 26 years as a pilot in the United States Air Force. And
my younger brother, now a lieutenant colonel in the Air Force, recently
concluded a tour of duty in Afghanistan.
I have spent my entire adult life working to protect and advance
our country's interests as a professional diplomat. I have served
overseas in Europe, the Middle East, and the former Soviet Union. Here
at home, I have worked in the Department of State, the Department of
Defense, and on the staff of the National Security Council. I have
served as Deputy Chief of Mission in two embassies and have frequently
functioned as Acting Chief of Mission. These diverse experiences have
helped prepare me for the responsibilities and challenges that I will
face if confirmed for this position.
Since this committee voted 3 years ago to confirm our current
ambassador, a number of important developments have taken place:
In April 2006, the United States and Bulgaria signed a
defense cooperation agreement authorizing United States
military units to train at specified Bulgarian bases. The first
exercise under this agreement took place in September 2007.
This summer, approximately 1,000 United States and Bulgarian
land forces will train together. Over the next 12 months, the
U.S. Air Force will conduct three training events with
approximately 250 U.S. service members each.
In January 2007, Bulgaria became a member of the European
Union. This followed Bulgaria's entry into the NATO alliance in
March 2004. Taken together, these represent the culmination of
a process of democratization and reform that began over 19
years ago with the fall of communism and single party rule in
1989.
Bulgaria is a member of the coalition in Iraq and a
contributor to the NATO effort in Afghanistan. Bulgarian
soldiers are deployed side by side with us at Camp Ashraf in
Iraq; and in ISAF operations in Kandahar, Kabul and Herat,
Afghanistan. Bulgarian soldiers also participate in NATO,
European Union and U.N. peacekeeping operations in Bosnia,
Kosovo, Liberia, and Ethiopia.
With the support of United States assistance monies
generously allocated by this Congress, Bulgaria has
accomplished important reforms in economic development, local
governance, and national institutions, including the
establishment of the American University in Bulgaria and the
National Institute of Justice, one of the premier Eastern
European training centers for judges and prosecutors.
Trade and investment between the United States and Bulgaria
has surged, as the Bulgarian economy has grown more than 5
percent annually for the past 5 years. In 2007, bilateral trade
totaled almost $1 billion and cumulative investment by American
companies is estimated at more than $5.5 billion.
These are impressive accomplishments that illustrate the vibrancy
and vast potential of the bilateral partnership between our two
countries. But there is still more to be done. Bulgaria still suffers
from pervasive corruption and organized crime that undermines public
confidence in its institutions. The Balkan region is still burdened
with instability, as we have seen recently in Serbia and Kosovo.
European energy supplies still lack sufficient security and diversity.
And there is still more that the United States and Bulgaria can do
together to advance our common strategic interests.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, my top priority will be to protect the
security of the United States and our citizens, including American
facilities and personnel in Bulgaria. I will work together with the
talented interagency team of civilian and military professionals at our
embassy in Sofia to advance American interests in key areas:
We will broaden and deepen our cooperation in combating terrorism, the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, trafficking in
persons and narcotics, and other forms of transnational crime.
We will work to advance stability and security throughout the Balkans,
to help this long-troubled region enjoy peace and prosperity as
part of an undivided Euro-Atlantic community.
We will promote the security and diversity of energy supplies, building
upon Bulgaria's strategic location as a key transit route
across the European continent.
We will catalyze unfinished legal and judicial reforms, supporting
the Bulgarian Government's own efforts to combat corruption and
organized crime, and to promote good governance, public trust, and the
rule of law.
We will expand our trade and economic cooperation, increasing
commercial opportunities for United States companies and
stimulating sustainable growth in the Bulgarian economy.
This is an ambitious agenda but one that can be achieved through
concerted effort and joint action. Bulgaria is a country that is firmly
committed to the principles and practices of democracy and free market
economy. It has made significant progress in both domestic reform and
international engagement, and the government is determined to continue
these efforts. As a bilateral partner, a NATO ally and a genuine friend
of the United States, Bulgaria is a country of importance and promise.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will do my utmost to maintain the
distinguished record of service by the men and women who held this
position before me. I will strive unceasingly to advance American
interests and promote American values.
I thank you again for the honor of appearing before you today. I
would be delighted to answer any questions that you may wish to pose.
Senator Obama. Thank you very much, all of you, for your
opening statements.
What I would like to do now, we have approximately an hour,
and we have six Senators present. So what I would like to do is
allocate 7-minute rounds to each Senator. And if we have
sufficient time afterwards, then we can maybe go to a second
round, if that is agreeable to other members of the committee.
Well, let me start with you, Mr. Volker. Obviously, a lot
of your work is in the newspapers or will be in the newspapers.
People are paying a lot of attention to what is happening in
NATO right now.
Secretary Gates said in February that lingering European
anger over Iraq has undermined our efforts to marshal allied
support to win the war against the Taliban and al-Qaeda in
Afghanistan. Obviously, we made some--the President was able to
make some progress in Bucharest, but as Senator Lugar noted,
some of the constraints that continue to be placed on the
operations there are of continuing concern.
Certainly, we appreciate all the work that has been done by
our NATO allies. But it does appear as if we continue to be
resource-strapped in Afghanistan. I am curious, do you agree
with the assessment of Secretary Gates that Iraq still is
causing turbulence within the NATO alliance and our actions in
Afghanistan? If so, do you have any thoughts on how we might
correct that?
Mr. Volker. Thank you, Senator. Yes, I share Secretary
Gates's view that public opinion in Europe, I think, has in
some ways conflated the conflict in Iraq and the conflict in
Afghanistan. They see the violence. They see the extremists,
the terrorist attacks, IEDs, suicide bombers, and they do see
that this is a terrible thing to be involved in. And I think
that it is difficult for many of our European allies and their
governments to build and sustain public support for their
participation in Afghanistan.
That said, I would say the resources dedicated to
Afghanistan have grown considerably as NATO has expanded the
mission. In 2003, NATO took over ISAF when it was only in Kabul
and only about 4,000 people. We currently have ISAF throughout
the whole country with about 47,000 people. So every time we
have expanded the mission, we have expanded the requirements,
and then NATO allies have contributed more toward meeting those
requirements. We have never made 100 percent, but we have seen
a significant progress over time.
I think that what is critical is to remind people that
Afghanistan has its own storyline that is an important and
compelling one, and that the security and the well-being of our
societies actually depends upon what we do in Afghanistan. And
the Afghan people want us there and want us to help. The last
poll I saw showed 75 percent of Afghans supporting the presence
of foreign troops there to help provide security so they can
get on with the business of building a stronger, more stable
country.
And then, finally, we are making progress in Afghanistan,
and I think that is visible. So when you look at health care,
education, road building, the economy, there has been a lot of
progress made in Afghanistan since the Taliban was in power. We
faced daunting challenges in Afghanistan with the insurgency,
with narcotics, with governance. We have to focus on these, and
we do need more resources and to work more with the allies. But
I think we need to recapture and reexplain the storyline a
little bit about what is going on with Afghanistan and why it
is critical that our mission there succeed.
Senator Obama. While I think that Senator Lugar is probably
going to pursue this further, because I know he mentioned it in
his opening statement, I would like for you also to just
comment on the apparent or potential influence, at least, of
Russia in putting a pause button on MAP for two important
actors in the region. Can you comment at this point in terms of
how you see that playing itself out? Do you get an impression
that the other NATO members will be more open to the moving
forward of those two countries next year?
Mr. Volker. Well, let me state clearly up front that we
strongly support a membership action plans for Ukraine and
Georgia and work very hard within the alliance to try to gain
consensus on that. There wasn't consensus in NATO. There were
some allies who objected to that, and we were concerned about
the very issue that you and Senator Lugar are raising, that
Russia somehow is either exercising a veto or at least
intimidating NATO out of making decisions.
So there were two things that NATO did, I think, to make
clear that we reject that idea of a Russian veto. The first was
in the NATO communique that was issued at Bucharest. There was
a clear statement that decisions on enlargement are for NATO
itself to make and made that very clear. The second thing is
that while not offering a Membership Action Plan, NATO made an
unprecedented statement simply to say that Ukraine and Georgia
will become members of NATO.
And as someone who has worked on previous rounds of NATO
enlargement--the Madrid summit in 1997, Prague in 2002--we had
always reserved our position about invitations until the actual
moment. And in order to make clear that Russia is not
exercising that kind of influence, the alliance decided that it
would state very forthrightly that Ukraine and Georgia will
become members.
Senator Obama. Good. My final question I am going to direct
to you, Ms. Barrett. And that is, as we noted, Finland--
although there is extraordinary cooperation between the two
countries and they are a strong ally--is one of the few
countries that is in the European Union, but not in NATO. And I
am wondering if you want to comment on where the NATO debate in
Finland stands now? Should the United States be trying to move
or encourage Finland's membership in NATO or off the status
quo? What is your take on that?
Ms. Barrett. The Americans with great respect for NATO, we
think it would be beneficial for Finland and for NATO for
Finland to be a part of it. But it will be a choice of Finland
and the people of Finland whether or not they would become a
part of NATO.
It is something that the Finns have demonstrated some
attention to. We think it would bring greater strength to NATO
if they were a part of it.
Senator Obama. Okay. Mr. Volker, do you have any comments
on that?
Mr. Volker. I would just add to what my colleague said.
Finland is making substantial contributions to NATO missions
already. They are very valuable contributions. I think if the
Finns chose to become allies, they would make great allies. But
it is a choice for the people and Government of Finland to
make.
Senator Obama. Good. Okay. I will actually give up 15
seconds just to set a good example.
Let me turn it over to Senator Lugar.
Senator Lugar. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Urbancic, I am delighted that you have strong Hoosier
representation here today and great Hoosier roots. And
therefore, I will direct my first questions to you.
You are a veteran of service on Cyprus. You very carefully
in your statement said that you were accredited to one
government there. But at the same time, you pointed out the
imperative that you would pursue the administration's goal of
trying to bring about a comprehensive Cyprus settlement.
Since this is not a new subject for you and your entire
career has informed you, really, of the dilemmas here, how do
you intend to proceed? Really, what are the avenues that might
lead you to optimism that during your tenure these objectives
might advance?
Mr. Urbancic. Thank you, Senator. And yes, I am a very
strong Hoosier, and we still live there, and I am really glad
that my parents were able to join us. We take the kids back as
often as we can.
I think that the great thing is that we are truly at a
point where there may be a true opportunity for a final
settlement of this terrible problem. Yes, there is one
government, which is recognized internationally, and that is
the government that the United States deals with. But there are
two communities, and it is those two communities that have to
overcome their own estrangement, one from the other.
The truly great story is that they are doing that. They are
doing that on their own because it is important to them and
because reunification is something that they think is in their
interests. And I think that the best that we can do and what I
would certainly do, if confirmed, is to continue to support
that effort, them directly, then the United Nations supporting
them. And the United Nations is, as you know, undertaking an
assessment right now to see how the U.N. can best contribute.
And then us, with our other allies, supporting that U.N.
effort.
But the most important thing is that the two sides
themselves are intimately engaged. There will be times when our
own good offices, I think, will be valuable. And at those
points, I will hope to have established good relationships with
the leadership on both sides to allow them to make the tough
decisions that they are certainly going to have to make on
behalf of their two communities.
Senator Lugar. Well, I hope in those good offices that you
will encourage appropriate citizens in the United States to be
helpful to you, obviously including the State Department,
Members of Congress, and others. This is an important
objective, both for Cyprus as well as for our ongoing
relationships with Greece and with Turkey.
This is well known to you, but I just wanted to take this
opportunity at the confirmation hearing to underline the
importance for all three countries--Cyprus, Greece, and Turkey.
We look forward to your leadership in that regard.
I wanted to ask you, Mr. Ghafari, to follow up on an
important point that you made, and that is that recently
Slovenia has deployed more than 11 percent of its armed forces
abroad. This is an abnormal percentage for most European
countries. As a matter of fact, many of us have visited with
NATO allies and regretted that they have such a small
expeditionary force. And therefore, even as we exhort them to
do more in Afghanistan or elsewhere, the wherewithal to do so
in terms of personnel quite apart from logistics is not
present.
What explains this? Why this boost to 11 percent? And is
this a special reach-out to the rest of Europe, to the United
States, or how would you explain this activity?
Mr. Ghafari. Senator, thank you for this question. I
believe that the reason Slovenia--and that is my understanding
at this point, is that they really want to be a good example
for the rest of the region. And I think they have demonstrated
that economically and fiscally, and what they have done with
the armed forces, I think, is just an extension of that.
They are a strong ally of ours. They believe in the global
agenda, the issues we face as it relates to terror and what
that has to do with the world. And I think that is what they
have tried to do with expanding their troops to the 11 percent
that you just mentioned, Senator.
Senator Lugar. A year ago, the Aspen Institute
congressional seminar was held in Slovenia. We had an
opportunity to note the point that you have made that 40 United
States companies are now operating in Slovenia. While it is a
fairly small country in terms of population and size, $490
million ha been invested there as you mentioned. Has there been
a special outreach either way by Slovenia to Americans or
Americans to finding very talented people there in that
country?
Mr. Ghafari. If I am confirmed, that would be one of my top
priorities.
Senator Lugar. Yes.
Mr. Ghafari. I understand that there is some reform that
has taken place. There is more to be done in that regard, and I
understand that now that they are preoccupied with the European
Union Presidency, that maybe had they waited a little from that
economic reforms. They have elections coming up this fall, and
hopefully that will become an agenda item that we as an embassy
and myself can work on to help expand the business entry
between our two nations.
I have to date, in preparing for my departure, talked to my
colleagues in the business, and I said we have this wonderful
friendly country. What can we do together? And they all are
expressing interest and are impressed by the success they have
made to date. They are impressed by the quality of the people,
the Slovenian people, and their technical capabilities. So that
would be something that I will definitely put on the top of my
list to do.
And at the same time, I think I am going to encourage and
we have got some--actually some leads on there that the
Slovenes are willing to come here and invest, as well. With the
strength of the euro, they need to manufacture in this country
for some of their customers. So that would be a two-way deal
that, hopefully, we can work on together.
Senator Lugar. Well, I think we all hope with your business
background, you will be very successful.
Mr. Ghafari. Thank you very much.
Senator Lugar. And we applaud that.
Mr. Ghafari. Thank you.
Senator Lugar. Ambassador Volker, let me ask you a quick
question. You mentioned that NATO's commitment in the Bucharest
Communique that Georgia and Ukraine will join NATO at some
point in the future has led to some speculation that action
extending membership action plans to Tbilisi and Kyiv at the
upcoming foreign ministers meeting of NATO representatives.
Describe really how that procedure works so that Americans
understand how that type of momentous decision could occur.
Mr. Volker. That is correct, Senator. The summit leaders,
when they got together and agreed a formal NATO statement
expressing NATO's position, said not only that Georgia and
Ukraine will become members of NATO, they also welcomed their
aspirations for participating in the membership action plans
and stated in the declaration from NATO itself that the foreign
ministers are authorized to decide on this issue when they meet
in December of 2008.
Senator Lugar. And so, December of 2008 is the approximate
time in which all of this might arise again?
Mr. Volker. Yes, indeed. We will be certainly pursuing and
encouraging their aspiration for Membership Action Plans, and
we hope that we can reach a consensus within NATO to grant that
to them.
Senator Lugar. Well, we will be cheering you on at that
point.
Mr. Volker. Thank you.
Senator Lugar. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Obama. Senator Voinovich.
Senator Voinovich. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Ghafari, you mentioned that you had some concern about
the investment by the United States in Slovenia. My suggestion
to you would be to spend some time with the Slovene Diaspora
here to try and get them involved, and they have talked about
it, but they really have never done it.
I brought Goodyear to Slovenia a long time ago, and since
that time, the government has been reluctant about privatizing
some of their--in fact, they are slower than most in that
region. And it might be something that you could try to nudge
them on.
Mr. Ghafari. Thank you, Senator. One of my things I would
like to do before I leave to Slovenia is to visit with the
American Slovenian community in Cleveland and maybe a couple of
other places around the country just to get the pulse of what
is going on there and get a better understanding of what they
would like to do with that country, as well. Thank you.
Senator Voinovich. Bulgaria is in an area that is right
now, I think, most people are not aware, will be affected if
the election goes the wrong direction in May in Serbia. That
would be a real setback for the whole region.
One of the things that I suggested is to--and hopefully,
you will be there--is to try to get Bulgaria and Romania and
some others that belong to the European Union to get over to
Serbia to talk about how important European Union membership is
to the future of Slovenia. Are you updated on that issue on
where we are and how thin the situation is?
Ms. McEldowney. Thank you very much, Senator. I have,
indeed, been following the issue and, in particular, have been
watching the Bulgarian Government try hard to work both with
the Serbs, as well as with other neighbors in the region, to
try to moderate Serbian policy, to try to bring about an
outcome that will advance stability throughout the region.
If confirmed, this is one of the issues that I look forward
to making a priority as we go forward and face this very key
election, and as Kosovo's independence proceeds and Bulgaria
continues to serve as a moderating, stabilizing force
throughout the region.
Senator Voinovich. And Mr. Volker, one of our problems in
Afghanistan is that many of the countries that are involved
have these national caveats, and many of us are concerned that
they are still in effect. Some of our allies are saying that if
some of those countries don't remove take them, then they will
be more reluctant to participate. We have taken a position, I
think, of publicly knocking some of them that haven't done what
they are supposed to do.
I would be interested to know your perspective and how you,
through your great diplomatic skills, are going to try and work
this out.
Mr. Volker. Well, thank you, Senator. We are very concerned
about the issue of caveats on the forces deployed in
Afghanistan and anywhere in NATO operations. That is a matter
that we raise privately with the governments concerned and also
we have discussed publicly.
I do want to say that the contributions that allies make
are valuable, all of them. So those countries that have caveats
are, nonetheless, performing important roles where they are in
Afghanistan or elsewhere. But it does create problems.
It creates problems for the commander on the ground, who
has less flexibility in his ability to use forces where they
are most needed. And it creates political dissension within
NATO. Those countries who are taking on the hardest burdens and
fighting and facing casualties, and those countries that are
operating in relatively safer areas with limitations on the
deployments that will keep them in safer areas.
So we have to chip away at this problem. We have been
working at it. We have seen, around the time of the Riga
summit, some caveats lifted. We have not seen much more
progress on it since then. It is something we need to stay
focused on.
I would say in terms of addressing this there is one
critical thing that we need to do, and this is what I discussed
when answering the chairman's question about getting the story
right in Afghanistan. Reassuring European publics that we are
there for the right reasons and doing the right things, and
that their forces that are contributing in Afghanistan are in a
good cause and, therefore, should be fully part of the NATO
mission and fully contributing as equal allies, sharing the
burdens equally.
Senator Voinovich. Do you share the opinion that we need to
bring more of our troops into Afghanistan to help out?
Mr. Volker. I do. I do. I know that Secretary Gates and the
President, have announced our intention to deploy about 3,500
Marines, and that was announced in advance of the Bucharest
summit. We are the leader of NATO. We need to be making a
substantial contribution to alliance operations to ensure their
success. And in doing so, we need to encourage other allies to
increase their contributions as well.
We currently have a situation where of about 47,000 troops
within ISAF, the United States is contributing less than half
of that. I think we need to be doing our share in leading the
charge and then encouraging the allies to make their
contributions.
Senator Voinovich. Thank you.
Ms. Barrett, you--I mentioned that you are working with
Finland, and you know that the Ahtisaari plan, he was president
of Finland, and so they are real interested in Kosovo.
Ms. Barrett. Absolutely.
Senator Voinovich. But the issue that I am concerned about
is the issue of this Office of Democratic Institutions and
Human Rights. I don't know whether you are familiar with it,
but I will tell you this, that there are many people here in
this Congress that worked very hard to get the Office of
Nondiscrimination and Tolerance on the core budget of the OSCE.
And right now, we are in the midst of hiring someone to
take the place of a man by the name of Christian Strohal, and I
would really appreciate your looking into it. And I would like
to spend some time with you on the phone talking about perhaps
a role that you might play because Finland is in charge of that
ministerial effort right now. I think if we don't do that, we
may lose a wonderful opportunity to continue to make a
difference in the area of dealing with discrimination.
Ms. Barrett. Mr. Chairman, Senator Voinovich, I would look
forward to working with you on that. I also consider it an
urgent matter in the limited time during which the Finns will
be in the leadership role would be an important time to make
good things happen there.
Senator Voinovich. Thank you.
Senator Obama. Senator Cardin.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Volker, let me follow up a little bit on first
Afghanistan and then Georgia and Ukraine. In regards to
Afghanistan, OSCE does have a mission there. And NATO, of
course, is the lead group as far as international involvement
with the United States, but we do have OSCE. There is an
important mission on the border. And of course, Afghanistan is
a partner within OSCE.
Just curious as to your views as to whether we cannot--
couldn't expand OSCE's mission, which would broaden European
participation in dealing in Afghanistan?
Mr. Volker. Thanks, Senator. Yes, we agreed with the other
members of the OSCE to launch the border training and
development effort that the OSCE is putting in Afghanistan. We
deliberately decided to start small to make sure that it could
get in there effectively, that it could operate in the
environment in Afghanistan, and to see whether it could bring
about a success in its developments training on the border.
And presuming that that is successful, then we would look
toward expanding the mission depending on the resources that
nations are able to bring. But we do think that is a
possibility based on success in the initial phases.
Senator Cardin. And I look forward to continuing to work
with you on that. I do think it is just in our interests, the
United States interests to broaden the participation, and OSCE
gives us an opportunity to do that.
I do want to compliment you on your diplomatic skills and
your response on the question regarding Georgia and Ukraine. I
was only aware of two steps that could be taken. One was the
membership action plan. The other was being admitted. You have
now given us a third level, I guess, of moving forward.
I would just be interested as to whether you see a change
that we can get NATO expansion in countries such as Georgia and
Ukraine without a changed position with some of our NATO allies
on Russia's influence here?
Mr. Volker. Well, clearly, we did not succeed in getting a
membership action plan approved for Ukraine and Georgia,
something that we sought. Membership action plan, you will
recall, was launched at the Washington summit in 1999 at a
point when NATO was not ready to offer invitations to countries
in Central and Eastern Europe, and so we said, well, we are not
going to just say no. We are going to help you. We are going to
create a plan to work with you so that you can present a
stronger candidacy in the future.
What happened----
Senator Cardin. Which seems to be what should have been
offered as the U.S. position was----
Mr. Volker. Yes.
Senator Cardin [continuing]. With regard to Georgia and
Ukraine. I guess my question is, will we be able to get to that
point with countries such as Ukraine and Georgia without a
changed relationship between our NATO allies and Russia?
Mr. Volker. I believe that we can. I believe that the
statement that was made about these countries will become
members of NATO--a very forceful, clear statement--sort of cuts
right through the heart of the membership action plan question.
It is kind of ironic that the debate about offering a MAP was,
well, is this going too far? And then we make a strong
political commitment that goes even further.
So I think that, based on that, we should be able to do the
diplomatic work underneath, then proceed with the Membership
Action Plan and get a consensus within NATO for that.
Senator Cardin. I thank you, and again, I look forward to
working with you on that.
Let me follow up on Senator Voinovich's point in regards to
the OSCE's mission not just in fighting discrimination, but
also on the human rights agenda. The four countries that are
represented at the table all have important issues involving
commitments to the OSCE.
In regards to Bulgaria, as I mentioned earlier, the issues
concerning minorities, whether it is the Turkish or the Roma
population, is a major concern to us. On human trafficking,
there are--Bulgaria is a Tier 2 country. There is a problem in
Cyprus. They are on the watch list because of concerns as a
recipient state to human trafficking. Slovenia has a problem
with the Muslim community that just recently mushroomed. And of
course, as pointed out, Finland has the chair in office.
I would welcome brief responses as to your concerns in
regards to these issues, and I certainly look forward to
working with each of you in making progress in these countries.
Who would like to start?
Ms. McEldowney. I would be happy to start. Thank you very
much, Senator.
I appreciate you highlighting those issues. Those are
issues of concern--both human rights and the issue of
vulnerable populations. You mentioned the Turkish minority. The
Turkish minority in Bulgaria, which represents just under 10
percent of the population, is well represented in the political
process, but there are still concerns. The Roma, which you
mentioned, is a smaller minority, approximately 4 to 5 percent.
This is a vulnerable population. It is a group that much of the
U.S. Government's assistance monies have been focused on trying
to provide services to, but we still need to do more.
Human trafficking is also an issue of great concern. The
Bulgarian Government has taken a number of steps, including the
establishment of a national antitrafficking commission as well
as some targeted efforts to set up centers in the tourist areas
along the Black Sea coast where trafficking is most prevalent.
But we need to do more. And we are working in partnership with
the Bulgarian Government to try to do that. I welcome your
advice and the involvement of members of the committee as we go
forward and try to make those things happen.
Senator Cardin. And I think we do have now regional
strategies to deal with this, and we look forward to your
active work in that regard.
Ms. McEldowney. Yes. Excellent. Thank you very much.
Mr. Urbancic. Senator, the same thing for the United States
role in dealing with Cyprus. Cyprus is more on the receiving
end, but it is a country where trafficking in persons is
something of very great concern. We have engaged the Cypriots
on this, and certainly, if confirmed, I will continue to make
it a priority.
They understand U.S. law, and they understand the
implications that this has for them. So it is a human rights
question, which is of very great interest and profound concern
for us.
Senator Cardin. The issues in Slovenia are a little bit
different. There is some concern about lack of sensitivity with
the Muslim community, and I would just urge you to be mindful
of this as we go forward.
Mr. Ghafari. Thank you, Senator. I look forward to working
with you on that. And I am very sensitive. With my ethnic
background, I think I could help in that regard.
Senator Cardin. I think so.
We already talked a little bit about Finland, and Finland
has had a real leadership role in regards to the OSCE, and we
look forward to continuing to work with you in that regard.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Obama. Senator Casey.
Senator Casey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will be rather
brief.
I did want to note something I should have mentioned
before--that Barbara McConnell Barrett is also a Pennsylvania
native. I appreciate that, and I also heard that in Ms.
McEldowney's reference to her family, we have got family from
Philadelphia here today.
I hate to keep coming back to a commercial for my State,
but I think it is important to do that. But I will be very
brief.
I wanted to direct my broader general question to Mr.
Volker. With regard to the relationship between NATO and
Russia, you spoke to it before. I wanted to broaden that a
little bit.
The NATO-Russia Council, which was established in 2002 and
is the principal forum for NATO to engage Russia. But we know
from the recent history and the news just in the last couple of
months, that the relationship faces a lot of challenges when
you think about democracy and human rights, missile defense,
energy, Kosovo, or the CFE treaty--all of those.
I guess I wanted to ask you, though, just in a broad sense,
can you give us a sense of the state of play between Russia and
NATO and anything you think we could do constructively to
engage and to be cognizant of that important relationship?
Mr. Volker. Thank you for the question, Senator. We have
been disappointed in the NATO-Russia Council ourselves. We
launched this in 2002 with hopes of overcoming suspicions,
division, sense of concern, mutual concern between NATO and
Russia, and it has not developed in the positive, cooperative,
strong way that we had hoped at the time.
I think the most important thing that we can do is to
undermine, to cut, to remove any kind of zero sum mentality
that still exists. The idea that there is a zone of, sphere of
influence in Europe, this is part of the Russian fear of
influence or any gain for NATO, that any NATO enlargement is
somehow a threat to Russia or that missile defense is somehow a
threat to Russia.
We need to put aside these kind of cold war notions within
Russia, within Europe, and instead say that the fundamentals--
building democratic societies, market economies, rule of law,
integration of countries into a larger community--these don't
threaten anybody. And they build a healthier community and they
are good neighbors and good neighbors for Russia.
So if we can develop that sense that we are actually
creating a common good through NATO enlargement, through
security, through missile defense--we want to work together
with Russia. We certainly don't want to be putting ourselves in
a position of confrontation and conflict with Russia, even
though we have serious disagreements with Russia. What we want
to do is try to work together on areas where we find common
ground.
Senator Casey. Thank you very much.
I will conclude with this. I want to commend all of the
nominees who are here for your service prior to this and your
willingness to take on another assignment. And we wish you all
of Godspeed in your families as well.
Thank you.
Senator Obama. Senator Menendez
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Again, I appreciate all of your service. And now that I
know that in order to be an ambassador you have to live in
Pennsylvania----
[Laughter.]
Senator Menendez [continuing]. I will maybe cross the
border in the future. Who knows?
Let me focus my questions on a certain line that I am
interested. Mr. Volker, I have seen that Greece has always
taken a position that they seek to find a mutually acceptable
solution before NATO accession. And I am glad to see, at least
as I read it, that the NATO summit communique basically has
that same position as well. Is that a fair statement?
Mr. Volker. Yes, sir.
Senator Menendez. It is. Let me ask you with reference to
that, what do you see the role of NATO in trying to--working,
of course, with our own U.S. ambassador in the region, but what
do you see the role of NATO in trying to bridge that gulf and
come to a successful resolution?
Mr. Volker. In the first instance is the United Nations.
The U.N. negotiator, Matt Nimitz, has the lead in trying to
reach a negotiated settlement to the issue of the name. Beyond
that, we have tried, as the United States and through our
ambassador to NATO and through Assistant Secretary Fried and
through others, to encourage both countries to work together
and try to reach some solution.
We did some fairly extensive diplomatic work in advance of
the Bucharest summit, trying to get the point where they could
reach an agreement. They were unable to reach an agreement, and
so NATO did leave the issue open, as you indicated, hoping that
they would reach a mutually acceptable solution as quickly as
possible, at which point Macedonia could then be invited.
NATO itself I don't see playing an active role in trying to
facilitate negotiations. I see that as something we can do
diplomatically, and I see that as something the U.N. has the
lead on.
Senator Menendez. Let me ask you a different question.
There has been some reports that as it relates to Afghanistan,
NATO--some of our NATO allies have been less than willing to
engage in a way that makes me concerned about picking and
choosing.
My understanding of one of the strengths of NATO is that
upon its decision to enter into an engagement, all member
countries are committed. And yet in Afghanistan, we have seen
reports of some of the member countries balking at that
commitment. That is a slippery and dangerous slope, is it not?
Mr. Volker. It is. I agree with that, Senator. This is the
issue of caveats that has come up repeatedly. Every NATO ally
is contributing in Afghanistan. Every contribution is
important. We need the forces there, whether it is in the
north, the west, and so on.
But we are concerned that some allies place limitations on
the use of their forces, which has, in the first instance, an
operational effect. It reduces the flexibility of the forces
and puts the commander in a more difficult position and
actually increases the requirement for more forces if he needs
them in places where those forces won't go.
It also has an effect of creating political dissension
within NATO, as allies are concerned that the burdens aren't
being shared equally. And some allies, who are fighting hard in
the south of Afghanistan have had casualties, look at others
who have not done that and say that this is not fair. And they
want to see greater solidarity.
So our effort, as we work on this, and we will need to
continue to work on this, is to increase the political
solidarity that allies put into the mission--that is one
mission for all of us--and to increase the operational
flexibility that they give their forces on the ground so they
could be used most effectively.
Senator Menendez. That is critical if the alliance is to
truly achieve its goals.
Mr. Urbancic, let me ask you a couple of questions about
Cyprus. First of all, I appreciated your opening statement, and
it was very diplomatic. I understand about listening more than
speaking, and I guess it served you well. Let me try to explore
with you a little bit more some of your thoughts in that
regard.
You know, since 1974 when Cyprus was invaded and has been
divided, since then, we have sought to promote a bicameral,
bizonal federation. I want to get a sense from you whether you
think the solution--and I know there is a lot of optimism right
now, a new administration in Cyprus. But do you believe that
solution emanates from the Cypriots or emanates from the U.N.?
How do you see that happening?
Mr. Urbancic. I think it emanates from a history of
experience between the two communities, and I think that this
is their realization that this is where they best think that
their island can become a fully functioning, reunified state.
It is not from the U.N. in that the U.N. is imposing it. It
certainly is not from the United States in that we are imposing
it, but I think it is where they realize they are going to have
to find that common ground.
Senator Menendez. Well, so there are those who believe in
Cyprus and received an overwhelming rejection that the Annan
plan was an imposition versus a negotiated agreement between
the parties that deserved support. So is it our view, as an
American Government, that we are seeking to have this solution
come from the Cypriots?
Mr. Urbancic. Yes, sir. Absolutely.
Senator Menendez. Let me ask you this. In that respect, we
have an incredible militarized element in Cyprus. Yet we have
had nearly 13 million crossings since 2003, back and forth
without incident. There was an attempt recently in good faith
to open the Ledra Street crossing, and it ended up being closed
on the same day it was opened because of the Turkish military
intervened in the occupied zone, and the agreement was not to
do that.
Are we going to be more direct? If we want to have a
solution here, we can't have the Turkish military imposing
itself between Greek and Turkish Cypriots?
Mr. Urbancic. Senator, I think the good news is that that
crossing is open. And there are going to be hiccups no matter
what happens and no matter who goes forward and whose plan it
is, but they will do it themselves. They were able to do it
themselves. They have done it themselves. And I think that is
where we have to focus from now into the future.
Senator Menendez. But clearly, the Turkish military has
engaged here in a way that is beyond the civilian powers that
exist. Is that a concern for us?
Mr. Urbancic. The military presence is a concern for
everybody, and it is going to have to be part of a
comprehensive solution that they are going to work out among
themselves, first of all, the Cypriots. But of course, they
have partners, and they have supporters, and they will have to
be part of that solution.
Senator Menendez. Finally, there is, as you aptly put when
you would be accredited if you were to be approved by this
committee and by the Senate, only one country for which we
both, as a Nation as well as the international community
recognizes, which is the Government of Cyprus. And in that
respect, there is a concern, and as the subcommittee chair on
all of our foreign assistance, I am concerned about our
engagement of foreign assistance, particularly on the Turkish
Cypriot side, without the appropriate consultations of the
Government of Cyprus.
Do you not believe that it is appropriate--now consultation
doesn't mean that the Government of Cyprus dictates anything as
far as I am concerned. No one dictates anything to us in terms
of our assistance abroad. But do you not believe that
significant consultation in order to pursue the ultimate goal
of reunification with the Government of Cyprus is appropriate?
Mr. Urbancic. Yes, sir, I do. I think that the entire aid
program is designed to support reunification and to support the
establishment of a single state. I absolutely agree that our
aid program must be transparent to both sides. There should be
no surprises in this subcommittee. There should be no surprises
on the Hill. And there should be no surprises to the Government
of Cyprus or to Turkish Cypriots.
Senator Menendez. Well, I personally believe that we should
have a memorandum of understanding with the Greek Cypriots, and
I will be pursuing that in the days ahead with the States
Department. As the very possible next ambassador there, I hope
that you will engage actively with us in that regard.
Mr. Urbancic. Senator, I am always available. Thank you.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Obama. Senator Barrasso.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
I want to congratulate each and every one of you on these
nominations. I would like to follow up with Senator Menendez's
questions, specifically Mr. Volker. Senator Menendez talked
about the picking and choosing that goes on by our NATO allies
in Afghanistan.
I have just returned from Afghanistan. I wanted to thank
the Wyoming troops who are there. We heard from them exactly
how they felt things were going and also talked to our own
ambassador as well as other leaders.
In your statement, you mentioned that many Europeans are
skeptical about the Afghanistan mission, and my question is
what can you tell them to demonstrate that Afghanistan is very
important in this war against terrorists?
Mr. Volker. Yes, thank you, Senator. I think that is a
critical issue, in fact, to build public support and
understanding for the mission in Afghanistan. Several things, I
think, are important to lay out. One of them is that the
security and the well-being of our societies depends on success
there.
If you look at the September 11 attacks on the United
States, they were applauded in Afghanistan. If you look at the
bombers who were arrested in Barcelona in January of this year,
they had their financing and their training on the Afghanistan-
Pakistan border area, and they were planning to spread out
throughout Europe to attack buses and subway systems. So there
is a direct impact on our own security.
There is also a drug impact, so that 90 percent of opium
reaching Europe is coming out of Afghanistan. So there is a
direct interest in that.
I think one of the things that they see is the images of
twisted metal and bloody bodies that they see in the media of
the fighting in Afghanistan and terrorist bombers and
improvised explosive devices. We need to make sure that they
see the other images of Afghanistan.
In 2001, there were 900,000 kids in school. Now it is over
5 million. In 2001, it was illegal for girls to go to school.
And now it's over 1.5 million. There is greater access to
healthcare. There is road building. There is an economy. There
is a democratically elected government.
So I think if the European public gets the whole picture of
what we are doing in Afghanistan, we can broaden support for
that. And that is critical for then empowering the governments
to be more forthcoming with the contributions and the way that
their forces are used.
Senator Barrasso. Because it did seem that there were
different rules of engagement from one nation to another
instead of a unified rules of engagement for all of our NATO
allies, when troops are deployed in various provinces. Do you
want to comment?
Mr. Volker. Sure. In terms of there is a joint operational
plan, there is a common operational plan that NATO has agreed.
There are also rules of engagement that apply with that plan.
But on top of that, some nations have applied political
limitations on their forces. You know, a caveat that says we
don't have night vision goggles so we won't go do things at
night. Well, that is understandable. But a caveat that says we
won't allow our forces to move from this part of the country to
that part of the country because there is fighting there or
they can't engage in certain combat roles, well, that is
damaging to the political solidarity of NATO. It makes the
commander's job on the ground harder. So we have to keep
working away at it to try to strengthen the operational
flexibility and the political solidarity of NATO.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you.
Ms. Barrett, if I could, I noted that you had been a member
of the Defense Advisory Committee on Women in the Services, and
I am wondering if you could tell me a little bit about your
work there and if there is anything you have learned that we
can apply, both in Iraq and in Afghanistan?
Ms. Barrett. Thank you, Senator. One of the things that we
learned was that women, as well as men, can contribute
significantly to our defense and that women as well as men are
sacrificed for their country and women as well as men can
perform great duty for their country. And I note that among the
Senators on our panel, there are fathers of daughters, and it
is often fathers of daughters who are most aggressive in
realizing the capability that women bring to military as well
as other roles.
So through the Defense Advisory Committee on Women in the
Services, we learned a great deal about unfairness and
opportunity at that point, inchoate opportunity that we could
open new job roles and new privileges to women, and it was an
extraordinary eye-opener to me.
Senator Barrasso. If I could now ask specifically about
your comments about Finland. You mentioned that Finland is a
global leader in biofuels and renewable energy. I think 25
percent of the energy there is renewable. And you talked a
little bit about some of Finland's cooperation with other
countries in this area.
How do you see that unfolding from an energy state, given
that we have lots of renewables as well as unrenewable
resources? How is it that you see us working in a more
cooperative way?
Ms. Barrett. I think that their research, their
development, their efforts so far have produced results. Just
about 100 percent of their forest products, industry is fueled
by the byproducts of the industry. So woodchips, for instance,
are fueled by their own product. And we can learn a lot from
that.
They are looking at biofuels, as I indicated, but also at
alternate resources. They also have a close link to the
pipeline ideas that would bring fuel from Russia into Europe.
So they are looking at technologies and also transport issues
in fuels. We can learn from them, and they can learn from us. I
think it is an opportunity for nuclear alternate fuels as well
as transportation in fuels.
Senator Barrasso. Thank you. Thank you very much, Mr.
Chairman.
Senator Obama. Thank you.
Senator Barrasso, we had said that we were going to do a
second round. Do you have any further questions?
Senator Barrasso. No, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Obama. Okay. If not, I just have one last question
that I have for you, Mr. Volker, and I wanted to get a sense of
whether you could characterize the transit agreements that we
concluded with Russia at the Bucharest summit and whether there
is some overlap there in terms of what that will facilitate or
allow NATO to do? In what way does it enhance NATO's forces'
abilities to send supplies and so forth?
Mr. Volker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The idea of working together with Russia on logistical
support for Afghanistan is one that we supported for over a
year. Just before the Bucharest summit, the Russians came
forward and said, okay, we can do something on this. What was
agreed at the Bucharest summit was for ground transport of
nonlethal supplies. So we are talking about logistical support
for the forces in Afghanistan. It is not air transit. It is not
lethal materials.
Is it a help? Yes, it is a help. It is good for our forces
and others there to have multiple routes of access, multiple
ways to go. Cross-road transport through Russia is helpful.
There is more that could be done, and as I mentioned, we could
open up to other areas if we had agreement with Russia to do
that, and it is something we could continue to talk about.
It is an example of something that is being done positively
in the NATO-Russia Council, the ability to look at what we can
do together on something such as supporting the effort in
Afghanistan.
Senator Obama. Good. Okay, well, I thank all of you for
your responses, for your service, and for your testimony here
today in these important positions.
The record will remain open for 2 days so that the
committee members may submit additional questions for the
record. I ask that each nominee respond expeditiously to any of
these queries.
And I again want to thank the members of the families of
all of you because I know that it is an extraordinary burden
that is placed on them, and they are providing a service to
this country, as well.
If no one has any additional comments, then this hearing is
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 11:20 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Prepared Statement of Hon. John McCain,
U.S. Senator From Arizona
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding today's hearing. I would like
to express my strong support for the swift confirmation of Barbara
McConnell Barrett as United States Ambassador to the Republic of
Finland. I commend the President for nominating such an outstanding
candidate for this important post.
Barbara has a long history of service to Arizona and our Nation.
During her professional career, she has amassed an impressive and
diverse resume, ranging from serving as the first female deputy
administrator of the Federal Aviation Administration and acting as
chairwoman of the U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy, to
being an executive at two Fortune 500 companies. Throughout this time,
Barbara has distinguished herself as a respected leader in both the
civic and business communities.
Her professionalism, thoughtfulness, and diverse experience will
make her an effective diplomat and representative of the United States
abroad. I have every confidence that, if confirmed, Barbara will
contribute greatly to the continuation of our warm relations with the
Republic of Finland.
I urge the committee's expeditious action in moving this nomination
to the full Senate and ask my colleagues to support her prompt
confirmation.
______
Prepared Statement of Hon. Jim DeMint, U.S. Senator From South Carolina
Mr Chairman, thank you for holding this hearing today so we could
move forward with these ambassadorial nominations. To our nominees and
your families, thank you for taking the time to serve. Public service
is never easy and I wanted to let you know how appreciative we are that
you would be willing to take on the tasks for which you have been
nominated.
As we all know, Europe is filled with our closest allies and
friends in the world. While friends sometimes disagree, we find ways to
overcome these challenges through our long history together.
However, all of your countries of assignment share a role in the
strategic security of Europe. Obviously, Bulgaria and Slovenia are
members of NATO, Cyprus is the reason Turkey pulled out of NATO's
military council, and Finland borders on the Russian Federation, which
is trying to dictate terms to NATO.
I was discouraged by Russia's influence to prevent even larger
efforts to expand NATO. I do not believe their posturing should stand
in the way of NATO's efforts to expand freedom to countries that want
an opportunity to side with the West, that is the countries sovereign
choice. Mr. Volker, I hope you will work diligently to correct this
situation.
Despite this disappointment, I was encouraged by NATO's endorsement
of missile defense and its willingness to move forward with providing a
blanket of protection for all of Europe--not just NATO members. It is a
strong signal that the United States is still intimately concerned with
European security.
I was also pleased by NATO's renewed pledge to the long-term fight
in Afghanistan. Afghanistan is the first military engagement outside
Europe's boundaries. Europe has experienced more terrorist attacks than
the United States, and the threat of Islamic extremism throughout
Europe is just as large as the risk to America.
However, while European leaders may understand the importance of
Afghanistan and the threats posed by terrorism, the citizens of these
nations do not. It will be important for all of you to talk with the
people of your countries and help them understand the crucial link and
why it is important that all of Europe support and remain engage in
NATO's activities in Afghanistan.
Many European nations want to play a larger role in the affairs of
Africa, but success in Afghanistan is critical to the future of NATO
and if the alliance cannot succeed there, then the hopes of more
engagement in Africa will never become a reality.
While these many not seem like issues for your individual concerns,
they are at the heart of Europe's position in the world and each of
your countries will play a part. All of you will have to tackle these
daunting tasks, and you will be in very crucial positions to help
foster the trans-Atlantic relationship. Your willingness to listen and
be passionate advocates is vital.
Often European leaders express how the United States and Europe
share a common set of values. It will be important to remind them that
we have a long history of common values that include the ideals of
freedom and economic opportunity, and that these values serve as the
foundation to our prosperity. American culture is loved in Europe, but
the same is not always true of American policy. However, the two cannot
be conveniently separated.
As a final note, I encourage you to spend more time outside of the
embassy and government offices in your respective capitals than inside.
Successful diplomacy is no longer an activity just between heads of
state, but between the people of each nation. If you are committed to
fostering even stronger relations and want to be successful American
advocates, you will need to deliver your messages directly to the
people of your countries.
I look forward to working with each of you.
______
Prepared Statement of Carl Levin, U.S. Senator From Michigan
I want to begin by thanking the Chairman and ranking member of this
committee for holding this hearing today.
I regret that I am not able to deliver these remarks in person. I
am chairing a hearing before the Armed Services Committee with
Ambassador Crocker and General Petraeus. I thank the Foreign Relations
Committee for taking up this nomination so quickly, and I am pleased to
support the nomination of Yousif Ghafari to serve as Ambassador to
Slovenia.
Born in Lebanon in 1952, the eldest of seven children, Mr. Ghafari
immigrated to the United States in the early 1970s to pursue his
education at Wayne State University in Detroit. He successively earned
three degrees from Wayne State--a bachelor of arts degree in
mathematics in 1974, a master of arts in applied mathematics and
computer applications in 1975, and a master of science in chemical
engineering in 1977. In 1992, he returned to school to receive his
master of business administration from the Michigan State University
Advanced Management Program.
Soon after leaving Wayne State, Mr. Ghafari founded GHAFARI, Inc.,
a highly successful global architectural, engineering, and consulting
firm. Established in 1982, he built GHAFARI, Inc., on a foundation of
responsive client services and the utilization of the latest technology
in order to improve quality. The success of his business has been
acknowledged by national trade publications such as INC. magazine and
Engineering News Records.
Mr. Ghafari has done a tremendous amount of work to give back to
the communities he has come from. As a founding partner of the United
States-Lebanon Partnership Fund, he has helped to raise money and
awareness of the effort to provide resources and infrastructure repair
to parts of Lebanon damaged by war. In 1995, he was named one of the
top 100 ``executive heroes'' in southeastern Michigan, and is a member
of the International Institute of Metropolitan Detroit's ``Hall of
Fame.'' In 2005, Wayne State University acknowledged his longtime
generosity and support by renaming a residence building Yousif B.
Ghafari Hall. Mr. Ghafari also currently serves on the board of
trustees of the College for Creative Studies and Oakwood Healthcare,
Inc. He additionally is on the board of directors for the Automobile
Club of Michigan, Dura Automotive Systems, Inc., the Economic Club of
Detroit, and the Wayne State University Foundation.
If confirmed, this would not be the first time that Mr. Ghafari has
served the United States in the international arena. In 2004-2005, he
served as a public delegate designate at the U.S. mission to the United
Nations for the 59th United Nations General Assembly. He has served on
the J. William Fulbright Foreign Service Scholarship board since 2005,
being elected vice chair this year.
Mr. Ghafari is a prominent member of the Detroit community and a
successful businessman who will serve as an excellent representative of
our Government in Slovenia. I thank the committee for allowing me to
enter this introduction into the record.
______
Responses of Nancy E. McEldowney to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher Dodd
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. Yes, I have read this cable concerning Peace Corps-State
Department Relations.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. Yes, I understand and, if confirmed, will abide by the
guidelines as conveyed in 04 STATE 258893.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps's role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies''?
Answer. I agree that the Peace Corps, in order to effectively carry
out its mandate, needs to be distinct from the United States mission in
Bulgaria, as in other countries.
Questions. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. In line with Secretary Rice's guidance on this issue, if
confirmed, I intend to allow the Peace Corps to operate with as much
autonomy as possible, bearing in mind my responsibility to provide for
the safety and security of the volunteers and to coordinate United
States objectives and policy in Bulgaria.
______
Responses of Kurt Volker to Questions Submitted
by Senator Jim DeMint
Question. Have you been briefed on all of the negotiations from the
Bucharest Summit last week?
Answer. Yes, I have been fully briefed on all of the negotiations
from the Bucharest Summit.
Question. Did the United States offer France anything in return for
their pledge of increased forces for the Afghanistan mission?
Answer. In our diplomatic exchanges with France, the United States
urged France to increase its contributions in Afghanistan, but we did
not offer anything in return.
Question. Has the State Department entered into formal discussions
with Paris regarding the possible entry of France into NATO's
integrated command structure?
Answer. The State Department has not entered into formal
discussions with Paris regarding the possible entry of France into
NATO's integrated command structure. French President Sarkozy has made
general statements about France's intention to reintegrate fully into
the NATO integrated military structure by the time of the April 2009
NATO Summit meeting. The French have not, however, followed up with
detailed proposals at NATO or bilaterally with the United States. The
French have indicated that they prefer to use the term
``normalization'' rather than ``reintegration'' when discussing
France's rejoining NATO's integrated military structure.
Question. If so, what is France requesting from the United States
in return?
Answer. We have not entered into formal discussions with Paris
regarding possible French reintegration into NATO's military structure.
Question. What is your opinion about how the United States should
respond if France formally requests United States support for an
independent European Union defense structure within NATO?
Answer. We do not support an independent European Union defense
structure within NATO. We support stronger European defense
capabilities, which can support NATO or European Union operations. In
supporting stronger European defense capabilities, we must avoid the
creation of duplicative or competing structures that could waste
resources, divide the United States and Europe politically, undercut
NATO, or impede the development of effective military forces.
In his speech in advance of the Bucharest Summit, President Bush
said, ``Building a strong NATO Alliance also requires a strong European
defense capacity. So at this summit, I will encourage our European
partners to increase their defense investments to support both NATO and
European Union operations. America believes that if Europeans invest in
their own defense, they will also be stronger and more capable when we
deploy together.''
______
Responses of William Todd to Questions Submitted
by Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. What are the primary United States foreign policy
objectives related to Brunei?
Answer. Our foreign policy objectives in Brunei mirror those for
the Asia-Pacific region in general:
Regional Security: Strengthening regional security by
garnering Brunei's support for enhanced United States relations
with ASEAN and encouraging expansion of its contributions to
peacekeeping operations in the region and to other multilateral
undertakings;
Stability: Safeguarding Brunei's long-term stability by
helping to improve its counterterrorism and defense
capabilities through law enforcement and military-to-military
cooperation and by encouraging broader popular participation in
the political process through development of the country's
legislative council;
Outreach: Improving perceptions of the United States among
Brunei's largely Muslim population and its decisionmakers
through outreach, exchange programs, and promotion of United
States education;
Sustainable Development: Increasing opportunities for United
States firms to compete in Brunei through an expanding trade
dialog focused on improving protection of intellectual property
rights and opening markets for United States goods and
services, while contributing to sustainable development through
conservation of Brunei's tropical forests.
Question. How many students from Brunei have studied in the United
States during the past 7 years? Does the United States Government, or
American colleges and universities, actively recruit Brunei students?
Answer. There have been approximately 136 students who have studied
in the United States during the past 7 years. The year-by-year
breakdown is given below.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
No. of
Year students
------------------------------------------------------------------------
2006/07.................................................... 24
2005/06.................................................... 12
2004/05.................................................... 18
2003/04.................................................... 13
2002/03.................................................... 17
2001/02.................................................... 27
2000/01.................................................... 25
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Source: International Institute of Education (IIE) Open Doors
statistics.
The embassy in Bandar Seri Begawan actively promotes United States
higher education as part of our foreign policy objective of creating a
greater understanding of United States society and policies by Brunei's
majority-Muslim population. Embassy officials often speak to target
audiences of prospective students to encourage study in the United
States. They and other State Department officials also helped arrange a
visit in 2007 by Brunei's Deputy Minister of Education to several
leading United States universities to establish contact with Islamic
studies programs. The Minister of Education plans to visit the United
States in 2008 to build partnership relations between United States
universities and the University of Brunei Darussalam, which the embassy
expects will result in increased student exchanges--both short and long
term--between the United States and Brunei.
The embassy in Bandar Seri Begawan worked to place United States
institutions of higher learning on a list of Ministry of Defense-
recommended schools, as part of the embassy's campaign to promote
United States schools to Bruneians, who historically have looked to the
United Kingdom and Australia for foreign study. As a result, five
students entered U.S. universities through this new track for the
current academic year and our embassy anticipates four more will enter
in the 2008/09 academic year. The embassy is also working with the
Ministry of Education to allow students to use other Brunei Government
scholarship programs to attend United States educational institutions.
In the past year, the embassy also assisted the following American
colleges or universities visiting Brunei to recruit students:
Tufts University (Fletcher School)
Upper Iowa University
Portland State University
State University of New York--Binghamton
Creighton University
University of Denver
Eckerd College
Herkimer Community College
Question. What is the present level of Brunei investment in the
United States? Do you anticipate an increase in such investment in the
future?
Answer. Exact figures for the present level of Brunei's investment
in the United States are difficult to obtain, because the United States
does not require the registration of investments and the level of
Bruneian direct investment flows are small.
According to industry estimates, Brunei holds substantial foreign
assets globally, estimated at $30 billion dollars, through its Brunei
Investment Agency (BIA), a sovereign wealth fund. Brunei's investments
in the United States include luxury hotels in New York and California.
Other financial assets are believed to be managed by U.S. financial
institutions.
The current value of the United States dollar would appear
conducive to growing Bruneian investment in United States equities and
bonds, but we are not aware of any plans for Brunei to acquire
controlling interests or direct equity stakes in additional United
States companies. Traditionally, the BIA has preferred passive,
indirect investments to direct equity investments.
Question. During the past 5 years, what cabinet or subcabinet level
United States officials have visited Brunei? What United States
military leaders have visited Brunei during the same time period?
Answer. Assistant United States Trade Representative Barbara Weisel
visited Brunei in May 2007. In December 2002, the Sultan of Brunei met
with President Bush at the White House, and with Secretary Powell. In
addition, the President has met the Sultan of Brunei every year at the
annual APEC leaders meeting. Brunei hosted APEC in 2000, which
President Clinton attended, and the ASEAN Regional Forum in July 2002,
which Secretary Powell attended.
The following United States military leaders have visited Brunei in
the last five years:
April 2008: Pacific Commander Admiral Keating
May 2006: Deputy Under Secretary for Defense Lawless
March 2006: Pacific Commander Admiral Fallon
March 2005: U.S. Army Pacific Commander LTG Brown
______
Response of Hon. Barbara M. Barrett to Question Submitted
by Senator George V. Voinovich
Question. The issue that I am concerned about is the issue of this
Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights. And I don't know
whether you are even familiar with it. But I will tell you this, that
there are many people here in this Congress that worked very hard to
get the Office of Nondiscrimination and Tolerance on the core budget of
the OSCE.
And right now, we are in the midst of hiring someone to take the
place of a man by the name of Christian Strohal, and I would really
appreciate your looking into it. And I would like to spend some time
with you on the phone talking about perhaps a role that you might play
because Finland is in charge of that ministerial effort right now. And
I think if we don't do that, we may lose a wonderful opportunity to
continue to make a difference in the area of dealing with
discrimination.
Answer. Finland's OSCE Chairman-in-Office has actively promoted the
work of the ODIHR's tolerance and nondiscrimination unit, which is
funded by the OSCE core budget. If confirmed as the United States
Ambassador to Finland, I look forward to working closely with the OSCE
Chairman-in-Office to support Mr. Strohal and his successor. I would
welcome the opportunity to discuss this further with you and to hear
your views on how we can improve our antidiscrimination efforts in the
OSCE.
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 9, 2008
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Haslach, Patricia M., to be United States Senior Coordinator
for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Forum
Marciel, Scot A., to be United States Ambassador for ASEAN
Affairs
Stephens, D. Kathleen, to be the Ambassador to the Republic of
Korea
Todd, William E., to be Ambassador to the State of Brunei
Darussalam
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:15 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Barbara Boxer
presiding.
Present: Senators Boxer, Webb, and Murkowski.
Also Present: Senator Kennedy.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BARBARA BOXER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CALIFORNIA
Senator Boxer. Good afternoon, everybody. Today, the full
Senate Foreign Relations Committee meets to consider four
distinguished nominees for ambassadorial posts.
As chair of the Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific
Affairs, I am extremely pleased to welcome our nominees, and I
am also pleased to welcome our colleague and my dear friend,
Senator Kennedy, who has come today to say a few words about
Ms. Kathleen Stephens. And how lucky you are to have his
support.
Ms. Stephens, the President's nominee to be the ambassador
to the Republic of Korea, has served her country as a career
member of the Foreign Service for 30 years, most recently
serving as the political advisor in the Bureau of East Asian
and Pacific Affairs. Ms. Stephens has had an expansive career
throughout Europe and Asia, but I understand this post will
bring her back to where she served as a Peace Corps volunteer
before joining the Foreign Service. That is a really wonderful
circle.
Mr. Scot Marciel, sir, the President's nominee for the rank
of ambassador for the Association of South Asian Nations
Affairs, has served his country as a member of the Foreign
Service for more than 22 years. If confirmed, Mr. Marciel will
serve as the ambassador while also serving his current post as
the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and
Pacific Affairs. Mr. Marciel has extensive experience in Asia,
having served in Hong Kong, Thailand, Vietnam, and the
Philippines.
Ambassador Patricia Haslach--hello--is the President's
nominee to be the U.S. senior coordinator for the Asia-Pacific
Economic Cooperation Forum, with the rank of ambassador.
Ambassador Haslach has served as the U.S. senior coordinator to
APEC since last year.
During today's hearing, we will consider the Honorable
Patricia Haslach for promotion and nomination to the rank of
ambassador. Prior to her current post, she served as the
director for the Office on Afghanistan in the Bureau of South
Asian Affairs and the U.S. Ambassador to Laos.
And finally, Mr. William Todd is the President's nominee to
be the U.S. Ambassador to Brunei. Mr. Todd is a member of the
Senior Executive Service. He currently serves as the Deputy
Inspector General for the Department of State. Prior to this
assignment, he served as the Deputy Assistant Secretary for
Civilian Police, Rule of Law, Asia, Africa, and Europe in the
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs.
Mr. Todd has served the U.S. Government in a variety of other
posts since beginning his career in 1983.
I want to thank all of you for your amazing dedication to
our country. It goes without saying that we are considering a
number of very important posts today, as we look to define the
future role of the United States in Asia and the Pacific
region. While that role has yet to be fully shaped, for many of
us, one thing is clear. The 21st century will be defined as
much by the Pacific and Asia--by the Pacific and by Asia as it
will be by our traditional relationships in the Atlantic region
and Europe.
And of course, coming from California, I particularly know
that I am right on that point. Not only--and I am sure that I
speak for Senator Murkowski, too, given her representation of
Alaska.
Not only do we have an extensive and growing economic
relationship in Asia and the Pacific, but all of the major
transnational challenges faced by the United States today have
a place there, including terrorism, nuclear proliferation and
arms trafficking, climate change, epidemic diseases such as
avian flu and HIV-AIDS, the flow of refugees, and human
trafficking.
One place where a number of these challenges continue to
play out is on the Korean peninsula, and one of the places
where climate change could have a particularly harsh impact is
Brunei, a country where 70 percent of the territory is primal
tropical rain forest and whose economy is looking toward
ecotourism to help sustain it into the future.
Our success or failure at addressing these challenges will
be defined by the extent of the cooperation we can get from
this region of the world. And so it is important that we seek
comprehensive and sustained engagement with all of the
countries in East Asia and the Pacific.
As we seek to advance human rights in Burma and bring
meaningful pressure to bear on the Burmese regime, we must ask
more of our friends and allies in Asia, and this must be done.
The Burmese regime must be held accountable for its continued
failure to afford its people the fundamental rights and
freedoms they deserve and they have demanded.
The United States also faces challenges with China. We all
know this. As China asserts itself in the region, we need to
press the Chinese to play a constructive role and to abide by
international standards and norms, particularly on the issue of
human rights that we know was in the news today regarding
Tibet.
So, to do that, we need people like those in front of us
here--dedicated, experienced people. And so, you certainly have
your work cut out for you.
Now the way we are going to proceed is I am going to turn
to Senator Murkowski for her opening statement, if she has one.
Then we are going to turn to Senator Kennedy. And at that time,
we will then turn to Senator Webb for his opening statement,
and we will go from there.
Senator Murkowski.
STATEMENT OF HON. LISA MURKOWSKI,
U.S. SENATOR FROM ALASKA
Senator Murkowski. Thank you, Madam Chairman, and thank you
for holding the hearing here this afternoon.
You have touched on the relationship, but when we think
about the United States relationship with our Asia-Pacific
neighbors, truly the four individuals that we have before us
today, who have been nominated to these posts, these are truly
very key posts within that region.
APEC, with its significant economic and a growing
noneconomic role, the importance of the ASEAN nations as they
move forward politically and economically. I am pleased that
the administration agreed with the Congress on the need to
appoint an ambassador to the ASEAN nations. Brunei, certainly
despite its very small geographic size, can play a very
significant role as a moderate Islamic nation in helping the
United States standing with other Islamic nations. Of course,
South Korea, our seventh-largest trading partner. We have got
quite a significant military presence in country, and of
course, Seoul plays a very instrumental role in the Six-Party
Talks on North Korea's nuclear program.
I would like to put on the record that I am very hopeful
that South Korea will soon be able to participate in our Visa
Waiver Program. I believe that we are close in meeting the
requirements to be eligible for this program or that Korea is
close to being eligible, and I certainly support their
inclusion in that.
Each post is very key, very important, and will have a
vital role in shaping U.S. policy in the region. I look forward
to the hearing from the nominees on what action they
individually will take to promote the United States interests
in the region and am delighted to have the four of you before
us this afternoon and your willingness to serve.
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Boxer. Senator Kennedy, why don't you introduce
your friend.
Senator Kennedy. Yes.
Senator Boxer. And then after that, we will call on her.
STATEMENT OF HON. EDWARD M. KENNEDY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Kennedy. Thank you very much, Senators Boxer,
Murkowski, and Senator Webb. I am very grateful for the
opportunity to make some brief comments this morning, Madam
Chairman and members of the committee, to introduce Kathleen
Stephens, who has been nominated to be the Ambassador to the
Republic of Korea.
I first met Kathy in Northern Ireland in 1998, when she was
counsel general to the United States consulate in Belfast.
Previously, she had served in the National Security Council
under President Clinton. At that time, the situation in
Northern Ireland was very different from what it is today. But
by 1998, significant progress was taking place. In fact,
tomorrow, April 10, we celebrate a dramatic milestone of the
10th anniversary of the Good Friday agreement, peace agreement.
As Kathy and all of us remember so well, ending the decades
of hatred, violence, and bloodshed in Northern Ireland and
achieving a peaceful resolution of the conflict was an
enormously difficult challenge. But today, we see the people of
Northern Ireland living in peace and prosperity and fulfilling
their dreams and pursuing a promising future.
Through her work on the National Security Council and at
the consulate in Belfast, Kathy was significantly involved in
the peace process. I was impressed with her diplomatic skills
and her positive ties with the principal political leaders on
both sides. She knew the many complex details involved in the
peace negotiation. She offered perceptive insights about the
complicated political process taking place.
Her son, James, who was with her in Belfast, is now here
today at Olin College of Engineering in Needham, MA.
Kathy's work on the Balkans has been impressive. As Deputy
Assistant Secretary for Burma--for the Bureau of European and
Eurasian Affairs from 2003 to 2005, she worked on Kosovo's
future status and the integration of the Western Balkan nations
in Europe. She ably managed our policy with countries in the
region to see that America's interests were protected and
promoted, and her work has left a lasting imprint. And I am
sure she is very pleased, as I am, by the recent independence
of Kosovo and by last week's announcement that Albania and
Croatia have been invited to join NATO.
More recently, as political advisor and Principal Deputy
Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of East Asia and Pacific,
Kathy has been closely involved in strengthening our relations
with the nations in that region as well, particularly Japan and
Korea. And it is fitting that she is now being nominated to be
Ambassador to Korea, a country that she has lived in and has
known well for many years, beginning in 1975, when she was a
Peace Corps volunteer there, teaching English to young Korean
students.
She returned to Korea in 1983 as a political advisor and
human rights officer at the American Embassy, and she is a
strong advocate for human rights and equality for all. I am
delighted that the administration has selected such a talented
and dedicated diplomat to represent us. She will be the first
woman to serve as an American Ambassador in Korea, the first
American Ambassador there to be fluent in Korean, and the first
American Ambassador who was once a Peace Corps volunteer in
Korea.
She is a consummate diplomat with ability, experience, and
vision to represent the United States extremely well in a
nation vital to our foreign policy in today's world. I strongly
support Kathleen Stephens's nomination as our next Ambassador
to Korea.
Senator Boxer. Senator, thank you so much. I know you have
a busy schedule. We so appreciate your coming.
And before we call on Ms. Stephens to introduce her family
and make her statement, I know Senator Webb had some comments,
in general, that he would like to share.
STATEMENT OF HON. JIM WEBB,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Webb. Thank you, Madam Chairman.
I wanted to come here today just to express my support for
all the nominees. They are obviously extremely qualified and to
especially express my gratefulness that we are nominating
people like Kathleen Stephens and Scot Marciel, both of whom I
have known at some level. And everything that Senator Kennedy
just pointed out, I think is illustrative of the incredible
qualifications that we have in the person that we are sending
to South Korea at a time when relations with that country and
on the Korean peninsula are in such a period of change. It is
kind of a remarkable set of credentials to be bringing to the
table at this key time.
And also, as someone who has spent a great deal of my life
in and out of Southeast Asia, I would like to reiterate what
other people are saying about how important it is that we have
created this position that Scot Marciel is going to be
occupying. We tend to look at so many of our relationships in
Southeast Asia as bilateral relationships at a time when the
region itself is coming together in a more collective way to
try to deal with problems, and I think it is very important for
our country that we have this sort of representation at ASEAN.
And quite frankly, we need new solutions in Southeast Asia,
and the Burmese situation is a good example of that. The ways
that we have been trying haven't really worked in terms of
solving the problem. And there are other ideas that we can work
on with other nations maybe to come to a better solution there
and in other places. And we have the right person to be doing
that. I have got a great deal of confidence in him and look
forward to seeing our relationships in Southeast Asia mature
and move forward with this new position.
Thank you very much.
Senator Boxer. Thank you so much, Senator Webb.
So now, Ms. Stephens, would you like to introduce some
folks you may have brought with you? And I will offer that to
all of the nominees.
STATEMENT OF D. KATHLEEN STEPHENS, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO
THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA
Ms. Stephens. Yes, thank you very much. It is a great
privilege to be here today, and I do want to thank Senator
Kennedy so much for his very, very generous introduction. If I
look a little flushed, it is not just the excitement of the
moment. I am blushing a bit because it was very, very generous.
And thank you for recalling our work together, and I do
thank you for our work together and the work that I have
enjoyed doing throughout my 30-year career with all of the
members of Congress in promoting U.S. ideals and interests
abroad. I look forward to doing the same if I am confirmed.
My son, as mentioned, is here. He is 21 years old. James,
studying engineering at Olin College.
Senator Boxer. James, why don't you stand up so we can say
hi to you? Thank you for being here for your mom.
Ms. Stephens. James is studying engineering, but he had to
be a bridge builder before that because he is a Foreign Service
kid, and I am very proud of him.
If I may, Madam Chairman, I wanted to also introduce two
great mentors of mine.
Senator Boxer. Sure.
Ms. Stephens. Ambassador James Lilley, who was my boss in
the Republic of Korea during some very exciting times in the
1980s and, of course, was also United States Ambassador to the
People's Republic of China. I learned so much from him.
Senator Boxer. Ambassador, will you stand, please, so we
can recognize you? Thanks. It is very nice to see you again.
Ms. Stephens. And Mr. Jon Keeton, who was Peace Corps Korea
director in the 1970s. Both of these men have done so much for
our country, and I thank them for their example.
Senator Boxer. Thank you both.
Okay, we will start the clock going now at 7 minutes, and
we will move forward. Yes. Go ahead.
Ms. Stephens. Oh, I am sorry.
Senator Boxer. This is your turn. [Laughter.]
Ms. Stephens. Okay. This is my first time doing this.
Senator Boxer. Well, so far, you are doing well.
Ms. Stephens. Thank you.
Madam Chairman, I wanted to start by saying it has been
mentioned that I lived in Korea many years ago, and in the
years ago, I used to hear a phrase from Koreans quite often,
even when I didn't speak much Korean. When they talked about
the United States-Korean relationship, they would talk about
``Hyal Maeng Gwan-gei.'' And literally, that is an alliance
forged in blood.
I am not sure that is said so much these days, but over a
60-year history of our relationship, the United States and the
Republic of Korea have faced many challenges. There have, of
course, been immense changes in both countries and in the world
around us. But the partnership between our two countries has
remained vital.
I think this is the time to reinvigorate our partnership
and to take it to a new level. Many of the goals the United
States and Korea have been pursuing together for many years are
within our grasp--a more mature and balanced military
partnership, tariff-free trade, and the prospect of positive
change in the North. So I believe that the most important work
and the best days of the United States-Korean partnership are
still ahead of us.
Madam Chairman and Senator Murkowski, I have submitted a
written statement, which is rather lengthy. It goes into more
detail than time allows me here, and it is lengthy because we
have a very big agenda with Korea. But you know, in Korea,
there is always breaking news. And even though I submitted my
statement yesterday, it doesn't include comment on some
important events that actually have occurred in the last 24
hours.
And to name just a few as a sample, the National Assembly
elections concluded in Korea today, given the time difference.
Ambassador Chris Hill's meeting earlier today in Beijing with
his Republic of Korea counterpart in the Six-Party Talks. And
my favorite, the first Korean astronaut in space, a woman, Yi
So-yeon, by the way.
Each of these events reflects the breadth and vitality of
Korea itself and the potential for our future cooperation
together. So, if confirmed, I look forward to working with this
committee and with other members of Congress on a number of
goals, which I will very briefly enumerate.
First, working with my military colleagues and the Republic
of Korea in adjusting our military forces on the peninsula.
This includes moving our main United States military base out
of downtown Seoul and preparing for the transfer of wartime
operational control of Korean forces to the Republic of Korea
in 2012.
And expanding our global partnership with the Republic of
Korea and deepening our cooperation in the kinds of areas that
Senator Murkowski mentioned, from climate change to energy
security and many, many more.
And third, promoting open markets, fair trade, and U.S.
economic leadership in the region. This includes ensuring that
the Republic of Korea follows international guidelines and
fully reopens its market to United States beef. It also
includes the consideration by legislatures in both countries of
the free trade agreement we have signed. This is a
comprehensive, high-quality agreement between two democracies
with advanced economies. It will open South Korea's growing
market of 49 million consumers to the full range of United
States goods and services from agriculture to autos to
telecommunications services.
It will also strengthen our relationship with Korea and
send a strong message of continued United States leadership in
Asia. If confirmed as ambassador, upon FTA ratification, I am
committed to working closely with the U.S. trade representative
to ensure that all the provisions of the agreement are enforced
across the board.
Another key item on our agenda already mentioned is our
effort to implement fully the September 2005 Statement of
Principles agreed to the in Six-Party Talks. The full
implementation of these principles envisions not only the
denuclearization of the Korean peninsula, but transformed
relations on the peninsula and beyond and more secure and
better lives for all Koreans.
We have made progress, but much remains to be done, and it
hasn't been easy, as I know this committee well knows. Working
closely with our allies in Seoul is vital. Ambassador Hill has
just completed a round of meetings in Singapore and Beijing and
will be reporting to Secretary Rice when he arrives back this
evening.
Issues related to North Korea will be on the agenda when
President Lee and President Bush meet next week at Camp David.
If confirmed, I will also work closely and energetically with
the South Korean Government to promote an improved human rights
situation in North Korea and to seek sustainable solutions to
the plight of North Korean asylum seekers.
I also hope we can deepen the people-to-people ties between
our two countries. Congress has provided legislation allowing
us to work with the Republic of Korea on the steps needed to
facilitate entry into our Visa Waiver Program, and I thank
Senator Murkowski for her mention of this.
If confirmed, I will work with the Koreans and our own
authorities toward this end. In my own activities and those of
the embassy, I will put a strong emphasis on outreach, on
building our ability to communicate in Korean as well as in
English, in cyberspace as well as face-to-face with Koreans
from all walks of life, from all generations, and every part of
the country.
Madam Chairman, Senator Murkowski, thank you very much for
the honor of appearing before you, and I look forward to your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Stephens follows:]
Prepared Statement of D. Kathleen Stephens, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Korea
Madame Chairman and members of the committee, it is a privilege to
appear before you today as the President's nominee to serve as U.S.
Ambassador to the Republic of Korea. I am honored by the confidence
that President Bush and Secretary Rice have placed in me. I want to
thank the committee and the other Members of Congress with whom I have
had the pleasure of working during my career for your support for the
Foreign Service and your dedication to advancing U.S. ideals and
interests abroad. If confirmed by the Senate, I look forward to working
with this committee and with other members of Congress to strengthen
our partnership with the Republic of Korea and to work together for the
kind of peace and stability in which democracy and economic opportunity
can flourish, not only on the Korean peninsula, but also throughout the
world.
I am joined today by my son, James, who is a student at Franklin W.
Olin College of Engineering in Needham, MA. James was born in Korea.
Like all Foreign Service family members, he learned to be a bridge-
builder, even before he decided to study engineering.
I am also grateful to my friends and colleagues from the Peace
Corps and the Foreign Service who have joined me today, including the
dedicated men and women of the Department of State who have been so
helpful as I have prepared for this new assignment. I also want to
recognize Ambassador James Lilley, former U.S. Ambassador to the
Republic of Korea and the People's Republic of China, and Mr. Jon
Keeton, former Peace Corps/Korea director. Both have represented the
United States brilliantly in Korea and elsewhere, and both have
contributed hugely to United States-Korean relations. I have benefited
from their mentorship, encouragement, and example.
I have been a U.S. Foreign Service officer for 30 years. Early in
my career, I spent 8 memorable years at United States diplomatic posts
in China and Korea. With the fall of the Berlin Wall, I turned to post-
cold war Europe with assignments abroad and in Washington focused on
the Balkans, the search for peace in Northern Ireland, and the changing
transatlantic relationship. In 2005, I returned to the United States
diplomatic agenda in East Asia. As this committee knows well, it is a
huge agenda on which success is vital to the peace and prosperity of
this country and indeed of the world. I believe we are making good
progress.
Madame Chairman, if we consider the history of American engagement
in East Asia since the Second World War, if we examine the flowering of
economic opportunity and democratic expression in much of East Asia in
recent decades, if we identify the key security, human rights, and
other issues yet to be resolved, it is clear--the 60-year-old
partnership between the United States of America and the Republic of
Korea has been and remains a remarkably successful and vital one. South
Korea emerged from a catastrophic half-century of occupation, division,
and war to join within the space of only decades the top ranks of the
world's free and prosperous nations. This stunning achievement is
testimony to the talent, determination, and sacrifices of several
generations of Koreans, and to the power of free markets and democracy
to unleash extraordinary human potential. It is also rightly viewed in
the context of the sacrifice of the more than 35,000 Americans who lost
their lives in the Korean War, and to the many thousands who have
served side by side with our Korean allies to secure an uneasy peace
since then. With the Republic of Korea serving today as a model and a
catalyst for economic growth and democratic development elsewhere, in
Iraq, Afghanistan, and in its own neighborhood, I believe the best days
of the United States-Korean partnership are still ahead of us.
One reason I am an optimist about Korea's future, and about the
still-untapped potential of the United States-Republic of Korea
partnership, is because I was fortunate enough to live and work in
Korea during periods of amazing economic and political transformation.
In the Korean countryside that was my home as a Peace Corps volunteer
from 1975 to 1977, the memory and threat of war was the backdrop to a
life that was harsh for many, not easy for any. The political
atmosphere was stifling. But an economic and social transformation was
happening before my eyes. I could see the way people's standards of
living were improving in small but crucial ways day by day, and the way
new opportunities--for education, for a brighter future--were being
created and energetically grasped.
When I returned to Korea in 1983 as a political officer at the U.S.
Embassy in Seoul, burgeoning economic growth had been joined with
increasing urgency by a growing insistence by Koreans that economic
development should be matched with political reform, with human rights
standards and democratic institutions that reflected the aspirations
and maturity of the Korean people. It was a difficult period, at times
for United States-Korean relations, but especially for the patriotic
Koreans who took risks in the cause of Korea's democratization. By
1987, the tide had turned. Just as an earlier generation of Koreans had
against all odds turned their country from an economic disaster zone
into a powerhouse, so did Koreans in the 1980s take Korea across the
democratic threshold.
Koreans have never looked back. The twin engines of a dynamic
economy and a vibrant democracy have lifted Korean accomplishments to
new heights and new fields. We see it in Korea's status as Asia's
``most wired country,'' in its innovative mobile phone industry that
made South Korea the first to launch digital TV to cell phones in 2005,
in its cutting-edge, globally-recognized film and art scene, and in its
full participation in the international community, epitomized by the
election of its distinguished former Foreign Minister, His Excellency
Ban Ki-moon, as the Secretary General of the United Nations.
Madame Chairman, Senate Resolution 444, which passed unanimously on
February 14, marked another milestone in Korea's recent history, that
of the election of the Republic of Korea's new President, Mr. Lee
Myung-bak. The resolution describes the ever-growing areas in which the
Republic of Korea and the United States work together closely in our
alliance partnership, and highlights the opportunities before us to
expand further our areas of cooperation. In that spirit, it is fitting
that President Lee's first overseas trip in his new role is to the
United States. President and Mrs. Bush will host President Lee and his
wife, Mrs. Kim Yoon-ok, at Camp David next week for discussions that
will focus on ways in which the United States and the Republic of Korea
can continue to work together to advance our shared values of freedom,
security, and prosperity in East Asia and beyond.
This year, 2008, marks the sixtieth anniversary of the founding of
the Republic of Korea as well as the sixtieth anniversary of the United
States-Republic of Korea relationship. As we reflect on our shared
history of sacrifice and success, and as we examine the regional and
global opportunities and challenges we face, the time is right to
reinvigorate and maximize the mutual benefits of our partnership. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with Congress to realize this
goal. There are several major areas in which I intend to concentrate my
efforts.
adapting our longstanding security alliance with
south korea to address contemporary realities
The United States and the Republic of Korea have agreed to adjust
the size and strategic stance of our respective military forces on the
peninsula to reflect better the challenges we face today and the
changes in the Republic of Korea itself. We are working with our Korean
counterparts to move the main United States military base out of
downtown Seoul, and to consolidate United States troops in the Republic
of Korea overall to fewer hubs further south. We have agreed to
transition our command relationships such that beginning in 2012, the
Republic of Korea will exercise wartime operational control over Korean
troops. These steps are sensible and timely. The changes overall will
reflect Korea's economic and military strength, and its place in the
world and the region. The changes will also strengthen the U.S.
military's operational efficiency and deterrent capability. If
confirmed, I will work closely with the Korean Government, my military
colleagues, and with the Congress to accomplish this transformation.
The core mission of deterring aggression from the North will remain
the principal priority. But we should continue to deepen our
cooperation with the Republic of Korea as we address other regional and
global challenges. We should build on the work we have done together in
Iraq, Afghanistan, and Lebanon. In Iraq's Irbil province, the Koreans
have been successful not only in developing local infrastructure and
maintaining security, but also in providing a vision for a more
democratic and peaceful future. The Republic of Korea has made
substantial contributions to international peacekeeping efforts, from
Somalia to Georgia to Timor-Leste. The Republic of Korea currently has
some 350 troops in southern Lebanon supporting the U.N. peacekeeping
mission. The South Korean National Assembly is considering legislation
to allow even greater participation in peacekeeping missions. We should
also continue to expand our cooperation on a range of global and
transnational issues, such as nonproliferation, pandemics,
counterterrorism, climate change, and democracy promotion.
promoting open markets, fair trade, and u.s. economic
and strategic leadership in the region
The Republic of Korea has gone from a per capita income of $67 in
1953 to roughly $20,000 today. In the past several years, South Korea
has demonstrated a growing willingness to move to greater market
openness. It has demonstrated its resolve to participate in free and
fair trade by making the strategic decision to negotiate and sign a
comprehensive, high-quality free trade agreement with the United
States. Upon approval by the legislatures of both countries, the KORUS
FTA will open South Korea's growing market of 49 million consumers to
the full range of United States goods and services, from agriculture to
autos to telecommunications services.
The KORUS FTA is the most commercially significant free trade
agreement the United States has concluded in over 15 years. Just taking
into account the benefits of eliminating tariff barriers alone, this
trade agreement has the potential to boost U.S. exports by more than
$10 billion annually, according to the recent International Trade
Commission report on the expected impact of the FTA. The benefits are
even more significant when the elimination of nontariff barriers is
factored in. It will accelerate and lock in Korea's economic reforms.
The FTA will provide new opportunities for American companies to export
to and invest in the Korean market. It will strengthen our relationship
with a key democratic ally in a critical part of the world, and send a
strong message of continued United States leadership in Asia. If
confirmed as ambassador, and upon FTA ratification, I will make it a
top priority to work with the United States Trade Representative to
ensure that the provisions of the agreement are enforced across the
board. This includes enhancing our current cooperation with the South
Koreans on environment and labor standards.
Moreover, we must ensure that the Republic of Korea follows
international guidelines and fully reopens its market to United States
beef. If confirmed, and as the progeny of Texas ranchers, you can be
assured I will do all I can to ensure that our safe and delicious beef
has unrestricted access to the South Korean market.
working closely with our south korean allies to achieve the complete,
verifiable denuclearization of the korean peninsula, better lives for
the long-suffering people of north korea, and a peace settlement on the
peninsula that reflects the aspirations of the korean people
Strategically situated between China and Japan, the Korean
peninsula remains of critical geopolitical importance to the region and
to the United States. Despite the prosperity and freedom that has come
to define the Republic of Korea, the situation on the peninsula as a
whole remains unpredictable. On a human level, the disparity between
the lives of the ordinary citizens of North and South Korea is greater
than ever. The United States seeks through the Six Party Talks to
complete the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula and to implement
fully the vision set out in the Joint Statement of Principles agreed to
by all six parties in September 2005. Our close coordination with the
Republic of Korea in that process has been instrumental to the progress
made to date, and if confirmed, I will seek to ensure that we continue
that vital cooperation. With successful denuclearization, the joint
statement commits the United States and the other parties to the
normalization of relations, to economic and energy assistance to North
Korea, and to achieving a permanent peace arrangement in Korea, along
with a peace and security mechanism for the region. It is an ambitious
agenda. The United States and the Republic of Korea will need to work
closely together to succeed.
As democratic societies, the United States and South Korea also
share a deep interest in promoting an improved human rights situation
in North Korea. This interest is particularly keen among the many
Koreans whose families were tragically separated by the Korean War.
President Lee and his government have made clear the importance the
Republic of Korea attaches to this issue. The United States has equally
deep resolve. If confirmed, I will work closely with the South Korean
Government on the issue of human rights in North Korea, including in
seeking sustainable solutions to the plight of North Korean asylum
seekers.
enhancing the people-to-people ties between our two countries
and deepening mutual understanding
The people-to-people ties between the United States and Korea
continue to grow exponentially. The 2 million Korean-Americans in the
United States and Korea play a positive and ever-growing role in
strengthening the ties between our two countries. Tourism from the
Republic of Korea is on the rise, topping 800,000 visitors last year.
Over 100,000 Korean students are studying in the United States. South
Korean investment and business interests are also growing. In 2006,
South Korea was our 7th largest trading partner and the 18th largest
source of foreign direct investment in the United States.
These facts, combined with Korea's stable democracy and our strong
alliance partnership, make South Korea a natural candidate for the Visa
Waiver Program. If confirmed, I will work with the Government of the
Republic of Korea to address the legislative requirements for entry
into our Visa Waiver Program, including increased information sharing,
greater law enforcement cooperation, and the timely production of a
South Korean electronic passport. I will work with the Department of
Homeland Security and with Korean authorities to ensure that,
consistent with congressional and administration requirements, the
security, immigration, and law enforcement interests of our Nation are
strengthened by the inclusion of the Republic of Korea in the Visa
Waiver Program.
I also look forward to leading our embassy's efforts to communicate
our ideas and priorities as a Nation to the South Korean people. Much
has changed since I last lived in Korea. I will need to do a lot of
listening and learning. I will ask the forbearance of my audiences as I
attempt to improve my Korean language ability and to use it to
understand better a culture and people I respect so deeply.
I will build on the embassy's reputation of being on the leading
edge of United States diplomatic missions in the use of innovative
technologies to reach out to South Korea's plugged-in public. I look
forward to supporting programs such as the Korean-American Educational
(Fulbright) Commission. This year alone, there are 114 United States
grantees in Fulbright programs in Korea, and 82 Korean grantees in
programs in the United States. Just last week, the Asia Society,
devoted to improving ties between Americans and the diverse people of
Asia, opened a new regional center in Korea. The American Chamber of
Commerce in Korea, or Amcham Korea, has an impressive record of
bringing American and Korean business people together. These
organizations and the multitude of other United States-Korea
educational, cultural, spiritual, and artistic exchanges epitomize the
breadth and depth of the United States-Korean relationship in the 21st
century.
leadership of the embassy community; partnering with
our colleagues in uniform
If confirmed, I will lead a complex diplomatic mission in the
Republic of Korea consisting of 575 employees, including staff in the
United States Embassy in Seoul and the American Presence Post in Busan.
Of that number, 184 are U.S. citizens representing 15 U.S. Government
agencies and offices, and 391 are locally hired United States and
Korean citizen staff. All the staff serve our country in a mission that
is categorized by the State Department as ``historically difficult to
staff'' due to unique linguistic and other challenges. Among the U.S.
citizen employees currently at post, 44 possess a working to fluent
level of Korean language skills. I look forward to rounding out that
number to 45, if confirmed. I will do my best to ensure that all
members of the diverse community at Embassy Seoul and their families
have the leadership, security, and support they need to get their jobs
done, serving and representing the American people, and strengthening
our partnership with South Korea. One high priority will be to hasten
the day when we are able to move into a new embassy building that
better represents the modern United States-Republic of Korea
partnership. It will also be my privilege to serve with the committed,
hard-working men and women of United States Forces Korea. I have had
the pleasure of getting to know here in Washington, Lieutenant General
Walter Sharp, who has been nominated to be Commander of United States
Forces Korea. If we both are confirmed, I look forward to a close and
productive service together in Korea.
Thank you very much. I look forward to your questions.
Senator Boxer. Thank you so much, Ms. Stephens.
And now it is my pleasure to introduce Mr. William Todd to
be Ambassador to the State of Brunei. And sir, if you have
anyone you would like to introduce, please do so. And then we
will start the clock, give you 7 minutes.
STATEMENT OF WILLIAM E. TODD, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE
STATE OF BRUNEI DARUSSALAM
Mr. Todd. Thank you, Madam Chairman.
My wife, Ann.
Senator Boxer. Ann, you want to stand, please.
Mr. Todd. She has put up with a heck of a lot while I have
been getting ready for this hearing. So I owe her public thanks
and thank her for her love and support.
Senator Boxer. Very good.
Mr. Todd. Thank you. Madam Chairman and Senator Murkowski,
members of the committee, I deeply am honored to come before
you today as President Bush's nominee to be the next American
Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam, which is known as the abode of
peace.
I want to thank Secretary Rice and the President for their
confidence in nominating me for this position. If confirmed by
the Senate, I will work closely with the committee, interested
Members of Congress, and other Americans to further advance
United States interests in Brunei.
Madam Chairman, a little over a year after 9/11, the Sultan
of Brunei came to Washington and met with the President. At
that meeting, the President and the Sultan agreed to four goals
and objectives. The first were closer counterterrorism
cooperation. The second were more military-to-military visits
and collaboration. The third, expanded trade and investment.
And lastly, the fourth, expanded educational opportunities for
Bruneians to study in America.
I am happy to report that both of our governments have made
progress in all four of these areas, and if confirmed, I will
continue to vigorously pursue these goals.
Madam Chairman, I also wanted to add two or three very
important goals for my team and I to focus on, if confirmed.
First, the last few years have been a challenging time for
America's image in some parts of the world. I think we have an
opportunity to regain some of the ground we lost through more
public diplomacy, outreach, engagement with this moderate
Muslim nation.
Second, I hope to be able to expand on the environmental
programs in Brunei, like the Heart of Borneo Initiative, which
was created to safeguard the future of Brunei's tropical
rainforests. This program has only been around for
approximately a year, but it is showing great promise.
Last, I will aggressively manage the construction of the
new Embassy in Brunei, ensuring that it becomes a model for
safe, secure, environmentally friendly new small embassies.
Madam Chairman, I believe the broad range of experience I
have gained during my 25-year career in the Federal Government
will assist me in accomplishing these goals. I have served in
the Senior Executive Service for more than 10 years. I am
currently the Acting Inspector General for the State Department
and the Broadcasting Board of Governors. In this capacity, I
oversee all OIG activities, both domestically and abroad.
Previously, I directed the day-to-day global operations in
the State Department's Bureau of International Narcotics and
Law Enforcement, spearheading programs to combat illicit
narcotics, international crime and terrorism, and to strengthen
rule of law institutions and law enforcement capabilities all
over the world, including in Southeast Asia.
During the mid 1990s, I worked in a senior position in the
United States and Foreign Commercial Service, helping to
promote U.S. trade and investment abroad. In this capacity, I
helped create and implement the big and emerging market
strategy that was designed to maximize exports to countries
like China and create jobs in the United States. As part of
this program, I also built, staffed, and opened a number of
United States commercial centers abroad, including three in
Asia--one in China, one in Vietnam, and one in Indonesia.
In closing, Madam Chairman and members of the committee, if
confirmed, I will dedicate all of my energy and experience to
advancing United States foreign policy objectives in Brunei. I
will be glad to respond to your questions and thank you for
today.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Todd follows:]
Prepared Statement of William E. Todd, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the State of Brunei Darussalam
Madam Chairman, Senator Murkowski, and members of the committee, I
am extremely honored to be here before you today as President Bush's
nominee to become our next ambassador to the nation of Brunei
Darussalam. I am also honored by the confidence the President and
Secretary Rice have shown in me in making this nomination. If confirmed
by the Senate, I will work closely with the committee, interested
Members of Congress, and other Americans to advance United States
interests in Brunei Darussalam.
Although a small country, Brunei exerts a greater influence in the
region than its size would suggest. Brunei's location, its status as a
significant provider of hydrocarbons, its stance against terrorism, and
its membership in a number of important regional and multilateral
organizations, such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN), the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, the World
Trade Organization (WTO), and the Organization of the Islamic
Conference (OIC), makes it an important partner and a valued friend of
the United States.
Since the Sultan of Brunei met with President Bush in the White
House in December 2002, our ties with Brunei Darussalam, which means
the ``abode of peace'' in Malay, have expanded and deepened. If
confirmed, I therefore will be building on a strong foundation of
growing cooperation in a number of areas, including security and
military-to-military relations, economic-commercial ties, environmental
protection, and people-to-people contacts.
In considering our economic relations, we have common interests
with Brunei. Brunei shares with us a desire and strong support for free
markets, secure global shipping lanes to ensure smooth passage of
exports and imports, and a stable financial system. Brunei is an
important provider of liquefied natural gas to the region and also
provides oil to the world market. The United States had a little over
half a billion dollars of two-way trade with Brunei in 2007. U.S.
exports surged last year due to sales of aircraft and other
manufactured items. If confirmed, I will do all I can to support U.S.
businesses in order to continue this trend. We have a bilateral Trade
and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) with Brunei, which enables us
to raise with Brunei officials our concerns and suggestions to expand
our trade and investment relationship. Brunei is a member of what is
called the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership, also known as
the P-4 Free Trade Agreement, along with Singapore, New Zealand, and
Chile. The U.S. Government has joined negotiations with those countries
on the investment and financial services chapters of that Free Trade
Agreement. We are also exploring whether it will be in the United
States interest to participate in the full FTA. I look forward to
increasing our economic relationship with Brunei through the P-4 and
other means.
I also hope to do all I can to support Brunei's partnership with
Malaysia and Indonesia in the ``Heart of Borneo Initiative'' to
preserve and sustainably manage the treasure of biodiversity that is
found in the tropical rain forests of the island of Borneo. Although
Brunei possesses just a fraction of the total area included in the
initiative, approximately 240,000 square kilometers, Brunei has put at
least 58 percent of its territory under the conservation protection
called for in the Heart of Borneo Initiative, which has the strong
support of the Government and the people of Brunei.
Brunei Darussalam strives to maintain its well-deserved reputation
as an ``abode of peace.'' The United States has found Brunei to be a
valuable partner in promoting regional stability and security. Brunei
and the United States coordinated relief to Aceh following the 2004
tsunami, and for several years Brunei has contributed forces to the
international monitoring team on the Philippine island of Mindanao.
Brunei welcomes the United States military presence in Southeast Asia,
viewing it as essential to regional stability and prosperity. Our
militaries cooperate closely in exercises and exchanges, and an
increasing number of United States ships have visited Brunei's port.
Brunei's first cadet at West Point is due to graduate in 2009, and two
other officers are currently on shorter-term study in the United
States. Our Department of Defense is working with the Government of
Brunei to improve the latter's abilities in military procurement, and
we hope to sign a Mutual Acquisition and Cross Servicing Agreement to
improve the ability of our military to work with its Bruneian
counterparts in many areas, such as exercises and disaster assistance.
If confirmed, I will seek to further enhance these ties. I will also
work to improve our information sharing on terrorist threats.
Madam Chairman, Brunei is an absolute monarchy. If confirmed, I
will share with Bruneians the benefits of our democratic system and
political openness, and look for ways we can further promote Brunei's
move toward a more participatory government.
I also believe it is very important to promote greater people-to-
people ties, and I especially want to increase the number of Bruneian
students studying in or visiting the United States. While we have a
friendly and constructive relationship with Brunei, I am confident that
increased direct exposure to America would deepen understanding of our
country by Bruneians and overcome stereotypes common in the global
media. I am a firm believer in the value of public diplomacy and will
work hard to ensure that Bruneians, the majority of whom are Muslim,
are aware of the many qualities that make America such a great nation,
and a nation of religious tolerance for all faiths.
Madam Chairman, if confirmed to lead our embassy in Brunei, I will
be responsible for the protection of United States citizens and our
employees and facilities. Fortunately, the United States and Brunei
recently agreed on the acquisition of land in order to build a new
embassy compound that, when completed, will provide a secure working
environment for our dedicated diplomats and local employees. This will
be a great improvement over the current embassy location.
Madam Chairman, the experience I have gained in government service
for nearly 25 years has prepared me well to serve as our next
Ambassador to Brunei Darussalam. I have had a life-long interest in
Asia, and I am looking forward with great enthusiasm to putting all of
my experience and skill to use in order to advance United States
interests in Brunei.
I am currently the Acting Inspector General of the Department of
State and the Broadcasting Board of Governors. I direct all Office of
Inspector General activities, domestically and abroad.
Previously, in the Department of State's Bureau of International
Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL), over a 4-year period I
served as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary (PDAS), as Deputy
Assistant Secretary for International Civilian Police and Rule of Law
Programs and Asia, Africa, Europe, and the Middle East, as well as
Executive Director/Controller. As PDAS, I was the Chief Operating
Officer for global programs, including all post-conflict activities,
and at the forefront of our international programs for police training,
rule of law, and counternarcotics efforts in some of the most hostile
places on earth, including Iraq, Afghanistan, and Colombia. I managed
approximately 4,000 employees and contractors in more than 75 theatres
of operation. As INL's Executive Director/Controller, I was in charge
of about one-sixth of the State Department's budget (over $3.5
billion), and about one-fourth of its assets.
Finally, as Director of Planning and Resource Management for the
Department of Commerce's U.S. and Foreign Commercial Service, I built,
staffed, and opened U.S. Commercial Centers around the world, including
three in Asia.
Madam Chairman, members of the committee, thank you again for your
consideration of my nomination. I would be happy to respond to your
questions.
Senator Boxer. Thank you, sir.
And next we go to Mr. Scot Marciel for the rank of
Ambassador for Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Sir, go
right ahead. If you have anyone to introduce, feel free.
STATEMENT OF SCOT A. MARCIEL, NOMINEE FOR THE RANK OF
AMBASSADOR FOR ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN NATIONS (ASEAN)
AFFAIRS
Mr. Marciel. Thank you. Unfortunately, the combination of
work, school, and studying for exams made it impossible for my
wife and my daughters to join me today. But I would like to
take this opportunity to express appreciation for all the
support they have shown me over the years.
Senator Boxer. Good.
Mr. Marciel. Madam Chairman, Senator Murkowski, and members
of the committee, I am deeply honored to appear before you
today to seek confirmation of President Bush's nomination of me
as United States Ambassador for ASEAN affairs. I would like to
begin by acknowledging the key role that the U.S. Senate played
in creation of this position.
Madam Chairman, just over a year ago, you and Senator
Murkowski and other members of this committee cosponsored
Senate Resolution 110, which urged, among other things, the
United States to appoint an ambassador for ASEAN affairs. That
resolution and the administration's decision to put forth my
nomination highlight our shared belief that ASEAN is playing a
growing role in the region and that the United States should
increase its engagement with ASEAN. In that spirit, and if
confirmed, I look forward to the opportunity to work with you
and other members to advance our interests in Southeast Asia.
Southeast Asia is a dynamic region of great importance to
us. ASEAN's 10 member nations have a combined population of
almost 600 million people and together constitute our fourth-
largest export market. ASEAN members include two treaty allies,
the world's third-largest democracy, and many partners and
friends.
Our fundamental interest in Southeast Asia is that the
region's nations remain strong and independent, that they enjoy
increased prosperity and freedom, and that they work with us in
addressing regional and global issues. It is also in our
interest to see a successful ASEAN, which can be a positive
force for peace, stability, and progress. ASEAN members have
worked to bolster their organization recently, including by
signing a charter last year that provides a legal basis for the
organization and offers the possibility for it to play a more
significant and positive role in the future.
We have responded by ramping up our own cooperation with
ASEAN. An appointment of an ambassador for ASEAN affairs will
add to the momentum in the relationship.
Madam Chairman, nearly half of my 23 years in the Foreign
Service has been devoted to working in or on the ASEAN region.
I have served in the Philippines and Vietnam as director of the
two offices responsible for Southeast Asia and in my current
position as Deputy Assistant Secretary responsible for
Southeast Asia in which I am also responsible for relations
with ASEAN.
I have developed a broad network of contacts in the region
and a healthy appreciation for its diversity, its challenges,
and its many opportunities. If confirmed, I pledge to use that
experience to expand United States engagement with ASEAN in
support of our national interests. I will work to ensure the
United States maintains a significant presence in the region
and to erase any doubt about the United States commitment to
Southeast Asia.
I intend to urge ASEAN to set and to meet high standards,
whether on economic issues or on democracy and human rights. I
also look forward to expanding our cooperation with ASEAN in
key areas such as health, education, and the environment.
Finally, one of my highest priorities, if confirmed, will
be to work with ASEAN and with other countries in the region to
convince Burma's rulers to end their brutal repression and to
begin a genuine dialog leading to a democratic transition.
Burma represents one of ASEAN's biggest challenges, but it is
also an opportunity. If we and ASEAN, along with other members
of the international community, can help bring about a reversal
of Burma's dangerous downward spiral, it will be of great
benefit not only to the Burmese people, but to ASEAN and to our
interests in Asia.
Madam Chairman, we are doing a lot of good work in
Southeast Asia, and there is more that we can do. I would
consider it a privilege and an honor to be part of that effort
by serving my country as the first United States Ambassador for
ASEAN affairs.
Thank you for considering my nomination, and I welcome your
questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Marciel follows:]
Prepared Statement of Scot A. Marciel, Nominee For the Rank of
Ambassador for Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Affairs
Madam Chairman, Senator Murkowski, and members of the committee, I
am deeply honored to appear before you today to seek confirmation of
President Bush's nomination of me as U.S. Ambassador for ASEAN Affairs.
I appreciate the confidence that the President and Secretary Rice have
shown in me by this nomination.
The creation of the position of U.S. Ambassador for ASEAN Affairs
reflects our recognition of the growing importance of ASEAN as an
institution. I would like to acknowledge the important role the United
States Senate played in the creation of this post. Madam Chairman, just
over a year ago, you joined nine other Senators in cosponsoring Senate
Resolution 110, sponsored by Senator Lugar, expressing the sense of the
Senate that, among other important actions, the United States should
appoint an ambassador for ASEAN affairs. That resolution and the
administration's subsequent move to nominate such an ambassador
highlight our shared belief that the United States should increase its
engagement and cooperation with ASEAN. In that spirit, and if
confirmed, I look forward to the opportunity to work with you and other
members to advance United States interests in Southeast Asia and within
ASEAN in particular.
Southeast Asia is a dynamic region of great importance to our
country. ASEAN's 10 member nations have a combined population of nearly
600 million, and together constitute our fourth largest export market.
ASEAN members include two treaty allies, the world's third-largest
democracy, and many long-time partners and friends.
Our fundamental interest in Southeast Asia is that the region's
nations remain strong and independent, that they enjoy increasing
prosperity and freedom, and that they work with us as partners in
addressing a wide range of regional and global challenges.
We are pursuing these interests, both by bolstering our already
strong bilateral relations with most ASEAN members and, increasingly,
by building a fuller relationship with ASEAN itself. Because I have
been nominated to be Ambassador for ASEAN Affairs, I would like to
focus my comments on our relationship with ASEAN as a whole, rather
than on our bilateral relations with individual members.
ASEAN was established in 1967. The United States became a dialog
partner, ASEAN's term for those nations with which it has established
regular formal discussions, in 1977. Throughout those 31 years, we have
developed closer relations between our governments, our businesses,
nongovernmental organizations, education institutions, and individuals.
In recent years, ASEAN members have worked to bolster the
organization and to promote economic integration and a greater sense of
community. ASEAN governments understand these changes are essential if
they are to compete internationally and ASEAN is to maintain its
relevance. ASEAN leaders took a very important step along these lines
last November when they signed the ASEAN Charter, which provides a
legal basis for the organization and offers the possibility for it to
play a much more significant and positive role in the future.
It is in our interests to see a strong and successful ASEAN, which
can be a positive force for peace, stability, and prosperity, and which
also can set high standards for its members in areas such as rule of
law and human rights. That is why we have responded to ASEAN's recent
efforts by ramping up our engagement. The ASEAN-United States Enhanced
Partnership, announced by the President and ASEAN leaders in 2005, set
a clear framework for boosting cooperation. The action plan signed by
Secretary Rice and her ASEAN counterparts in 2006 laid out a series of
concrete areas of cooperation. More recently, the Department of State
and USAID have developed a program, called ADVANCE, to support these
efforts, and to help ASEAN achieve its ambitious goals.
Much of our initial work has focused on supporting ASEAN's economic
integration efforts, in large part because ASEAN itself is moving
fastest in building its economic pillar. However, we also are advancing
our political, security, social, and cultural interests with ASEAN. We
have been very active on the environment, supporting projects such as
the successful ASEAN Wildlife Enforcement Network, the Coral Triangle
Initiative, and the Heart of Borneo program. We are rapidly increasing
our cooperation on climate change, clean energy, pandemic preparedness,
and avian influenza. I am very pleased that we recently launched the
first ASEAN Fulbright program.
We want to work with ASEAN to promote democracy and freedom. We are
pleased that the fundamental principles embodied in the ASEAN Charter
include commitments to ``strengthen democracy, enhance good governance
and the rule of law, and to promote and protect human rights and
fundamental freedoms.'' We welcome the decision to create a human
rights body--and as the structure and functions of that body take
shape, we will urge ASEAN to give it the means to promote and protect
fundamental human rights throughout the region.
Madame Chairman, nearly half of my 23 years in the Foreign Service
has been devoted to working in or on the ASEAN region, including
assignments in the Philippines and Vietnam, as director of the two
offices responsible for Southeast Asia, and as desk officer for Laos. I
have developed a strong network of contacts in the region, as well as a
healthy appreciation for its diversity, challenges, and opportunities.
If confirmed, I pledge to use that experience and my firm belief in
the value of a strong United States role in Southeast Asia to expand
United States engagement with ASEAN in support of our national
interests. I will do all I can to ensure the United States maintains a
strong presence in the region, and to eliminate any doubt about the
United States commitment to Southeast Asia. I intend to urge ASEAN to
set and to meet high standards, whether on economic issues such as
intellectual property rights protection or on democracy and human
rights, including by making the human rights body a credible and
meaningful entity. I also look forward to enhancing United States-ASEAN
cooperation in other areas, such as health, energy, and the
environment.
One of my highest priorities, if confirmed, will be to work with
ASEAN and its member nations--as well as with other countries in the
region and around the globe--to convince Burma's rulers to end their
brutal repression and begin a genuine dialog leading to a democratic
transition. The problem of Burma represents one of ASEAN's biggest
challenges, but also an opportunity. If we and ASEAN, together with
others in the international community, can help bring about a reversal
of Burma's dangerous downward spiral, it will be of enormous benefit
not only to the Burmese people, but to the region, to ASEAN, and to our
interests in East Asia.
I would like to conclude with a few comments on how I hope to carry
out this new role as Ambassador for ASEAN Affairs, while continuing my
work as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Southeast Asia. First, I intend
to travel extensively throughout the region, and to use every stop to
talk about both bilateral and ASEAN issues. I believe the title of
Ambassador for ASEAN Affairs will give me good access, and many
opportunities to talk about our concerns--and the positive role the
United States is playing in the region--both privately and publicly.
Second, I intend to engage extensively with the ASEAN Secretary General
and his staff in Jakarta to support ambitious ASEAN goals and to find
concrete ways in which we can work together. Finally, I need to do a
lot of work here to ensure that we have a clear, coherent, and
coordinated approach to Southeast Asia that combines the traditional
focus on bilateral relations with recognition that our challenges and
opportunities in that part of the world increasingly need to be pursued
regionally, particularly through close cooperation with ASEAN.
Madam Chairman, I would consider it a great privilege to serve my
country as the first U.S. Ambassador for ASEAN Affairs.
Thank you for considering my nomination. I welcome your questions.
Senator Boxer. Thank you, sir.
And now we turn to the Honorable Patricia Haslach for the
rank of ambassador during her tenure of service as United
States senior coordinator for the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation Forum. Welcome.
STATEMENT OF HON. PATRICIA M. HASLACH, NOMINEE FOR THE RANK OF
AMBASSADOR DURING HER TENURE OF SERVICE AS UNITED STATES SENIOR
COORDINATOR FOR THE ASIA-PACIFIC ECONOMIC COOPERATION (APEC)
FORUM
Ambassador Haslach. Thank you, Madam Chairman.
I would first like to take this opportunity to thank my
mother, also named Patricia Haslach, who is here with me today.
Senator Boxer. Why don't you stand up, Mrs. Haslach.
Ambassador Haslach. And to my father, who has recently
passed away and who was always an inspiration to me. I would
also like to thank my husband, David, who is serving as a
Foreign Service officer in Austria, and to our two daughters,
Shereen and Kiran, who are unable to join us today.
Madam Chairman, I note that Shereen is a student at Santa
Clara University, which gives me the chance to visit your State
quite frequently.
Senator Boxer. Wonderful. Well, we welcome you.
Ambassador Haslach. Thank you.
Madam Chairman, Ranking Member Murkowski, and members of
the committee, I am honored to appear before you to seek
confirmation as United States Ambassador to APEC. I appreciate
the confidence that President Bush and Secretary Rice have
shown in me by this nomination. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with you to advance United States interests through
APEC.
The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum, APEC, is the
premier venue for United States engagement with the Asia-
Pacific region on economic and other issues. The 21 members of
APEC together account for 60 percent of U.S. exports, 60
percent of global GDP, 50 percent of world trade, and nearly 3
billion consumers. APEC is the only trans-Pacific forum that
includes the United States and meets annually at the head of
State level.
While these facts alone demonstrate the significance of the
forum, APEC is more than the sum of its statistics. APEC is a
vibrant organization that works to enhance the well-being of
the United States and the Asia-Pacific in practical and
tangible ways.
With little fanfare, APEC is playing a vital role in
promoting prosperity, opening markets, and ensuring our
security. For example, APEC is at the forefront of regional
economic integration. A key component of this effort is APEC's
exploration of a free trade area of the Asia-Pacific as a long-
term vision, which would allow Americans to compete on a level
playing field in the region.
APEC also helps to facilitate increased regional commerce.
This includes promoting the development of high-quality free
trade agreements, protecting intellectual property rights,
expediting business travel, and reducing the costs of
conducting trade.
America must participate constructively in the process of
economic integration that is already transforming the Asia-
Pacific or risk becoming disadvantaged and isolated. If
confirmed as ambassador, I will work to utilize the tools and
opportunities provided by APEC to ensure that America will be
part of the region's extraordinary dynamism and in a way that
benefits all Americans.
At the same time, addressing economic issues alone does not
guarantee growth. We must also foster an overall environment
where prosperity can occur. This is why APEC is helping to
build institutions, combat corruption, and promote education.
Madam Chairman, you might be interested to know that APEC is
committed to women's economic empowerment and has made it an
important criterion in the approval of APEC projects.
In addition, APEC is helping to address energy security and
climate change. It is also helping to improve port security,
counterterrorism, and confront avian influenza. I note that
APEC is accomplishing these things in partnership with the
region's private sector.
This year, Peru's hosting of the forum enables us to tackle
emerging challenges while highlighting ties between Latin
America and Asia. APEC will work to enhance protections against
unsafe food and other products. APEC is uniquely suited for
addressing this issue since our key regional trade partners,
including China, are active members.
APEC will also work to address concerns about
globalization, including access to the skills needed to succeed
in the global economy. Furthermore, I want to highlight that in
2011, the United States will be hosting APEC for the first time
in 18 years. This is a tremendous opportunity for our country,
and I look forward to working with Congress to make this event
successful.
During my 22 years in the Foreign Service, I have developed
an intimate knowledge of Asia. If confirmed as ambassador to
APEC, I promise to work to strengthen the organization as an
engine of growth and opportunity in the Asia-Pacific.
Thank you for considering my nomination, and I look forward
to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Haslach follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Patricia M. Haslach, Nominee to be
Ambassador During Her Tenure of Service as United States Senior
Coordinator for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Forum
Madam Chairman, Ranking Member Murkowski, and members of the
committee, I am deeply honored to appear before you today to seek
confirmation as U.S. Senior Official for APEC with the rank of
Ambassador. I appreciate the confidence that President Bush and
Secretary Rice have shown in me by this nomination. If confirmed, I
look forward to the opportunity to work with you to advance U.S.
interests through APEC.
The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC) is strategically
important to the United States. It is the premier venue for engaging
the Asia-Pacific region on economic and other issues. The 21 members of
APEC together account for 60 percent of U.S. exports, 60 percent of
global GDP, 50 percent of world trade, and nearly 3 billion consumers.
APEC is the only trans-Pacific forum that includes the United States
and meets annually at the head of state level, with President Bush
having attended every APEC leaders meeting since taking office. It also
brings together other top officials throughout the year to address an
array of important issues.
While these facts alone demonstrate the significance of the forum,
APEC is more than the sum of its statistics. APEC is a vibrant
organization that works to enhance the well-being of the United States
and the Asia-Pacific in practical and tangible ways. With little
fanfare, APEC is playing an important role in promoting economic
growth, opening markets for U.S. business, and ensuring our security.
If confirmed as U.S. Senior Official for APEC with the rank of
Ambassador, I will work vigorously to strengthen the organization,
particularly as the United States prepares to host APEC in 2011.
promoting u.s. trade and economic growth
Madam Chairman, APEC has made real progress in breaking down
barriers to American goods and services, as well as addressing an array
of issues that are important to U.S. manufacturers, service providers,
workers, farmers, and ranchers.
Over the years, APEC has offered strong support to
concluding the Doha Round of multilateral trade talks,
especially at critical junctures. In March, at their first
meeting of 2008, APEC senior officials issued a strong
statement noting the recent positive developments in the Doha
Round and committing to work toward an ambitious and balanced
outcome that delivers real commercial gains.
APEC is also at the front-and-center in the trend toward
economic integration in the Asia Pacific, a critical ingredient
for building prosperity and stability in the region. A key
component of this effort is APEC's work to actively explore the
long-term vision of a free trade area of the Asia-Pacific
(FTAAP), which would allow Americans to compete on a more level
playing field in the world's most dynamic economic region.
In addition, APEC has made important progress in addressing
an array of issues to further facilitate trade and economic
growth in the Asia Pacific. This includes establishing
guidelines to promote the development of high-quality FTAs in
the region, increase protection of intellectual property
rights, and reduce the costs of conducting trade that hinder
American businesses--especially small businesses--from fully
participating in the regional marketplace.
APEC also expedites the travel of senior business people and
government officials throughout the region using the APEC
Business Travel Card program. This program provides eligible
individuals with speedier processing at airport immigration
lines in participating APEC economies.
There is still unfulfilled potential in our trade relationship with
Asia. America must participate constructively in the process of
economic integration that is already transforming the region, or risk
becoming disadvantaged and isolated. If I am confirmed with the rank of
ambassador, I will work to utilize the tools and opportunities provided
by APEC to ensure that our country will be a part of the extraordinary
dynamism of the Asia-Pacific, and in a way that benefits all Americans.
building and securing prosperous societies
At the same time, addressing economic issues alone does not
guarantee growth. We must also foster an overall environment where
prosperity can occur.
This is why APEC is helping economies to construct
transparent regulatory institutions, combat corruption, and
promote education. It is also why APEC is working to ensure
that all members of society can prosper from regional trade and
investment. Madam Chairman, you might be interested to know
that APEC members, including the United States, are
particularly committed to women's economic empowerment and have
made it an important criterion in the approval of APEC-
sponsored projects.
APEC is also contributing to the global response to energy
security and climate change. Utilizing its strengths as the
region's preeminent economic forum, APEC is working to achieve
regional goals in such areas as improving energy efficiency,
promoting alternative energy sources, and fostering the
development and trade of clean technologies. These activities
include an effort in APEC to promote trade of environmental
goods and services.
Furthermore, APEC has made important contributions to
protect the region from security threats that could harm
economic growth. With the United States in the lead, APEC has
helped to improve the security of airports and seaports,
counterterrorism, and confront avian influenza.
I want to emphasize that APEC is not just a forum for talking about
policy solutions to economic challenges; it also works in practical
terms to translate ideas into action. In particular, APEC undertakes
technical cooperation programs that help our trade partners to
implement their commitments and improve the economic life of people
throughout the region. This is one of the main reasons why President
Bush committed in 2006 to augment U.S. funding for APEC. With financial
contributions from the United States and other members, APEC is
implementing projects in a wide range of areas, including education,
energy, emergency preparedness, anticounterfeiting, and economic
reform. APEC's partnership with the region's private sector, including
many of its leading companies, also ensures that its initiatives are
focused, constructive, and of tangible benefit to U.S. businesses.
peru 2008 and the future
Peru's hosting of the forum in 2008 underscores the trans-Pacific
nature of APEC and enables us to tackle emerging challenges while
highlighting the growing economic ties between Latin America and Asia.
APEC will be working to increase economies' capacity to protect against
unsafe food and other products, an issue of immense concern to
U.S. consumers. The United States believes that APEC is
uniquely suited for addressing this issue, since our key
regional trade partners--including China--are active members.
APEC will implement a major program this year to identify
strategies for improving food safety and is looking to pursue
more initiatives that will strengthen regional capabilities to
protect consumers.
APEC will focus on ways to address concerns in both developed and
developing economies about globalization, including access to
education and workplace skills needed to succeed in the global
economy.
APEC will also work to promote corporate social responsibility in the
Asia-Pacific, since we know that good corporate citizenship has
a positive impact for both the people of the region as well as
for the business community.
Madam Chairman, I also want to highlight that in 2011 the United
States will be hosting APEC for the first time in 18 years. This is a
tremendous opportunity for our country. As the host economy, it will be
an excellent chance to promote U.S. business and investment
opportunities and define an agenda for regional prosperity that
reflects our values. This will be a major undertaking, and I look
forward to working with Congress to make this important event
successful.
conclusion
If I am confirmed with the rank of Ambassador, I promise to put my
experience and enthusiasm to work in advancing United States interests
in the Asia-Pacific. During my 22 years in the United States Foreign
Service, I have developed an intimate knowledge of Asia, having served
as Ambassador to Laos between 2004 and 2007, and in the economic
section of the United States Embassy in Indonesia during the 1990s.
Together with my other experience working on economic issues in South
Asia, Africa, and Europe, I am prepared to tackle the broad range of
economic issues with our fellow APEC members.
Madam Chairman, it would be a great privilege to serve my country
as U.S. Senior Official for APEC with the rank of Ambassador. APEC is a
truly unique and irreplaceable asset to the American people, and I am
ready to help the United States strengthen the organization as an
engine of growth and opportunity in the Asia-Pacific.
Thank you for considering my nomination. I look forward to your
questions.
Senator Boxer. Thank you all. Excellent panel, and I will
just ask a few questions and then turn it over to my colleague.
And I don't have any need to go any extra rounds, I don't
think. So, hopefully, this will be short and sweet for you.
Ms. Stephens, while South Korea remains an important ally
of the United States, it is safe to say that the United States-
South Korean relationship has faced a number of challenges over
the past few years. At times, anti-Americanism has reached
alarming levels, particularly after the tragic death of two
South Korean girls, who were hit by a United States tank on its
way to a training exercise in 2002.
The election of President Lee in South Korea is being
touted as an opportunity to strengthen our relations. President
Lee has himself set rebuilding ties with the United States as
one of the objectives of his presidency. How will you work to
strengthen the relationship between the United States and South
Korea, and how will you specifically address the issue of anti-
Americanism?
Ms. Stephens. Madam Chairman, thank you very much for that
question.
As I said in my opening statement, I look at the United
States-Korea relationship in a historical context. This is the
60th anniversary of the establishment of the Republic of Korea.
It is the 60th anniversary of the United States-Republic of
Korea diplomatic relations. And as you point out, we have had a
lot of challenges.
When Ambassador Lilley and I were serving in Korea in the
1980s, there was not democracy there. And so, I would have to
say that I see some of the events of the past few years as a
sign of a democratic society as it develops and matures. And as
that society has developed and matured, so has the United
States-Republic of Korea relationship.
Polling suggests today that there is strong support across
the board for a United States-Korea security relationship. The
fact that we have a Korean-American community that now numbers
some 2 million--about 1.5 million in the United States, a half
a million in the United States--gives the relationship, I
think, the kind of foundation perhaps and resilience that
perhaps it did not have some years ago. And I think there are a
number of areas in which we can work to build on this
relationship.
When President Lee comes to the United States next week, I
know that he and President Bush will be looking at a number of
these. And without repeating what I said in my opening
statement, I would again highlight in terms of the embassy our
outreach in Korea itself. Korean is a very hard language. We
are very proud of the fact that about a third or almost a
third----
Senator Boxer. Oh, wait. I don't want to get off the
question.
Ms. Stephens. Yes.
Senator Boxer. So you don't think there is anti-Americanism
in South Korea?
Ms. Stephens. No, I do think that there has been, and there
remains critical voices about the alliance, about what has
happened in the past. But I think there is generally a sense
that as Korea looks to its own interest, to its own future,
that it needs to have a mature relationship with the United
States.
Senator Boxer. Good. Well, I think we need to build on
that.
I understand that the United States Government has
repeatedly asked South Korea to contribute forces to assist
with the international effort to help stabilize Afghanistan,
but that South Korea has been nonresponsive to date. Is there
an overarching reason as to why South Korea does not want to
assist the United States and its allies in Afghanistan? And do
expect that there might be a change of heart because of
President Lee's new tenure?
Ms. Stephens. Well, Madam Chairman, I do think that we--
this is an issue we can discuss and should discuss with the
Koreans. I would note that the Republic of Korea has
contributed not only to our efforts in Iraq, where for a while
they were the third-largest coalition contributor, but also in
Afghanistan, where they did have a presence of, I think, some
engineers and some other experts.
Senator Boxer. But mine was--I was talking about forces.
Ms. Stephens. Yes. I think this is a discussion that we
should have with the new government, and I think we need to
make--to discuss what the needs are in Afghanistan and to see
how they can contribute. They have certainly made clear they
would like to contribute to more peacekeeping operations
worldwide.
Senator Boxer. Well, I think it is very important because,
of course, I have been to the zone there. I have looked across,
and you know, South Korea understands the need to have
stability at its border. Afghanistan deserves to have a country
free of the Taliban, and I would hope that in this new
opportunity that we have with you and the new President that we
will make that case for Afghanistan. It is a very different
case than Iraq. And so, I am looking forward to hearing from
you on that.
Mr. Marciel, what steps will you take to urge the ASEAN
members to do more to let Burma know that its behavior is
reprehensible and will not be tolerated in the future? How will
you work with ASEAN to pressure the Burmese Government to
reconsider the referendum it is planning to hold on a new
constitution in May of this year?
As you know, the referendum is facing widespread opposition
in Burma, particularly because it will bar Aung San Suu Kyi
from running for office. Now the Philippines has asked that she
be released before it will ratify the new charter. Will you
encourage other nations to follow suit?
Mr. Marciel. Thank you, Madam Chairman.
We have been working extensively and intensively with all
of the ASEAN countries to try to get them to push the Burmese
regime to take a number of steps, including releasing political
prisoners, beginning a genuine dialog, and most recently,
making the upcoming referendum an inclusive process that is
credible.
We have had, I would say, mixed success. On the one hand,
you can look at ASEAN's response compared to our response and
say it has been somewhat meek. On the other hand, given ASEAN's
history and precedent, it has been remarkably strong. A very
strong statement, as you know, last September expressing the
sense of ASEAN of being appalled and expressing repulsion at
the crackdown.
ASEAN is a little bit split on this. I think all of the
ASEAN countries would like to see change in Burma. They see
that it is going downhill, and it is hurting ASEAN. Some, like
the Philippines, have been most outspoken. We are continuing to
weigh in diplomatically with all of them, and we just need to
keep doing that.
Part of what is happening in places like Indonesia is that
civil society in Indonesia is actually increasing pressure on
the government to step in. The ASEANs are interested in working
with us. They are opposed to sanctions, as you know. I don't
anticipate that will change. Frankly, we just need to continue
working with them diplomatically and pointing out that the
Burma problem is not going to go away on its own.
Senator Boxer. As you know, because you have testified here
before, this is an issue of great concern to members of the
committee. So we will be working with you on this.
I have one more question for you, Mr. Marciel. Then I will
yield, and then I will come back with just two quick questions
for our other panelists.
In January of this year, Singapore's defense minister said
the United States should place some hot energy and effort in
Southeast Asia, and I think he was relating to the fact that we
have been so focused on Iraq. What initiatives are necessary to
reassure our friends and allies in Asia that we are committed
to an active and engaged presence in the region?
Mr. Marciel. Senator, I think one of the challenges that we
face is actually making sure that people in the region
understand all the many things that we are doing in the region.
The fact is that we have an incredible level of engagement. I
would say overall, with the exception of a place like Burma,
bilateral relations with the ASEAN members are at an all-time
high, and we are doing more with ASEAN by far than ever before,
with the enhanced partnership, assistance, et cetera.
But as you said, the perception is still out there that
somehow we are not engaged, we are not committed. Part of, I
think, the beauty of creating an ambassador for ASEAN affairs,
and I don't want to sound arrogant here at all about my future
role, if confirmed. But I think having an ambassador for ASEAN
affairs allows us to raise the profile, and when we talk
publicly in the region to emphasize the things we are doing and
to look for more opportunities, including continuing high-level
visits.
So it is both a substantive challenge, but more
importantly, I would say a public diplomacy challenge.
Southeast Asians want more of us.
Senator Boxer. Well, I think you make a good point, and
that was one of the reasons we did support the creation of this
position. So we are glad that you are willing to take it on.
Senator Murkowski.
Senator Murkowski. Thank you, Madam Chairman.
Mr. Marciel, we will just keep you on the seat for a moment
longer. With regard to Burma again, following up on Senator
Boxer's question, we recognize that the economic ties that
Burma has with India and China and the significance of those.
How much influence do the members of ASEAN have then with the
military regime, given how China and India factor in? And where
I am going is what is their leverage?
Mr. Marciel. Thank you, Senator Murkowski. It is actually a
question that we ask ourselves all of the time.
I think it is--we believe and most people believe that
China probably has the most influence over Burma of any other
nation, although I wouldn't exaggerate even that influence. The
Burmese generals don't seem to take advice particularly well,
either from outsiders or even from their own people. So I would
say China has the most influence.
ASEAN as a whole seems to have relatively limited
influence, surprisingly. I think the greatest ASEAN influence
is that when ASEAN speaks out strongly on Burma, it makes it
harder for other nations in the region not to speak out, as
well. I mean, I think in some ways it is a bit of an indirect
influence. And so, we urge the ASEANs, as a result, to continue
to speak out.
But I think the experience over the last several months
shows that the Burmese generals have not been particularly
responsive. That said, ASEAN needs to keep raising this and
pushing any way they can.
Senator Murkowski. What is the status of the trade
agreements that are being negotiated currently? This is the
ASEAN Plus Three and the ASEAN Plus Six and the East Asia
Economic Group. And in terms of the U.S. involvement on these
trade agreements, do you know where we are?
Mr. Marciel. We are not part of those. Senator, we are not
part of those agreements. ASEAN is negotiating a series of
agreements, I think, with Korea, China, and Japan. Yes, and
they are all different--I think as well as with India, although
that one is not moving ahead as fast.
I don't--I am afraid I don't have a very good update for
you, but I would be pleased to come back and give you more
details.
Senator Murkowski. Okay. If there is an update, that is
what I was looking for.
Mr. Marciel. Okay.
Senator Murkowski. Let me ask you, Ms. Haslach, the--you
mentioned the administration's proposal for a free trade area
within the Asia-Pacific. What has been the reaction of the APEC
members to the proposal? I am assuming this is something that
is meeting with a level of support or endorsement?
Ambassador Haslach. Thank you, Senator Murkowski.
This is actually an aspirational goal. In everything in
APEC, we have to reach consensus, and all the 21 members have
agreed to a path looking at what is called a free trade area--
not an agreement, a free trade area of the Asia-Pacific. And
the focus is on building economic integration, and we can do
this in many different ways, and we haven't actually defined
what the path will be.
But currently, what we are trying to do is come up with
model measures for free trade agreements, and we are looking at
high-quality free trade agreements similar to the one that we
have recently negotiated with Korea.
Senator Murkowski. Good. What about the sentiment that is
out there that this administration just has not paid close
enough attention to what is going on in the Asia-Pacific
region? There were some issues recently where we didn't stay at
the meeting as long as we would have liked.
And I guess the question is whether that sentiment is still
out there, that the Bush administration is just not giving
enough, attaching enough significance to the region and to the
APEC members? And if that sentiment is still out there, how do
you counteract that as ambassador to APEC?
Ambassador Haslach. Well, I think we have been able to
actually counteract it by announcing that the United States
will be hosting APEC in 2011, and I think that really speaks
out for our commitment to APEC. Also, we fully are engaged in
all of the different APEC meetings, hundreds of them that take
place over the year. And President Bush has attended every
single one of the leaders meetings, and Secretary Rice has
attended all the ministerials. Yes.
Senator Murkowski. So that sentiment is changing then with
the passage of time?
Ambassador Haslach. Absolutely. And we cooperate in many,
many tangible ways.
Senator Murkowski. Good. Let me ask you, Ms. Stephens, and
again, kind of sticking with some of the trade issues. Given
Alaska's relationship with South Korea and the fact that South
Korea is our third-largest trading partner ahead of our
neighbor, Canada, I am supportive of the United States-South
Korea free trade agreement. But we recognize that there is some
opposition to that agreement here in the United States.
But can you speak to the agreement's chances of success or
how that is being received within South Korea's National
Assembly and what concerns they might have specifically?
Ms. Stephens. Well, thank you, Senator. As you know, the
agreement was signed in June of 2007 between our trade
representative and her counterpart. The Republic of Korea is on
a little bit of a different track in its timing, and it was
introduced into the Korean National Assembly, I believe, last
September.
Now since then, Korea has had a presidential election and
transition and then today the National Assembly election. But
there has been a great deal of discussion--debate. In the early
days of the negotiations, quite a bit of very vocal opposition
to the idea of a free trade agreement. So they have been
through quite a process there.
And I think where they have come out, according again to
polling, is with very strong support for it as a strategic
decision by the Republic of Korea. As it looks at its very
large neighbors in the region it works in and its need to be
competitive in this global economy, I think for Korea they look
at it as a key strategic move to not only deepen its ties with
the United States, but as I said, to really kind of reform its
economy.
The benefits are different for our two countries. For us,
we get a lot more access, as you know, because the tariffs go
down. We don't have so many tariffs on our products. So, for
the Koreans, it is a little bit different. But it is about
deregulating the Korean economy, making it more investor
friendly, including to foreign investors, and making it more
competitive.
And it seems to me--I haven't been to Korea recently. But
from what I see in the polling and the discussion, President
Lee's party supports the agreement. The outgoing government, of
course, is the one that negotiated it. I don't know what the
timing will be, but we hope that it will go before the National
Assembly and that they will consider it and ratify it.
Senator Murkowski. Let me ask you a little bit more
parochial question. But you mentioned one of your goals was
just the outreach. The Korean Government has applied to open a
consulate office in Anchorage, and I understand that the
progress has been some slow--just hasn't been at the speed that
we would like. Do you have any update on what is happening with
approval of that application?
Ms. Stephens. Yes, Senator, happily, I do.
Senator Murkowski. Good.
Ms. Stephens. And we do regret that it has been a bit slow,
but I understand that the approval was sent through diplomatic
channels to the Korean Embassy here and that they can move
forward with opening that consulate in Anchorage.
Senator Murkowski. Good. Good, good. Well, that--you talk
about the level of outreach, and that is highly significant. So
I am pleased to hear that.
And then just very quickly, we have been working--the State
of Alaska has been working with the embassy there in Seoul to
establish this Alaska Explorer Visa Program, and this provides
the visa interviews for the Korean travelers. It has been very
successful in encouraging tourism into Alaska from our Korean
visitors, and I would just ask for your support to continue
this program. I think it has been very helpful for both sides.
Ms. Stephens. Thank you very much for highlighting that for
me. I will certainly pay great attention to that, and we hope
to get more and more Koreans visiting Alaska.
Senator Murkowski. Good. Madam Chairman, my time has
expired. I have one quick question for Mr. Todd.
Senator Boxer. Go ahead. Please, go ahead.
Senator Murkowski. And it is really very general. Mr. Todd,
you had ticked off four specific items in terms of the foreign
policy objectives that the United States has with regard to
Brunei, and the first on your list related to the
counterterrorism initiative. And you bring to this post a
degree of background, you indicated, with international
narcotics and law enforcement department.
Can you speak to the issue of counterterrorism and what
specifically you would look to do in Brunei to work with the
United States foreign policy objectives on that issue?
Mr. Todd. Thank you, Senator. That is an important
question.
The current state of play in Brunei is that there are not
any active terrorist organizations in Brunei itself. However,
there are three active terrorist organizations in the
surrounding countries. Many of the top leaders have basically
been dealt with, and they are not part of those organizations
at this point in time. But the organizations still exist.
In terms of Brunei itself, we share data with them. We
share information. We know who is coming and going. It has been
a very informative relationship. One of the things that we do
do and what I did when I was in INL, which is the Bureau of
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement, is we would do
training and equipping and assistance in the form of teaching
and training people what to do and what not to do.
And we have--the department has an ILEA, an International
Law Enforcement Academy, in Bangkok, which I funded and ran
that last--I think in 2006 trained, I think, 21 Bruneians in
various forms of enforcement, some of which included
antiterrorism activities.
So if I am confirmed, I would continue to get people
trained. I also would continue and encourage more information
sharing. And as long as these three terrorist groups are still
active in the region, my goal is to make sure that all
Americans and American assets are protected. Thank you.
Senator Murkowski. Thank you. Appreciate your response.
In looking at Brunei--I have never had the opportunity to
go there, but in looking at your economy reminds me a lot of
what we have up north in Alaska and the dependence on oil, your
desire to seek some diversification with your economy, some of
your environmental issues. We differ a little bit in terms of
size, but maybe one of these days I will have an opportunity to
come visit for myself.
Mr. Todd. I would love for you to come visit, ma'am.
Senator Murkowski. Thank you.
Madam Chairman, I appreciate the opportunity to ask the
questions of these individuals. They certainly appear to be
well prepared for their appointed tasks and I look forward to
seeing them move through the process.
Senator Boxer. I absolutely agree. And I was going to say
while, future Ambassador Stephens, you are looking after
Alaska, we have six----
[Laughter.]
Senator Boxer [continuing]. We have 600,000 Korean
Americans in California. And----
Senator Murkowski. She trumps me every time.
Senator Boxer. We trump each other, but anyway. So, anyway,
just don't forget. That is all.
I have just a couple of questions. Ambassador Haslach, in
recent weeks, China's treatment of the Tibetan people has
focused the world's attention on China's commitment to the rule
of law and human rights. Obviously, this scrutiny is growing as
we get closer to the Olympics. I understand in San Francisco
today I forget how many people came out, but thousands and
thousands of peaceful demonstrations. It has touched people's
hearts.
And in the months leading up to the Olympics, how, if at
all, can APEC be used as a forum to urge China to responsibly
handle the crisis in Tibet?
Ambassador Haslach. Well, thank you, Madam Chairman.
APEC is largely an economic organization, but certainly
there are many opportunities we have during the year at the
Secretary of State level, at the leaders level. For example,
last year in Sydney, President Bush did meet with many of our
APEC partners to discuss issues that were not economic, human
rights issues with regard to Burma.
I much expect that Tibet will be on the agenda this year,
as well as the bilateral meetings that we conduct with the
economies whenever we meet, and we always bring up other
subjects. And so, we use APEC for that. It presents yet another
opportunity for us to dialog with China.
Senator Boxer. Good. I am glad you see it that way because,
you know, we have a lot of States in our Union that will act
unilaterally sometimes and say we are going to boycott this,
that, or another from our State government purchases. And you
look at my State, we have got 37 million people. We would be
the fifth-largest economy in the world. So, in many ways, I
think you are right to use it as an opportunity because you
never know what State could all of a sudden decide to say we
are done.
So I hope you use every opportunity that you can to raise
this issue. It is such a sad one, and it seems to me we can
resolve it. It could be resolved without independence, just
with some autonomy, and I just would press you on that. And I
am glad that you intend to raise it.
So, in conclusion, I have just a couple of quick questions
for Mr. Todd. Why should he get away from my questions?
[Laughter.]
Senator Boxer. And so, Mr. Todd, Brunei--and this really
follows Senator Murkowski's question about the economy in
Brunei.
Brunei is one of the most prominent economic success
stories in Southeast Asia, thanks in large part to its natural
resources. However, it is reported that Brunei's oil and gas
reserves, which account for 90 percent of its exports and one
half of its GDP, are declining to the point where they will be
exhausted in the relative near future. Oil is expected to dry
up in 15 years and natural gas in 30.
The Government of Brunei has reportedly tried to pursue
alternative development strategies, but with limited success.
As the Ambassador to Brunei, what will you do to help ensure
that Brunei remains an economic success story in Asia? And I
think you do have some unique qualifications to do this. So why
don't you discuss that as well?
Mr. Todd. Thank you, ma'am. In terms of Brunei, as you
said, it is a very wealthy country. It is about the size of
Delaware. It has 383,000 people. And at one point, the Sultan
was the richest man in the world before the tech boom.
Senator Boxer. Oh, I feel so sorry for him. [Laughter.]
Mr. Todd. He still owns quite a bit, though. But in terms
of it all, there seems to be a recent surge on the part of the
several of the ministers in the Bruneian Government, where this
is bothering them. One minister recently wrote an article that
was in the Associated Press that talked about the complacency
on the part of Bruneians and the fact that the per capita
income in Brunei is one of the highest in the world. It is
approximately $32,000 per person. And depending on whose
numbers you believe, the oil and gas are going to run out
somewhere between 15 and 40 years.
In this article, this minister talked about alternatives to
the current economy and diversifying. And I found it quite
interesting because one of the things that it talked about was
the wasteful use of energy in Brunei and how the country needed
to learn how to be more economic and efficient in terms of how
they use gas and oil, how they basically look at other
alternative energy sources.
And so, in terms of your question, if I am confirmed, I
would like to look at U.S. firms promoting trade for
alternative energy sources, looking at things that are more
efficient in terms of cars and buses and their manufacturing
base. The other thing that I have thought about that actually
is very popular in the rest of ASEAN is aqua farming. There
have been talks about the Bruneians looking at cultivating
shrimp and other things.
Lastly, the--if I am confirmed, one other thing that has
been recently brought to the attention of this specific
minister is Brunei does have the Heart of Borneo Initiative,
which basically is a huge ecological reserve that basically
walls off approximately 50 percent of the country. One of the
things that has been talked about is increasing ecotourism and
making it kind of a new base of the economy.
Currently, Brunei is a dry country. The expenses--or the
hotels are extremely expensive. So there aren't many tourists,
but I see it as a place that American businesses could flourish
in.
Senator Boxer. Interesting. Well, let me say that as you
talked about moving toward energy efficiency, that is exactly
what we are doing here. We have a lot of steps we have to take
right here in America. So that is good timing because we are
all going to be looking toward this as we face global warming
challenges.
So my last question is really a human rights question to
you, Mr. Todd. While the citizens of Brunei appear to enjoy a
relatively high quality of life, Brunei is an absolute monarchy
that restricts freedoms of speech, assembly, and the press.
According to the 2007 Reporters Without Borders annual report,
journalists working for privately owned publications in the
sultanate--and this is a direct quote--can be punished by
prison sentences of up to 3 years for publishing ``false
news.'' And self-censorship is commonplace, and freedom of
expression is limited.
In June of 2006, three men were sentenced to 1 year in
prison for having sent seditious and insulting mobile phone
messages to the family of the leader. I was just thinking about
how many people send insulting messages to me and the
consequences that could----
[Laughter.]
Senator Boxer [continuing]. But I think they are wrong.
People should have the right to insult their leaders. I would
die for that right. So, if confirmed, what will you do to
encourage Brunei to increase freedom of the press?
Mr. Todd. Thank you, Senator. That is an excellent
question.
Right now, political freedoms are very limited--freedom of
the press, religion, the right to congregate. There has been an
emergency act that has been in place that gives the Sultan
almost ultimate power since 1962. There is something called an
Internal Security Act, which basically gives the Sultan and his
ministries the ability to pick up people and to hold them
without due process for up to 2 years. That is on one hand.
That is the bad news story.
The good news story is that the Government of Brunei and
the Sultan have made some very positive changes over the last
few years. The first is that they have enacted, the Sultan
enacted in 2004 the legislative council. A number of the people
on the legislative council are actually elected, which is a
new, novel thing in Brunei.
The second is that government and the Sultan ratified 2 of
the 12 human rights conventions, basically protecting the
rights of women and children. And in terms of human rights, and
if I am confirmed, my goal is through engagement and through
staying true to our principles, focusing on these issues with
the government and the Sultan and when--monitor, engage, and
report. When I am done, report it up the food chain to DRL at
the State Department and to the Hill and continue to press
things that we believe in.
Thank you.
Senator Boxer. Well, thank you. And I think that is true
that we have seen some movement in the right direction, and I
am sure that you will encourage that.
Well, I would like to again thank our nominees for their
willingness to serve our country. I also, and I know Senator
Murkowski joins me fully in this, not only thanking our
nominees, but their families. We certainly know the sacrifices
that families do make.
Of course, there are opportunities and pluses that go with
our lifestyle in government, but there is a lot of sacrifice
involved. So we want to thank you all. We want to thank some of
you who were here who have been mentors to our outstanding
panel.
And I just wanted you to know that it is my understanding
that Senator Biden will schedule a business meeting in the
upcoming weeks so that these nominees can be considered and
reported to the full Senate, and I want you all to know that
you have my full support. I think I speak for Senator Murkowski
and certainly Senator Webb, who said that.
So we are really just glad you have stepped forward and
accepted these new responsibilities, and much luck. And we
stand adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 4:20 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses of D. Kathleen Stephens to Questions Submitted
by Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. Depending upon the report, there are varying degrees of
anti-American sentiment in the Republic of Korea. What contributes to
reportedly significant levels of anti-American perspective among the
people of South Korea? As ambassador, how will you work to improve
perceptions and attitudes of South Koreans toward the United States?
Answer. Most Koreans support the alliance with the United States,
and older Koreans especially view that alliance as having been forged
in blood during the Korean War. The most current opinion poll conducted
by the State Department (in September 2007) revealed that 60 percent of
South Koreans have an overall favorable opinion of the United States.
Sixty-five percent also said the United States-South Korean security
alliance was in good shape. Three-fourths of South Koreans consider the
presence of United States forces in Korea important for their country's
security, and 68 percent feel that South Korea should maintain the
security alliance with the United States even after North-South
reunification. Other indicators, including the number of South Korean
students who come to study in the United States and Korea's strong
interest in the Visa Waiver Program, also highlight the strength of the
relationship.
That said, given the many challenges the United States and the
Republic of Korea have faced together in our 60 years of bilateral
relations, it is no surprise that there has long been some anti-
American sentiment in South Korea, or at least ambivalence and
misunderstanding about the United States role in Korea at various
historical junctures. I saw this personally, both as a Peace Corps
volunteer in Korea in the 1970s and while there on diplomatic
assignment in the 1980s. In my discussions during those decades,
Koreans from all walks of life almost unanimously affirmed their desire
to see a healthy United States-Korea relationship, but were also
critical of aspects of our shared history and of United States policies
past or present. Part of that criticism stems from the division of the
Korean Peninsula after World War II. Part is also rooted in the varying
perceptions Koreans have of their process of democratization and of the
role of the United States in those years. Incidents relating to the
U.S. military presence have also inflamed anti-American feeling, such
as after the tragic deaths in 2002 of two schoolgirls during a training
exercise.
I believe the best way to improve perceptions and attitudes of
South Koreans toward the United States is to engage in a genuine dialog
across the board, on all the issues. If confirmed as ambassador, I
would seek first of all to listen to Korean voices and to understand
better the many ways in which Korea has changed since I last lived
there. I will put a strong emphasis in my own activities on outreach,
on building our ability to communicate in Korean as well as in English,
and on communicating in cyberspace as well as face-to-face. I will seek
ways to engage more actively the large and influential Korean-American
community, which now numbers some 2 million people, of whom about one-
fourth reside in South Korea.
Progress on our shared policy objectives is also key. I will work
for early implementation of the consolidation of United States forces
south of the Han River, which will reduce the United States footprint
in central Seoul. I will seek to support, as well as explain publicly,
why the implementation of our shared vision for the Korean peninsula's
future outlined in the September 2005 Joint Statement of Principles is
so important to Americans as well as Koreans. I will work to streamline
business, tourism, and educational travel to the United States,
important to improving public perceptions of the United States.
Question. If confirmed as ambassador, you will be challenged with
important issues to the Alliance, that have necessarily occupied
Ambassador Vershbow's time. These include the Free Trade Agreement, the
Visa Waiver program, the North Korean nuclear issue, and the United
States military presence in the Republic of Korea, among others. Please
describe some new and innovative ways of growing the United States-
Republic of Korea relationship, that you consider notable and that you
envision pursuing, if confirmed and in Seoul.
Answer. As the question suggests, the groundwork has been laid to
achieve an upgrade in the United States-Republic of Korea relationship
in the coming years. Much work still remains to be done in adjusting
our security presence on the peninsula in achieving denuclearlization
of the peninsula and full implementation of our shared vision for its
future as outlined in the September 2005 Joint Statement of Principles,
and in implementing the Free Trade Agreement upon ratification. If
confirmed, I will be focused on advancing this work, and to working
with Korean authorities as they aim to enter the Visa Waiver Program.
I would continue the effort to adjust our longstanding security
alliance with South Korea to address contemporary realities. The United
States and the Republic of Korea have agreed to adjust the size and
strategic stance of our respective military forces on the peninsula to
reflect better the challenges we face today and the changes in the
Republic of Korea itself. We are working with our Korean counterparts
to move the main United States military base out of downtown Seoul and
to consolidate United States troops in the Republic of Korea, overall,
to fewer hubs further south. We have agreed to transition our command
relationships such that beginning in 2012 the Republic of Korea will
exercise wartime operational control over Korean troops. These steps
are sensible and timely. The changes overall will reflect Korea's
economic and military strength and its place in the world and the
region. The changes will also strengthen the U.S. military's
operational efficiency and deterrent capability. If confirmed, I will
work closely with the Korean Government, my military colleagues, and
with the Congress to accomplish this transformation.
I would also seek to ensure that we continue our vital cooperation
with the Republic of Korea in the Six-Party talks to complete the
denuclearization of the Korean peninsula and to implement fully the
vision set out in the Joint Statement of Principles agreed to by all
six parties in September 2005. With successful denuclearization, the
Joint Statement commits the United States and the other parties to the
normalization of relations, to economic and energy assistance to North
Korea, and to achieving a permanent peace arrangement in Korea, along
with a peace and security mechanism for the region. It is an ambitious
agenda. The United States and the Republic of Korea will need to work
closely together to succeed.
As democratic societies, the United States and South Korea also
share a deep interest in promoting an improved human rights situation
in North Korea. This interest is particularly keen among the many
Koreans whose families were tragically separated by the Korean War.
President Lee and his government have made clear the importance the
Republic of Korea attaches to this issue. The United States has equally
deep resolve. If confirmed, I will work closely with the South Korean
Government on the issue of human rights in North Korea, including in
seeking sustainable solutions to the plight of North Korean asylum
seekers.
The United States-Korea Free Trade Agreement would, upon approval
by the legislatures of both countries, open South Korea's growing
market of 49 million consumers to the full range of United States goods
and services, from agriculture to autos to telecommunications services.
The KORUS FTA is the most commercially significant free trade agreement
the United States has concluded in over 15 years. If confirmed as
ambassador, and upon FTA ratification, I will make it a top priority to
work with the United States Trade Representative to ensure that the
provisions of the agreement are enforced across the board. This
includes enhancing our current cooperation with the South Koreans on
environment and labor standards.
Moreover, we must ensure that the Republic of Korea follows
international guidelines and fully reopens its market to United States
beef. If confirmed, and as the progeny of Texas ranchers, you can be
assured I will do all I can to ensure that our safe and delicious beef
has unrestricted access to the South Korean market.
South Korea is a natural candidate for the Visa Waiver Program,
and, if confirmed, I will work with the Government of the Republic of
Korea to address the legislative requirements for entry, including
increased information sharing, greater law enforcement cooperation, and
the timely production of a South Korean electronic passport. I will
work with the Department of Homeland Security and with Korean
authorities to ensure that, consistent with congressional and
administration requirements, the security, immigration, and law
enforcement interests of our Nation are strengthened by the inclusion
of the Republic of Korea in the Visa Waiver Program.
Continued progress on all these fronts will indeed grow the United
States-Republic of Korea relationship in important ways. I believe we
have the opportunity to take the alliance to a new level. While I hope
my long experience in Korea in the 1970s and the 1980s, as well as more
recently working on Korean issues from Washington, will be useful, I am
mindful that, particularly in the beginning, I must be careful to
observe, listen, and learn. I am concentrating my efforts, at present,
on improving my Korean language skills. If confirmed, I will be the
first United States Ambassador to Korea able to speak directly to the
Korean people in their own language. I believe that using Korean myself
in speeches, with the press, and in engaging in a dialog with Koreans
from all walks of life, and supporting and encouraging other embassy
officers to do the same, will enhance our own understanding of Korea as
well as get our message out better. I also want to look at our exchange
programs, such as the range of educational, technical, and business
efforts ongoing, and think about how we might expand or use them
better. We should ensure our educational and cultural exchange programs
provide expanded opportunities for participation to groups that have
been traditionally underrepresented but who are now becoming important
voices in Korean society. I understand how Koreans, at every level of
society, look to the Internet for information and news and how
important it is to shape opinion. And I understand the critical role
our Korean employees have in the success of our mission operation in
Korea, and I would make sure embassy management continued to nurture
this important resource.
Question. As you are aware, the Republic of Korea is often the
destination of North Korean refugees, some of whom spend years making
their way through China and elsewhere in the region, hoping to
eventually arrive in Seoul. Challenges of assimilation to a new life in
South Korea are genuine.
In recent weeks, the Government of Thailand has reportedly signaled
its interest in sending a few hundred North Koreans presently detained
in Bangkok, on to Seoul. How does the United States Government
presently assist South Korea on matters related to North Korean
refugees, and is the United States encouraging the South Korean
Government to make necessary arrangements so that the North Koreans
presently in Thailand may be moved on to Seoul?
Answer. The United States Government, since the passage of the
North Korean Human Rights Act has expanded its efforts to protect and
assist North Korean refugees, including working, quietly if necessary,
with other governments and international organizations, to help North
Korean asylum seekers obtain protection and permanent resettlement.
We are in close and frequent communication with the South Korean
Government on issues related to North Korean asylum seekers, and if
confirmed I will seek to expand our work together to find sustainable
solutions for this vulnerable population. Numerous United States
Government and embassy officials, including Ambassador Vershbow earlier
this month, have visited the Hanawon resettlement center and discussed
these issues with Republic of Korea Government authorities. Also,
earlier this month, four North Koreans who have resettled in the
Republic of Korea and are active in NGOs in Seoul, visited the United
States as part of the State Department International Visitor Program to
study programs in the United States to assist and resettle refugees
here. When resettlement in the United States is desired by North
Koreans and we are able to obtain needed host government cooperation,
we actively seek to ensure this option is available. Forty-six North
Koreans have been resettled in the United States as refugees in recent
years. We would be happy to provide a classified briefing on our
efforts in specific countries, including those referenced in your
question.
______
Responses of William Todd to Questions Submitted
by Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. What are the primary United States foreign policy
objectives related to Brunei?
Answer. Our foreign policy objectives in Brunei mirror those for
the Asia-Pacific region in general:
Regional Security: Strengthening regional security by
garnering Brunei's support for enhanced United States relations
with ASEAN and encouraging expansion of its contributions to
peacekeeping operations in the region and to other multilateral
undertakings;
Stability: Safeguarding Brunei's long-term stability by
helping to improve its counterterrorism and defense
capabilities through law enforcement and military-to-military
cooperation and by encouraging broader popular participation in
the political process through development of the country's
legislative council;
Outreach: Improving perceptions of the United States among
Brunei's largely Muslim population and its decisionmakers
through outreach, exchange programs, and promotion of United
States education;
Sustainable Development: Increasing opportunities for United
States firms to compete in Brunei through an expanding trade
dialog focused on improving protection of intellectual property
rights and opening markets for United States goods and
services, while contributing to sustainable development through
conservation of Brunei's tropical forests.
Question. How many students from Brunei have studied in the United
States during the past 7 years? Does the United States Government, or
American colleges and universities, actively recruit Brunei students?
Answer. There have been approximately 136 students who have studied
in the United States during the past 7 years. The year-by-year
breakdown is given below.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
No. of
Year students
------------------------------------------------------------------------
2006/07.................................................... 24
2005/06.................................................... 12
2004/05.................................................... 18
2003/04.................................................... 13
2002/03.................................................... 17
2001/02.................................................... 27
2000/01.................................................... 25
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Source: International Institute of Education (IIE) Open Doors
statistics.
The embassy in Bandar Seri Begawan actively promotes United States
higher education as part of our foreign policy objective of creating a
greater understanding of United States society and policies by Brunei's
majority-Muslim population. Embassy officials often speak to target
audiences of prospective students to encourage study in the United
States. They and other State Department officials also helped arrange a
visit in 2007 by Brunei's Deputy Minister of Education to several
leading United States universities to establish contact with Islamic
studies programs. The Minister of Education plans to visit the United
States in 2008 to build partnership relations between United States
universities and the University of Brunei Darussalam, which the embassy
expects will result in increased student exchanges--both short and long
term--between the United States and Brunei.
The embassy in Bandar Seri Begawan worked to place United States
institutions of higher learning on a list of Ministry of Defense-
recommended schools, as part of the embassy's campaign to promote
United States schools to Bruneians, who historically have looked to the
United Kingdom and Australia for foreign study. As a result, five
students entered U.S. universities through this new track for the
current academic year and our embassy anticipates four more will enter
in the 2008/09 academic year. The embassy is also working with the
Ministry of Education to allow students to use other Brunei Government
scholarship programs to attend United States educational institutions.
In the past year, the embassy also assisted the following American
colleges or universities visiting Brunei to recruit students:
Tufts University (Fletcher School)
Upper Iowa University
Portland State University
State University of New York--Binghamton
Creighton University
University of Denver
Eckerd College
Herkimer Community College
Question. What is the present level of Brunei investment in the
United States? Do you anticipate an increase in such investment in the
future?
Answer. Exact figures for the present level of Brunei's investment
in the United States are difficult to obtain, because the United States
does not require the registration of investments and the level of
Bruneian direct investment flows are small.
According to industry estimates, Brunei holds substantial foreign
assets globally, estimated at $30 billion dollars, through its Brunei
Investment Agency (BIA), a sovereign wealth fund. Brunei's investments
in the United States include luxury hotels in New York and California.
Other financial assets are believed to be managed by U.S. financial
institutions.
The current value of the United States dollar would appear
conducive to growing Bruneian investment in United States equities and
bonds, but we are not aware of any plans for Brunei to acquire
controlling interests or direct equity stakes in additional United
States companies. Traditionally, the BIA has preferred passive,
indirect investments to direct equity investments.
Question. During the past 5 years, what cabinet or subcabinet level
United States officials have visited Brunei? What United States
military leaders have visited Brunei during the same time period?
Answer. Assistant United States Trade Representative Barbara Weisel
visited Brunei in May 2007. In December 2002, the Sultan of Brunei met
with President Bush at the White House, and with Secretary Powell. In
addition, the President has met the Sultan of Brunei every year at the
annual APEC leaders meeting. Brunei hosted APEC in 2000, which
President Clinton attended, and the ASEAN Regional Forum in July 2002,
which Secretary Powell attended.
The following United States military leaders have visited Brunei in
the last five years:
April 2008: Pacific Commander Admiral Keating
May 2006: Deputy Under Secretary for Defense Lawless
March 2006: Pacific Commander Admiral Fallon
March 2005: U.S. Army Pacific Commander LTG Brown
______
Responses of Scot A. Marciel to Questions Submitted
by Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. It has been expressed to the committee that congressional
passage of additional sanctions against Burma could contribute to
Thailand turning more toward China in the future. What is the
Department's perspective on this issue? Why might Thai officials be
concerned by additional Burma sanctions?
Answer. We would not expect legislation authorizing additional
sanctions on Burma to significantly affect Sino-Thai relations.
Economic sanctions are an important tool for pressuring the Burmese
regime to respect the desire of the Burmese people for a peaceful
transition to a democratic government that respects their human rights.
It is crucial, however, that sanctions laws preserve sufficient
flexibility for the United States Government to use sanctions as an
effective tool to influence the regime's behavior without unduly
jeopardizing other U.S. foreign policy interests. By authorizing,
rather than mandating, a prohibition on the importation of Burmese-
origin gemstones from third countries, such as Thailand, for example,
sanctions legislation would allow the President the necessary degree of
flexibility.
During remarks at the Center for Strategic and International
Studies on March 20, Thai Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama reiterated
his government's opinion that sanctions will be counterproductive in
Burma, and that Thailand is better placed to argue for democratization
there in the context of neighborly engagement than it would be were it
to adopt or support sanctions. He also noted that as Burma's neighbor,
Thailand needs Burmese cooperation on critical cross-border issues like
trafficking in narcotics and persons and migration, and therefore must
maintain a working relationship with the Burmese regime.
Thailand may also be concerned about the impact on the Thai economy
of additional sanctions on Burma. Bangkok is a major center for cutting
and polishing colored gemstones and Burma exports almost all of its
high quality rubies there. Restrictions on importing finished items to
the United States that incorporate Burmese stones could negatively
affect Thailand's jewelry industry, which reportedly earned $938.8
million from exporting precious stones and jewelry to the United States
in 2006.
Question. What is the present status of the military-to-military
relationship with Thailand? What changes, if any do you project with
the military-to-military relationship over the next 5 years?
Answer. United States-Thailand military relations have returned to
full strength following the removal of legal restrictions on assistance
and policy restrictions on other military cooperation imposed after the
September 2006 coup. Upon the installment of a democratically elected
Thai Government on February 6, Thailand is again eligible to receive
Foreign Military Financing, International Military Education and
Training, 1206, and Peacekeeping Operations (as a Global Peace
Operations Initiative partner) assistance. The Departments of State and
Defense are working to resume those programs expeditiously using
available funds. The administration's fiscal year 2008 budget and
fiscal year 2009 request both feature military assistance for Thailand.
Our military-to-military relationship with our long-time treaty
ally goes far beyond assistance. Thailand hosts more exercises annually
with the United States than any other country in Southeast Asia,
including our signature Cobra Gold multinational exercise. Thailand has
contributed forces to our highest priority military missions in Iraq
and Afghanistan and has pledged a battalion of peacekeepers for the
U.N. mission in Darfur. Access to Thai military facilities was critical
to United States regional humanitarian relief efforts following the
tsunami in 2004. Continued access is key to our long-term regional
security interests. We also recognize the region's security
challenges--natural disasters, maritime security, counterterrorism, and
piracy--and work closely with Thailand to ensure Thailand obtains and
maintains the necessary capabilities to contribute to the region's
security and stability.
We expect the current high level of cooperation to exist well into
the future, and communicate regularly with our Thai allies on how to
deepen and strengthen our military ties to meet future challenges. We
expect Thailand's enthusiastic participation in peacekeeping operations
to continue, and its contribution to regional maritime security efforts
to increase. The Thai military is also pursuing an ambitious defense
reform project, having already completed the assessment phase of a
United States-sponsored Defense Resource Management Study, focusing and
tailoring existing Theater Security Cooperation tools to improve
training and educational institutions.
We anticipate hosting a round of strategic dialog talks later this
year that will include discussion of the military relationship. These
talks will build upon the recent visits of Pacific Command's Admiral
Keating to Thailand and the Thai Deputy Supreme Commander's visit to
Washington, both of which followed Thailand's return to elected
government and the accompanying reengagement of our militaries at
senior levels.
Question. What is the status of Thailand' military relationship
with China? What agreements of any kind, have been finalized between
Thailand and China during the last 6 years?
Answer. China and Thailand's military relationship has continued to
improve over the last several years. Following the September 2006 Thai
military coup, many countries, including the United States, imposed
restrictions on various military-to-military programs. At the same
time, China intensified its engagement with the Thai military.
China continues to offer seats in its military schools to Thai
personnel and is supporting Chinese language classes in Thai military
academies in order to increase the number of Thais able to train in
China. In addition, in 2006-2007, China sent a Major to the Royal Thai
Army Command and General Staff College, a first in China-Thailand
military relations.
China has also used senior visits and offers of assistance to
cultivate stronger ties with the Thai military. The extent to which the
Thai have accepted assistance is unclear, but it is widely believed
that the two countries made commitments to future military cooperation
during senior-level official exchanges over the past 2 years. According
to Chinese state media, Thailand and China staged a joint search and
rescue exercise in December 2005. Following an early 2007 visit by
then-Thai Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont to China, the first ever
Thai-Chinese Special Forces bilateral training exercise took place in
Guangzhou, China, in July 2007; a follow-on exercise is scheduled to
take place in Thailand this summer. Thailand has also invited the PRC
to send official observers to the annual COBRA GOLD multinational
military exercise held in Thailand in 2008.
Question. Given the diplomatic and economic reemergence of China
throughout Southeast Asia, what are your recommendations for the United
States toward providing a balance in the region consistent with our
foreign policy objectives?
Answer. China's growing presence in Southeast Asia does not mean
that the United States will play a smaller role. We do not see this as
a zero-sum game. More trade between Southeast Asia and China does not
necessarily mean less trade between Asia and the United States. And a
more capable China acting as a responsible stakeholder in the region
may benefit the United States as well as other countries.
The United States strongly supports ASEAN's integration efforts as
its member states work to realize the vision of a dynamic, outward
looking ASEAN, living in peace, stability, and prosperity. We seek to
be a part of and contribute to the successful political, economic, and
social integration of the ASEAN community. The United States will
remain a partner valued by our friends in Southeast Asia by continuing
our deep bilateral and multilateral involvement with the region.
In fact, the United States is increasing its engagement with the
Asia-Pacific region in line with our growing interests there. Our
engagement is developing through our work with individual countries,
the enhanced partnership with ASEAN, new cooperation in the ASEAN
Regional Forum, and our leadership role in APEC.
As we develop our increasing engagement with Southeast Asia, in
particular, we are drawing on America's unique strengths. No other
country enjoys the depth and breadth of engagement we have with that
region through the work of numerous U.S. Government agencies, programs
undertaken by our individual states, the deep commercial ties developed
by our businesses, the cooperation built up by numerous educational
institutions and organizations outside of government, and the ties of
millions of families and individuals that span the Pacific. We are
involving them all in our programs with ASEAN.
Question. Recent news reports state that North Korea has been
selling multiple rocket launchers to Burma. What is the projected
dollar amount and description of annual military--related transfers
from North Korea to Burma since and including 2000?
Answer. We have seen these press reports. We closely monitor
reports of North Korean weapons sales to Burma, keeping in mind that
U.N. Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1718, adopted unanimously on
October 14, 2006 after the DPRK announced it had conducted a nuclear
test, remains in effect and is legally binding on all member states of
the U.N.
As we proceed with denuclearization efforts in the Six-Party Talks
process, all U.N. member states should continue in parallel to
cooperate to ensure the full and effective implementation and
enforcement of UNSCR 1718, which includes a prohibition on the
procurement of large caliber artillery systems from the DPRK.
While we cannot provide specific information in an unclassified
response, we would be pleased in a classified setting to brief the
committee on the question of military related transfers from North
Korea to Burma since 2000.
Question. What is the perspective of the U.S. Department of State
regarding the reported presence of North Korean military personnel in
Burma?
Answer. Given that U.N. Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1718
bans certain kinds of military trade and cooperation involving North
Korea for all U.N. member states, and that the Burmese military
continues to repress citizens of Burma, we are following closely and
with serious concerns the reports of military cooperation between Burma
and North Korea.
Question. When did U.S. officials last meet with Aung San Suu Kyi?
When was she last allowed to meet with her physician?
Answer. U.S. officials have been unable to meet with Aung San Suu
Kyi since she was placed under house arrest following the assault on
her and her National League for Democracy colleagues at Depayin in May
2003. The last senior U.S. official to travel to Burma to meet Aung San
Suu Kyi was then Deputy Assistant Secretary Matthew Daley in April
2003.
The Burmese regime allows Aung San Suu Kyi's physician to visit her
periodically. We understand that he has visited her earlier this year.
Question. How do United States officials incorporate issues related
to Burma in our bilateral discussions with India, China, Japan,
Singapore, and other countries that actively engage with the Burmese
military junta?
Answer. U.S. officials regularly raise Burma with our interlocutors
in these countries. We consistently encourage these and other foreign
governments to use the influence that they have with the Burmese
military regime to press the regime to begin a genuine dialog with
democratic and ethnic minority representatives on a transition to a
civilian, democratic government.
Question. On an individual country basis, please provide the
committee with a list of economic, military, and all other agreements
finalized between the People's Republic of China and ASEAN countries,
since and including 2000.
Answer. China has likely concluded hundreds of agreements with
individual ASEAN countries since 2000. There is no comprehensive
register of such agreements. Attached is a list of those currently
known to the Department.
China has also concluded at least 17 agreements with ASEAN, which
are also noted in the attachment.
attachment--agreements between the people's republic
of china and asean countries
Agreements between China and Brunei
1. Seventeen bilateral agreements are mentioned, but no list or
dates are available.
2. Agreement on Investment Mutual Encouragement and Mutual
Protection, November 2000.
3. China International Petroleum and Chemical Industries Joint
Company and Brunei's Shell Petroleum Company signed Long-Term Contract
on Champion Crude Oil, November 2000.
4. Agreement on Cooperation between the Supreme People's
Procuratorate of China and Procuratorate-General of Brunei, 2002.
Agreements between China and Cambodia
1. Agreement on Cooperation between the Government of the People's
Republic of China and the Government of the Kingdom of Cambodia in
Combating Transnational Crime, April 8, 2006.
2. Memorandum of Understanding between the Ministry of Health of
the People's Republic of China and the Ministry of Health of the
Kingdom of Cambodia on Cooperation in the Field of Health, April 8,
2006.
3. Memorandum of Understanding on the Construction of Greater
Mekong Subregion Information Superhighway Network Cambodian Section
between the Ministry of Information Industry of People's Republic of
China and the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications of the Kingdom
of Cambodia, April 8, 2006.
4. Agreement on Economic and Technical Cooperation between the
Government of the People's Republic of China and the Royal Government
of Cambodia (80 Million Yuan Grant), April 8, 2006.
5. Agreement on Economic and Technical Cooperation between the
Government of the People's Republic of China and the Royal Government
of Cambodia (80 Million Yuan Noninterest Loan. April 8, 2006.
6. Exchange of Notes on the Provisions of 30 Fire Trucks to the
Royal Government of Cambodia by the Government of the People's Republic
of China, April 8, 2006.
7. Exchange of Notes on the Provision of One Unit of THSCAN Mobile
Container Scanning System to the Royal Government of Cambodia by the
Government of the People's Republic of China, April 8, 2006.
8. Exchange of Notes on the Survey Study of the Project of
Establishment of National Botanical Garden in Cambodia, April 8, 2006.
9. The General Loan Agreement Regarding the Utilization of 200
Million U.S. Dollar Preferential Buyer's Credit from the Government of
the People's Republic of China to the Government of the Kingdom of
Cambodia between the Export and Import Bank of China and the Ministry
of Economy and Finance of the Kingdom of Cambodia, April 8, 2006.
10. Government Concessional Loan Agreement between the Export and
Import Bank of China as Lender and the Ministry of Economy and Finance
of the Kingdom of Cambodia as Borrower on the Project of Upgrading
Cambodian National Telecom Network, April 8, 2006.
11. Agreement between the State Administration of Cultural Heritage
of the People's Republic of China and the Authority for the Protection
and Management of Angkor and the Region of Siem Reap of the Kingdom of
Cambodia on the Second-Phase Project of the Joint Protection of Angkor
Temples, April 8, 2006.
Agreements between China and Indonesia
1. Exchange of notes in regard with the setup of Indonesian
consulates general in Guangzhou and Shanghai, March 2002.
2. Air Transport Agreement, Investment Protection Agreement, Sea
Transportation Agreement, Agreement on Avoiding Dual Taxation,
memorandum for understanding of cooperation in the fields of mining,
forestry, tourism, fishery, transportation, agriculture and finance,
etc., dates not available.
3. Agreement on mutually granting judicial assistance, July 2000.
4. Agreement on Conducting Chinese Examination in Indonesia, May
2000.
5. Agreement for Cultural Cooperation, November 2001.
6. Joint statement on the direction of the development of bilateral
relations in the future, May 2000.
7. Memorandum of understanding about putting in place a joint
committee on bilateral cooperation, May 2000.
Agreements between China and Laos
1. Joint Statement on the Bilateral Cooperation, November 2000.
2. Seven cooperation agreements in the sectors of economy,
technology, energy and e-governance, March 8, 2008.
3. Comprehensive agreement to boost all-round cooperative relations
to strengthen bilateral ties, March 30, 2008.
Agreements between China and Malaysia
1. More than 10 agreements on economic and trade cooperation such
as Agreement on Avoidance of Double Taxation, Trade Agreement,
Agreement on Investment Protection, Shipping Agreement, and Air
Transport Agreement. (Dates not available.)
2. Agreement between the Chinese People's Bank and the National
Bank of Malaya on Bilateral Exchange of Currencies. October 20002.
3. Memorandum of Understanding on Aviation Cooperation between
China and Malaysia, 2002.
Agreements between China and Burma
1. Seven documents on bilateral cooperation, including Sino-Burmese
Agreement on Fishery Cooperation, and Sino-Burmese Agreement on
Investment Protection, and agricultural, natural cum human resources
development as well as infrastructural construction, December 12-15,
2001.
2. Intergovernmental Agreement on China's remittal of Part of
Myanmar's overdue debt, January 2003.
3. Agreement on investment promotion and protection, (date not
available).
4. Joint Statement Concerning Framework Document on Future
Cooperation in Bilateral Relations between the People's Republic of
China and Federation of Myanmar, June 6, 2000.
Agreements between China and the Philippines
1. Joint Statement between the Government of the Republic of the
Philippines and the Government of the People's Republic of China on the
Framework of Bilateral Cooperation in the 21st Century. Signed in
Beijing on 16 May 2000.
2. Memorandum of Understanding between the Philippine Council of
Young Political Leaders (PCYPL) Foundation, Inc. and Chinese
Association for International Understanding (CAFIU). Signed in Beijing
on 5 July 2005.
3. Memorandum of Understanding on Defense Cooperation between the
Department of National Defense of the Republic of the Philippines and
the Ministry of National Defense of the People's Republic of China.
Signed in Beijing on 8 November 2004.
4. Agreement between the Department of National Defense of the
Republic of the Philippines and the Ministry of National Defense of the
People's Republic of China on China's Provision of Military Aid Gratis
to the Philippines. Signed in Beijing on 8 November 2004.
5. Agreement between the Department of National Defence of the
Republic of the Philippines and the Ministry of National Defence of the
People's Republic of China on China's Provision of Military Aid Gratis
to the Philippines. Signed in Beijing on 10 October 2006.
6. Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
Republic of the Philippines and the Government of the People's Republic
of China on Cooperation against Illicit Traffic and Abuse of Narcotic
Drugs, Psychotropic Substances, and Precursor Chemicals. Signed in
Beijing in October 2001.
7. Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
Republic of the Philippines and the Government of the People's Republic
of China on Cooperation in Combating Transnational Crime. Signed in
Beijing in October 2001.
(8. Agreement on Cooperation between the National Prosecution
Service of the Department of Justice of the Republic of the Philippines
and the Supreme People's Procuratorate of the People's Republic of
China. Signed in Beijing in October 2000.
9. Treaty on Extradition between the Republic of the Philippines
and the People's Republic of China. Signed on 30 October 2001.
10. Letter of Intent between the Philippine National Oil CO.
Exploration Corp. and the China National Offshore Oil Corp. (CNOOC). 10
November 2003.
11. An Agreement for Joint Marine Seismic Undertaking on Certain
Areas in the South China Sea By and Between Philippine National Oil
Company and China National Offshore Oil Corporation. Signed in Beijing
on 1 September 2004.
12. An Agreement for Joint Marine Seismic Survey in Certain Areas
in the South China Sea by the Philippine National Oil Company (PNOC),
the China National Offshore Oil Company (CNOOC), and the Vietnam Oil
and Gas Corporation (PETROVIETNAM). Signed on 14 March 2005.
13. Memorandum of Understanding between Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas
and the People's Bank of China on the Establishment of Banking
Institutions in Each Other's Territories. Signed on 17 May 2000.
14. Cooperation Agreement between the Philippine Chamber of
Commerce and Industry (PCCI) and China Council for the Promotion of
International Trade (CCPIT). Signed in October 2001.
15. Bilateral Swap Agreement between the Bangko Sentral ng
Pilipinas and the People's Bank of China. Signed in Manila on 30 August
2003.
16. Memorandum of Understanding on Mining Cooperation between the
Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) and China's Ministry of Commerce
(MOFCOM). Signed in 18 January 2005.
17. Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
Philippines and the Government of the People's Republic of China on the
Promotion of Trade and Investment Cooperation. Signed in Manila on 27
April 2005.
18. Agreement on Economic and Technical Cooperation between the
Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Government of the
People's Republic of China. Signed in Manila on 27 April 2005.
19. Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the
Republic of the Philippines and the Government of the People's Republic
of China on the Early Harvest Program under the Framework Agreement on
Comprehensive Economic Cooperation between the Association of South
East Asian Nations and the People's Republic of China. Signed in Manila
on 27 April 2005.
20. Framework Agreement between the Government of the Republic of
the Philippines and the Government of the People's Republic of China on
Provision of Concessional Loan by China to the Philippines. Signed in
Manila on 27 April 2005.
21. Framework Agreement on Expanding and Deepening Bilateral
Economic and Trade Cooperation between the Government of the Republic
of the Philippines and the Government of the People's Republic of
China. Signed in Manila on 15 January 2007.
22. Memorandum of Understanding between the National Economic and
Development Authority and the Department of Trade and Industry of the
Republic of the Philippines and the Ministry of Commerce of the
People's Republic of China on Establishing the Economic Working Group.
Signed in Manila on 15 January 2007.
23. Memorandum of Understanding between China Export & Credit
Insurance Corporation and Philippine Government Agencies. Signed in
Manila on 15 January 2007.
24. Agreement on Economic and Technical Cooperation between the
Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Government of the
People's Republic of China. Signed in Manila on 15 January 2007.
25. Framework Agreement between the Government of the Republic of
the Philippines and the Government of the People's Republic of China on
Provision of Concessional Loan by China to the Philippines. Signed in
Manila on 15 January 2007.
26. Memorandum of Understanding between the Department of Trade and
Industry of the Republic of the Philippines and the General
Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection, and Quarantine of
the People's Republic of China on Cooperation on Industrial Products
Safety and TBT Measures. Signed in Manila on 15 January 2007.
27. Memorandum of Understanding regarding the Utilization of US$500
million Preferential Buyer's Credit Between the Department of Finance
of the Republic of the Philippines and the Export and Import Bank of
China. Signed in Manila on 15 January 2007.
28. Understanding on the Cooperation in the Fields of Agriculture,
Irrigation, and Other Related Areas between the Government of the
Republic of the Philippines and the Government of the People's Republic
of China. Signed on 16 May 2000.
29. Agreement between the Department of Finance and the China
National Construction and Agricultural Machinery Import and Export
Corporation on a US$100 million credit facility to finance agricultural
development projects in the Philippines. Signed on 20 December 2000.
30. Memorandum of Understanding between the Department of
Agriculture of the Republic of the Philippines and the Ministry of
Agriculture of the People's Republic of China on Fisheries Cooperation.
Signed in Beijing on 1 September 2004.
31. Memorandum of Understanding on the Special Treatment for Rice
between the Governments of the People's Republic of China and the
Republic of the Philippines. Signed in Manila on 27 April 2005.
32. Memorandum of Understanding on Expanding and Deepening
Agriculture and Fisheries Cooperation. Signed in Manila on 15 January
2007.
33. Memorandum of Understanding between the Department of
Agriculture of the Republic of the Philippines and the General
Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection, and Quarantine of
the People's Republic of China in the field of Sanitary and
Phytosanitary Measures. Signed in Manila on 15 January 2007.
34. Agreement on the Development of 1 million Hectares of Land for
Hybrid Corn, Hybrid Rice, and Hybrid Sorghum Farming. Signed in Manila
on 15 January 2007.
35. Agreement on the Leasing of 40,000 Hectares of Agri-Business
Lands for Sugarcane and Cassava Plantation. Signed in Manila on 15
January 2007.
36. Agreement on the Provision of a 5,000-Square Meter Space for
Philippine Tropical Fruits in the Jiangnan Fruit and Vegetable
Wholesale Market. Signed in Manila on 15 January 2007.
37. Agreement for the Establishment of a 150,000 Liter per Day-
Capacity Bio-Ethanol Plant in Palawan. Signed in Manila on 15 January
2007.
38. Joint Venture Agreement for the Manufacture of Bio-Ethanol
(B.M.S.B). Signed in Manila on 15 January 2007.
39. Joint Venture Agreement for the Manufacture of Bio-Ethanol
(Negros Southern). Signed in Manila on 15 January 2007.
40. Joint Venture Agreement for the Establishment of a 150,000
Liter per Day-Capacity Bio-Ethanol Plant. Signed in Manila on 15
January 2007.
41. Memorandum of Agreement on the Provision of Small Mobile Ice
Plant and Transport Facilities to Municipal Fishery Cooperatives and
Associations. Signed in Manila on 16 January 2007.
42. Memorandum of Agreement on the Establishment of a 35-Hectare
Demonstration Farm for Sweet Corn. Signed in Manila on 16 January 2007.
43. Memorandum of Agreement on the Construction of Ship Yard,
Establishment of a Cold Storage Facility, and Upgrading/Rehabilitation
of Certain Facilities at the Navotas Fish Port Complex (NFPC). Signed
in Manila on 16 January 2007.
44. Agreement on the Development of Candaba Swamp Resource Project
as a Source of Water for Irrigation. Signed in Manila on 16 January
2007.
45. Memorandum of Agreement on Cooperation By and Between the
Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (BFAR) and Guandong Ocean
Fisheries Administration (GDOFA). Signed in Manila on 16 January 2007.
46. Memorandum of Agreement on the Breeding and Culture of Grouper
and Other High Value Species. Signed in Manila on 16 January 2007.
47. Joint Venture Agreement on Fisheries. Signed in Manila on 16
January 2007.
48. Agreement on Breeding and Culture of Abalone, Sea Cucumbers,
Sea Urchins, and Scallops. Signed in Manila on 16 January 2007.
49. Visa Agreement allowing Filipino diplomatic and consular
personnel to receive multiple-entry entry visas from the Chinese
Government for a maximum validity period of 5 years. Signed on 3 July
2002 and entered into force on 19 December 2002.
50. Agreement Between the Government of the Republic of the
Philippines and the Government of the People's Republic of China on
Mutual Visa Exemption for Holders of Diplomatic and Official (Service)
Passports. Signed in Beijing on 1 September 2004.
51. Memorandum of Understanding on air services. Signed in Beijing
on 2 March 2004.
52. Memorandum of Understanding Between the Philippine National
Railways and China National Technical Import Export Corporation and
China National Machinery and Import & Export Corp. Signed in Manila on
15 November 2002.
53. Memorandum of Understanding Regarding the Utilization of the
US$400 million Preferential Buyers' Credit from China to the
Philippines between the Export-Import Bank of China and the Department
of Finance of the Philippines. Signed in Manila on 30 August 2003.
54. Supplemental Memorandum of Understanding between North Luzon
Railways Corporation and China National Machinery and Equipment
Corporation (Group). Signed in Beijing on 1 September 2004.
55. Memorandum of Understanding between the Department of Trade and
Industry of the Republic of the Philippines and the Ministry of
Commerce of the People's Republic of China on Infrastructure
Cooperation. Signed in Manila on 27 April 2005.
56. Memorandum of Understanding Regarding the Utilization of US$500
million Preferential Buyer's Credit from the Government of the People's
Republic of China to the Government of the Republic of the Philippines
between the Export-Import Bank of China and the Department of Finance
of the Republic of the Philippines. Signed in Manila on 27 April 2005.
57. Loan Agreement on the Provision of US$500 million Preferential
Buyer's Credit Loan for the Northrail Project Phase 1, Section 2.
Signed in Manila on 15 January 2007.
58. Concessional Loan Agreement on Nonintrusive Container
Inspection System Project Phase 2. Signed in Manila on 15 January 2007.
59. Contract Agreement between North Luzon Railways Corporation and
China National Machinery Industry Corporation for the Northrail Project
Phase 1, Section 2. Signed in Manila on 15 April 2007 (originally
signed in Beijing on 15 November 2006).
60. Engineering, Procurement, and Construction Contract for the
Rehabilitation and Upgrading of the Philippine Mainline South Railway
Project Phase 1, Section 1. Signed in Manila on 15 January 2007
(originally signed in Manila on 5 December 2006).
61. Memorandum of Understanding concerning Tourism Cooperation.
Signed in Beijing on 11 September 2002.
62. Implementation Program of the Memorandum on Tourism Cooperation
between the Department of Tourism and the China National Tourism
Administration. Signed in Beijing on 1 September 2004.
63. Memorandum of Understanding between the Department of
Transportation and Communications of the Republic of the Philippines
and the Ministry of Communications of the People's Republic of China on
Maritime Cooperation. Signed in Manila on 27 April 2005.
64. Agreement on the Protection of Cultural Heritage. Signed in
Manila on 15 January 2007.
65. Agreement on the Prevention of Theft, Clandestine Excavation,
Illicit Import and Export of Cultural Property between the Republic of
the Philippines and the Government of the People's Republic of China.
Signed in Manila on 15 January 2007.
66. Memorandum of Understanding on Sports Cooperation. Signed in
October 2001.
67. Supplemental Memorandum of Understanding between the Philippine
Sports Commission and the General Administration of Sports of the
People's Republic of China. Signed on 8 April 2005.
68. Agreement between the National Youth Commission of the Republic
of the Philippines and the All-China Youth Federation of the People's
Republic of China on Youth Affairs Cooperation. Signed in Manila on 27
April 2005.
69. Memorandum of Understanding on Further Development of Sino-
Filipino Youth Exchange between the All-China Youth Federation and the
National Youth Commission of the Philippines. Signed in Beijing on 13
July 2005.
70. Letter of Intent on Friendly Exchanges and Cooperation between
the Office of the Press Secretary of the Republic of the Philippines
and the State Council Information Office of the People's Republic of
China. Signed in Beijing on 3 September 2004.
Agreements between China and Singapore
1. Memorandum of Understanding on Air Services between Singapore
and China, November 28 to December 2, 2005.
2. Several MOUs to promote closer bilateral cooperation in areas
such as human resource development, high-tech cooperation, and
agricultural products, September 19-21, 2005.
3. MOU on the establishment of the Singapore-China Joint Investment
Promotion Committee, May 17-19, 2005.4. Defense Agreement formalizing
existing exchanges between Republic's Ministry of Defense (MinDef) and
the People's Liberation Army (PLA) and pledged to work together on
humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, January 8, 2008.
Agreements between China and Thailand
1. Memorandum of Understanding on Cooperation in Drug Prohibition
(2000).
2. Thai-China Agreement on Bilateral Currency Exchange (2001).
3. Thai-China Agreement on Cultural Cooperation (2001).
4. Memorandum of Understanding on Strengthening Cooperation in
Drug-Prohibition, 2000.
5. Agreement on Cultural Cooperation, 2001.
6. Treaty on Assistance in Criminal Judicature, 2003.
Agreements between China and Vietnam
1. Memorandum of Understanding on the Hanoi-Naning corridor and the
Huu Nghi Quan border gate, March 30, 2008.
2. Nearly 40 documents on cooperation in the diplomatic, public
security, trade, economic, scientific, technological, cultural, and
legislative areas have been signed between the departments concerned of
the two countries, dates not available.
3. Treaty on the land Boundary between China and Vietnam on
December 30, 1999 in Hanoi and exchange of instruments of ratification,
July 6, 2000.
4. Agreement on the Demarcation of the Beibu Gulf Territorial
Waters, Exclusive Economic Zones and Continental Shelf, and Agreement
on Fishing Cooperation in the Beibu Gulf, December 25, 2000.
Agreements between China and ASEAN
1. Accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast
Asia by China, October 8, 2003.
2. Joint Statement of ASEAN-China Commemorative Summit, ``Towards
an Enhanced ASEAN-China Strategic Partnership,'' October 30, 2006.
3. Joint Declaration of the Heads of State/Government of the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the People's Republic of
China on Strategic Partnership for Peace and Prosperity, October 8,
2003.
4. Memorandum of Understanding Between the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations and the Government of the People's Republic of China on
Strengthening Phytosanitary Cooperation, November 20, 2007.
5. Memorandum of Understanding between the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations (ASEAN) Secretariat and the Ministry of Agriculture of
the People's Republic of China on Agricultural Cooperation, January 14,
2007.
6. Plan of Action to Implement the Beijing Declaration on ASEAN-
China ICT Cooperative Partnership for Common Development, January 14,
2007.
7. Agreement on Trade in Goods of the Framework Agreement on
Comprehensive Economic Cooperation between the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations and the People's Republic of China, November 29, 2004,
plus Annexes.
8. Agreement on Dispute Settlement Mechanism of the Framework
Agreement on Comprehensive Economic Cooperation between the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations and the People's Republic of China, November
29, 2004.
9. Protocol to Amend the Framework Agreement on Comprehensive
Economic Cooperation Between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
and the People's Republic of China, October 6, 2003.
10. Framework Agreement on Comprehensive Economic Cooperation
between ASEAN and the People's Republic of China, November 5, 2002.
11. Joint Declaration of ASEAN and China on Cooperation in the
Field of Nontraditional Security Issues, November 4, 2002.
12. Joint Statement on ASEAN-China Port Development, China, October
29, 2007.
13. Memorandum of Understanding between the Governments of Member
Countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the
Government of the People's Republic of China on Transport Cooperation,
November 27, 2004.
14. Memorandum of Understanding between the Governments of Member
Countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the
Government of the People's Republic of China in the Field of
Nontraditional Security Issues, January 10, 2004.
15. Plan of Action to Implement the Joint Declaration on ASEAN-
China Strategic Partnership for Peace and Prosperity, October 8, 2003.
16. Memorandum of Understanding between the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Secretariat and the Ministry of
Agriculture of the People's Republic of China on Agriculture
Cooperation, November 2, 2002.
17. Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea,
November 4, 2002.
Question. Japan has actively promoted nonproliferation efforts in
Asia, such as hosting the Asian Senior-Level Talks on Nonproliferation
(ASTOP). Do you view ASTOP as a viable means of regional discussion on
matters related to the development of nuclear energy for peaceful
purposes?
Answer. The United States appreciates the leadership that Japan
shows in the Asian Senior-Level Talks on Nonproliferation (ASTOP).
Since the first meeting in November 2003, Japan has used this forum as
a way to engage the 10 ASEAN countries, as well as others in the Asia
Pacific region on nonproliferation. At the talks, Tokyo encourages
political support for nonproliferation objectives, including the
Additional Protocol, the Hague Code of Conduct on Ballistic Missiles,
strengthening of strategic trade controls, and implementation of
nonproliferation-related resolutions of the United Nations Security
Council.
This forum helps to further develop international norms on
nonproliferation in East Asia, which will help engender a climate of
compliance with the international nuclear nonproliferation regime.
This norm-strengthening work will pay dividends in the future as
countries in the region turn increasingly to peaceful nuclear power to
meet rising energy needs.
Question. Philippines' officials, namely Foreign Secretary Albert
Romulo, have taken the lead on encouraging implementation of an ASEAN
energy security plan. How do you envision the United States working
with ASEAN on matters related to energy security?
Answer. The Joint Vision Statement on the ASEAN-U.S. Enhanced
Partnership provides for cooperation on energy issues, including energy
security. Under the Enhanced Partnership, the United States already has
sponsored workshops on policies and financing needed for energy
security, as well as on the use of coal, best practices in energy
efficiency, and energy efficiency labeling that will contribute to
energy security. We will continue to work with ASEAN to promote the
adoption of policies and best practices in this area.
In addition, the larger ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) is venturing
into the field of energy security. Its work includes maritime security
exercises, assessing the physical security of energy stockpiles and
certain infrastructure, and examining how militaries in the region
approach this new issue. The United States has also engaged the ASEAN
members in APEC on a variety of energy security issues, including
preparation for energy supply disruptions through such measures as sea
lane security, real-time emergency information sharing, oil supply
emergency response, promotion of energy investment, and cooperation in
various energy sectors.
Question. The ASEAN-U.S. Enhanced Partnership, as you have noted,
sets ``a clear framework for boosting cooperation.'' Please outline
specific steps of cooperation and benchmarks achieved since the
partnership's announcement in 2005?
Answer. The United States and ASEAN have made good progress in
implementing the Enhanced Partnership, which supports plans to create
an ASEAN Community by 2015 with political/security, economic and
social/cultural pillars. Training, technical assistance, and other
cooperative programs are being implemented with ASEAN in all three
areas.
When President Bush met ASEAN leaders at APEC in November 2006, the
U.S. and ASEAN cited eight areas as priorities in the Enhanced
Partnership: economics (including good governance and combating
corruption), health, scholarships, information and communications
technology, transport, energy, disaster management, and the
environment.
An important benchmark under the Enhanced Partnership was the
signing of the Plan of Action by Secretary Rice and ASEAN Foreign
Ministers in July, 2006. The Plan of Action calls for the development
and implementation of 164 actions and programs between ASEAN and the
United States. Work has been completed or is ongoing on 127 of these
items that are of importance to both ASEAN and the United States, such
as:
The establishment of the ASEAN Wildlife Enforcement Network, which has
provided training to rangers, the judiciary, and policy
officials. Last month alone, five major seizures in ASEAN
countries of illegal wildlife and forestry products have
resulted from this training.
The first four participants in the ASEAN Fulbright Visiting Scholars
Program will begin their work in the United States in
September.
By the end of December 2007, 3,500 parliamentarians, prosecutors,
lawyers, judges, policy makers, regulators, enforcement
officers, and business persons from ASEAN have participated in
25 capacity-building and other training activities to improve
intellectual property rights administration and enforcement.
Workshops on industrial standards to increase understanding and
cooperation on this issue, which is of growing interest to both
governments and our private sector.
Training on disaster management which will help ASEAN officials respond
to natural and man-made disasters throughout the region.
Another benchmark in the Enhanced Partnership and the Plan of
Action was the conclusion of a Trade and Investment Framework
Arrangement (TIFA) between the United States and ASEAN. USTR Ambassador
Susan Schwab and ASEAN Economic Ministers signed the TIFA in August
2006. The TIFA includes a work program to assist in developing the
economic pillar of ASEAN's Community that is supported by USAID and the
Department of State.
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 16, 2008
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Callahan, Robert, to be the Ambassador to the Republic of
Nicaragua
Cianchette, Peter, to be the Ambassador to the Republic of
Costa Rica
Hodges, Heather, to be the Ambassador to the Republic of
Ecuador
Llorens, Hugo, to be the Ambassador to the Republic of Honduras
McFarland, Stephen, to be the Ambassador to the Republic of
Guatemala
Speck, Samuel, to be the Commissioner for the United States on
the United States-Canadian--United States-Canada
International Joint Commission
Stephenson, Barbara, to be the Ambassador to the Republic of
Panama
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:45 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Christopher
Dodd presiding.
Present: Senators Dodd, Feingold, Menendez, Corker,
Voinovich, and Isakson.
Also Present: Senators Snowe, Collins, and Martinez.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER J. DODD,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CONNECTICUT
Senator Dodd. My apologies to our witnesses and others in
the room. The voting gods always arrange for a vote to occur
just about the time a hearing is supposed to start.
So, I see my colleagues are here, as well, to introduce
some of our witnesses. And I'll share a few opening comments
quickly, and turn to my colleague from Tennessee, and then
welcome our guests here, as well.
So this morning, or this afternoon rather, this hearing on
the Committee on Foreign Relations will come to order, and the
committee meets to consider the nomination of seven individuals
to assume key leadership positions of the administration in
this hemisphere. There will be two panels at today's hearing.
On the first panel we have four nominees. The President has
nominated Robert Callahan to be the Ambassador to the Republic
of Nicaragua, Heather Hodges to be the Ambassador to the
Republic of Ecuador, Hugo Llorens to be the Ambassador to the
Republic of Honduras, and Stephen McFarland to be the
Ambassador to the Republic of Guatemala.
On the second panel we have three nominees. The President
has nominated Peter Cianchette--is that the correct
pronunciation? Thank you very much--to be the Ambassador to the
Republic of Costa Rica, Samuel Speck to be the Commissioner for
the United States on the United States-Canadian--United States-
Canada International Joint Commission, and Barbara Stephenson
to be the Ambassador to the Republic of Panama.
So, I want to congratulate all of our nominees on your
willingness to serve and congratulate you on being nominated by
the President to be an ambassador.
I also welcome my colleagues, Senator Collins, Senator
Snowe, Senator Martinez--my good friend, as well, from
Florida--who've joined us to introduce Mr. Cianchette and Mr.
Llorens. In addition, I understand Mr. Voinovich will be here
to introduce Mr. Speck.
You are here, thank you, George. I'm sorry, I didn't see
you there.
Since the end of the cold war, United States foreign policy
toward Central and South America has tended to focus narrowly
on three issues: elections, trade, and drug programs. And while
I understand and accept that these three focuses will need to
remain very much components of any policy in the region, I
believe that alone they have never been sufficient for bringing
about the real holistic change that the hemisphere requires,
that its people demand, and that serves the interest of the
United States, as well.
In the broadest sense, we need to see political development
to include civil society, institution-building, social
contracts, and of course, the rule of law. We must see beyond
free trade as a panacea to Latin America's social and economic
woes, and instead work as well to embrace holistic development,
which should include not only trade, but also investment in
infrastructure, education, public health, foreign aid, and
direct investment. And we must no longer stay the course in our
failed policies of drug eradication and demand reduction,
rather we must create smarter, targeted antidrug programs, work
to replace black-market economies with legitimate investment,
and strengthen civilian law enforcement and justice
institutions.
I credit the administration with proposing the Merida
Initiative to respond to concerns voiced by our neighbors and
their request for aid in combating increasing drug trafficking
and violence in Mexico and Central America. I support the
spirit of Merida and I hope to work closely with our allies to
make sure that we tackle these collective concerns.
But in my view, the Merida Initiative will never fully
succeed if we don't also work to put in place adequate
institutions that can systematically address civil society
institution-building, as well as corruption and the rule of
law. Our Central America neighbors will need well-trained and
equipped military forces to confront the most violent
criminals. But I would strongly argue that the region also
needs equally well-trained and equipped police and civilian
authorities operating in a fair and impartial judicial system,
to enforce and uphold the rule of law.
And joining with our neighbors to combat these increasing
problems, we must recognize that our neighbors are taking
important steps to respond to the needs of their citizens, and
they are doing so because they are closer than ever to
completing the transition to stable, democratic, civil
societies, one with social contracts who are tackling some of
their society's most difficult problems.
With the exception of Cuba, every nation in the Western
Hemisphere has a democratically elected government. But many
problems still persist as we all know, and inequality plagues
our hemisphere, income and wealth disparities in Latin America
are the worst in the world. Nicaragua, for example, is the
second poorest country in our hemisphere. In the region, social
and economic exclusion are rampant, fostering conditions in
which political radicalism thrives and crime rates soar to six
times greater than the rest of the world. As a result of these
debilitating conditions, millions of Latin Americans have
emigrated from the region to seek better opportunities for
themselves and their families. Nearly 100 million people have
left Latin America since World War II.
Many countries, such as Guatemala and El Salvador, are
struggling with impunity. Now given this duality, on the one
hand, continuing challenges we face with poverty, impunity,
crime, and violence, and on the other hand, democratic
governments responding to their people's needs, the question
seems to be how we in the United States will work to promote
our mutual interest in partnership with our neighbors to the
South, because a renewed relationship with a stronger, more
prosperous, and democratic Latin America, that can handle its
own political, social, and economic affairs is in everyone's
interest, especially those of the United States.
Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Honduras, Guatemala, and
Panama are diverse countries with proud histories. Some face
serious challenges with poverty and inequality, others with
crime and violence, but all of these countries have democratic
governments, and the United States must take the lead in
engaging these neighbors, working in a respectful manner toward
advancing our mutual interest in the broader sense.
So I welcome all of you to the committee this afternoon,
congratulate you again on being selected by our President to
serve in these important posts. And I look forward to engaging
and a good discussion with you this afternoon, along with my
colleagues on these critical manners.
Now, let me turn to my ranking subcommittee chair members,
Senator Bob Corker of Tennessee for his opening statement, and
then we'll turn to our fellow Senators who are here to present
their witnesses.
STATEMENT OF HON. BOB CORKER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TENNESSEE
Senator Corker. Mr. Chairman, thank you.
And I too want to welcome, not only these public servants,
but their families, who I can see have gathered in large
numbers, and certainly our colleagues from the Senate who know
them well and want to speak on their behalf. And as I look at
where they're going, except for Mr. Speck, who I know is going
to a different part of the world, I wonder how we functioned in
Central and South America, but we're glad that, hopefully, your
leadership is going to be in place. I certainly thank you for
your dedication.
There are a lot of challenges, as Chairman Dodd just
alluded to, that are occurring right now in Central and South
America. Both poverty, as was alluded to--we have a huge food
crisis that's brewing because of, in some cases our own
policies here--HIV/AIDS, certainly while there's been greater
cooperation on the narcotics, certainly more progress needs to
be made. Our Federal--our trade agreements, our free trade
agreements, certainly we have some that need to be approved,
and hopefully will take us even further down the road towards
prosperity in South America.
But there's no question, while there are challenges, it's a
time of great opportunity, and I'm excited for each of you. I
can see it in your eyes, you're excited about the task in front
of you.
I have just recently come from two trips to the part of the
world you're going to be representing, and look forward to
coming down many more times while you're in service. And again,
I think we have a tremendous opportunity into the future in
Central and South America. I'm thrilled to have people of your
quality serving us there, and look forward to your testimony
and confirmation.
Senator Dodd. Thank you very, very much, Senator.
We now have the opportunity to hear from our colleagues who
are here this afternoon. I thank them for coming over. And what
I want to do is ask all of our colleagues who are here to
introduce their nominees, including the second panel as well.
So, I know you have very busy afternoons in front of you here,
I won't make you wait for the second panel as well to do that.
So we'll begin with you, Senator Snowe, welcome, we're
delighted to have you here with the committee, and the
introduction of Peter Cianchette.
STATEMENT OF HON. OLYMPIA J. SNOWE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MAINE
Senator Snowe. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Dodd. That's good, the microphone works.
Senator Snowe. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman and
Ranking Member Corker. And I want to express my appreciation,
and I know along with my colleague Senator Collins, first of
all for scheduling this timely hearing on the consideration of
the President's nominee Peter Cianchette to be Ambassador to
Costa Rica.
It's certainly my distinct pleasure to be here, along with
Senator Collins, to introduce Peter Cianchette as the next
Ambassador to Costa Rica. He has been a good friend of mine for
many years and is someone who I've had the utmost regard and
highest esteem. I also want to welcome his family who's here
today, his wonderful family, his exceptional wife, Carolyn,
their two children, Evan and Maria, his parents, Bud and
Priscilla, and his brother, Earl. I know that this is a proud
moment for them as they look forward to a new chapter in
Peter's dedication to his country.
Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee, indisputably,
Costa Rica is a pivotal ally of the United States in a vital
and critical region. And we've had a history of close,
friendly, and supportive relations based on respect for a
democratic government, shared values, and human rights. The
nomination of Peter Cianchette to serve as a preeminent
diplomat in a Central American nation is an appropriate
reflection of his intellect, his ability, and his commitment to
public and private service.
Peter brings a wealth of experience in solving problems and
securing results, from both his tenure in the service in the
Maine State Legislature from 1996 to 2000, and his extensive
business background, both as--including his tenure as a senior
executive of one of Maine's top manufacturing companies, as
well as his leadership at the helm of his own company,
Cianchette Enterprises.
Peter comes from a tradition of public service. He's part
of a family that has contributed tremendously to the State of
Maine over the years. And Peter's own stellar record of
combined public and private sector service speaks to his
ability to ably and well represent the interest of the United
States in Costa Rica.
The United States and Costa Rica share growing concerns for
the environment and seek to preserve Costa Rica's important
tropical resources. Indeed, Costa Rica's primary foreign policy
objective is the promotion of environmental sustainability,
which is a lynchpin of United States-Costa Rican relations that
resulted in 2007, the largest debt for nature swap to date, in
which the United States forgave its debt in exchange for Costa
Rica's pledge to preserve large swaths of wilderness.
Peter brings an appreciation for these issues as our
natural assets are a vital component of Maine's quality of
life, with 90 percent of our land deforested, probably the only
difference is that their forests weren't covered with more than
180 inches of snow this winter, but I'm sure Peter could adapt
to that. Moreover, Peter's understanding and appreciation of
travel and tourism issues, as they are the life-blood of
Maine's economy, are especially applicable in a country that is
host up to 50,000 expatriate American citizens, including many
retirees, as well as 700,000 American visitors annually.
As someone who's devoted himself to the empowerment and
well-being of young people in Maine, whether it's Director of
the Greater Portland Big Brother/Big Sister of America, member
of the Southern Maine Community College Foundation, or Director
on the Board of the Make-A-Wish Foundation, or Yes to Youth,
which is a charitable organization to prevent at-risk behavior
in our young people, Peter will be right at home in a country
whose emphasis on education has produced a remarkable 96
percent literacy rate in universal public education.
So, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Corker, and members of
this committee, I know Peter is an individual of tremendous
energy, enthusiasm, and dedication to our country and its
finest principles, he's a person of the highest caliber, and I
believe there is no question he will skillfully represent our
nation's interest in this neighboring and critical region. So I
want to commend the committee for his consideration. Thank you,
Mr. Chairman.
Senator Dodd. Thank you very much, Senator Snowe. That was
a very generous introduction, and thank you for being with us.
Senator Collins.
STATEMENT OF HON. SUSAN M. COLLINS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MAINE
Senator Collins. Thank you, thank you, Mr. Chairman,
Senator Corker. It's my privilege today to join Senator Snowe
in presenting Peter Cianchette to this committee. We're very
proud that he has been nominated to be our next Ambassador to
Costa Rica.
As Senator Snowe indicated, the United States and Costa
Rica have a long history of friendship and cooperation. Mr.
Cianchette is an outstanding choice to strengthen this
relationship. With more than 20 years of business experience
and public service, he has a proven ability to work
cooperatively with others to achieve progress. As a dedicated
community leader and civic activist, he has a long and
distinguished record of using his talents to benefit others.
As Senator Snowe mentioned, Peter served two terms in the
Maine Legislature, he ably represented the people of South
Portland and Cape Elizabeth. He has a long business record as
well. He's been a partner in the Maine private investment firm
known as CHK Capital Partners, and he's president of one of its
portfolio companies. He's also the owner and president of the
Cianchette Group, a public affairs management and business
consulting firm. Prior to this, Peter served as the COO and
executive vice president of Pierce Atwood Consulting. He
previously had founded Cianchette Enterprises, which owned and
operated a successful employee staffing, recruiting, and
placement company. He also served, previously, as senior
executive in one of Maine's manufacturing firms, the Dragon
Products Company, a leading manufacturer of cement and
concrete, and a subsidiary of the largest cement producer in
Spain.
I mention this, in particular, because I know the chairman
is always concerned about language capabilities and skills. In
that position, Mr. Cianchette participated in meetings
conducted in Spanish, and he is continuing to perfect his
command of that language. I know that skill's going to be an
invaluable asset in the position to which he's been nominated.
Mr. Cianchette's impressive business resume is exceeded
only by his commitment to community service. I won't repeat the
long list of community organizations, which Senator Snowe has
already alluded to. But suffice it to say, that whenever a
community group needs a strong leader, they turn to Peter
Cianchette, and he always answers the call.
He is also a graduate of the University of Maine, and with
his wife Carolyn, the proud parents of two children. There's
one particular aspect of Peter's public service that I believe
deserves special mention. His service in the Maine Legislature
and his political campaigns have always been marked by
civility, decency, and integrity. He is one of those rare
elected officials who has opponents, but does not have enemies.
He is able to work with people across party lines. These
character traits have been evident in his business endeavors
and in his community service, and they will serve our nation
well if he is confirmed for this diplomatic position.
Mr. Chairman, Senator Corker, members of the committee, I
strongly endorse Peter Cianchette's nomination to be our next
Ambassador to Costa Rica, and I join Senator Snowe in
enthusiastically recommending him for your favorable
consideration.
Thank you very much.
Senator Dodd. Thank you very much, Senator Snowe.
You've got a very high bar to climb over now, Peter. I tell
you, you better be very good in your remarks, given that
wonderful introduction. And truth in advertising, of course I
think both Senator Snowe and Senator Collins are where my
brother Tom was the Ambassador of Costa Rica a number of years
ago and had the privilege of visiting him on numerous
occasions, and so it's more than just a passing familiarity
with the country. And so, we look forward to hearing from you
shortly.
Senator Martinez, welcome.
STATEMENT OF HON. MEL MARTINEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA
Senator Martinez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, thank you,
Senator Corker, and members of the committee. I'm really
delighted today to have the opportunity to be here to introduce
Hugo Llorens, the former Deputy Chief of Mission to the United
States Embassy in Madrid, and a Floridian.
Hugo, like myself, shares an immigrant background to this
country, and in one of those poignant coincidences that I like
to think as, only in America, he came to the United States 46
years ago precisely today, on April 16th of 1962.
The President nominated him to serve as Ambassador to
Honduras, and I know he's got a long list of accomplishments,
but I want to speak about Mr. Llorens in terms of my own
experience with him. I've been in Madrid when he was DCM there
and I've also been to Buenos Aires when he was DCM there. And I
have had the opportunity to work with him and see his work
firsthand and up and close and personal.
I know he could play a key role in our strong relations
with Honduras during his critical time there. Through a $215
million compact with the Millennium Challenge Corporation, the
United States is supporting Honduras' efforts to reduce poverty
and improve its citizens' quality of life. Successful
implementation of this compact will help to consolidate the
gains already made with the help of the Central America Free
Trade Agreement.
And I totally agree with the chairman's comments about
having to have a much broader approach to Latin America than
free trade and democratic institutions. Those are great and we
have to continue that commitment, but it is broader than that
and I think the MCC is one great way to broaden that. I think
that Mr. Llorens has that kind of understanding of the balance
that we have to bring in our foreign policy to all of those
issues.
He has a long--life-long commitment to serving our Nation
and serving our Nation's interest abroad. He's been in four
different continents and I just want to note that he has, in
fact, received some wonderful accolades for his work. He has
earned three superior and six meritorious awards. He is a past
recipient of the prestigious Cobb Award for excellence in
promoting of U.S. business and trade policy, and was runner-up
for the Saltsman Award for distinguished performance in
advancing U.S. international economic interest, and was also
the runner-up for the James Baker Award for the best DCM.
Hugo, I know, as all of the folks here today, not only does
this job, but they do it as a team with family members.
Lisetee, his wife, is here. She has been with him through all
the steps of his distinguished career in the Foreign Service of
our Nation.
And so, I am delighted to be here today. And with a total
passion and endorsement of Hugo Llorens to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Honduras, and commend him to the committee, and
thank you for allowing me this opportunity.
Senator Dodd. Thank you very much, Senator, and appreciate
your being at the table to introduce Mr. Llorens.
George Voinovich, our colleague from Ohio, has got a
statement to make.
Senator Voinovich. Mr. Chairman----
Senator Dodd. Thank you all very much, and Senators are
excused. We won't have any questions for you here today.
[Laughter.]
Tempting, tempting, but----
[Laughter.]
STATEMENT OF HON. GEORGE V. VOINOVICH,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OHIO
Senator Voinovich. Thank you, Senator Dodd, Senator Corker.
I'm pleased to be here today, especially because Dr. Sam Speck
has been nominated to the International Joint Commission.
Sam has an outstanding academic record, graduated from
Harvard, got his Ph.D. from Harvard, and the was the President
of Muskingum College for many years, served as a State
Representative, State Senator, and his last position was the
position as Director of the Department of Natural Resources in
Ohio.
Sam and I met when we were State reps together and worked
on the creation of the Ohio Environmental Protection Agency,
and passed the Mine Reclamation Act that served as a model to
many States throughout the country. And during the years since
then, we've stayed in touch with each other, and more recently
we've spent a lot more time together when he was Director of
the Department of Natural Resources.
In that position, as Director of the Ohio Department of
Natural Resources, he served as chairman of the Council of
Great Lakes Governors Water Management Working Group, which
helped lead the development of the Great Lakes Annex Agreement
and the Great Lakes Water Management Compact. This effort
brought together the eight Great Lake States and Canadian
provinces of Ontario and Quebec to devise a strategy to
cooperatively manage the waters of the Great Lakes. Sam's work
on the Great Lakes Water Management Initiative exemplifies his
ability to work impartially for the best outcome to manage and
protect our waters.
He's committed to preserving the Great Lakes and has served
on a variety of Great Lakes commissions and councils. He works
well with and is respected by a variety of interests to use our
waters, with his more than 30 years of public service as well
as his commitment to making our State of Ohio a better place to
work and live. I believe that Sam would bring a great deal of
knowledge, background, and expertise to the commission.
I'd like to also, Mr. Chairman, ask that two statements,
one from Governor Strickland from Ohio and one from Senator
Sherrod Brown, be submitted for the record.[The statements
referred to above appear in the ``Additional Material Submitted
for the Record'' section at the end of this hearing.]
Senator Dodd. They'll be included.
Senator Voinovich. They both strongly support Sam's
nomination to the Great Lakes Commission.
[The prepared statement of Senator Voinovich follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. George V. Voinovich,
U.S. Senator From Ohio
Good morning. I am pleased that this committee is holding today's
hearing on all of these nominees, and I am particularly pleased to see
Dr. Sam Speck's here today. I have worked with Sam for many years on
projects in Ohio, and I strongly support his nomination to the
International Joint Commission.
Many rivers and lakes lie along or across the border between the
United States and Canada. The 1909 Boundary Waters Treaty had the
foresight to establish the International Joint Commission to help solve
problems and resolve disputes in these shared waters. Canada and the
United States recognized that each country is affected by the other's
actions on boundary waters. Our two countries cooperate to manage these
waters wisely and to protect them for the benefit of both of our
citizens and future generations. Commissioners are governed by the
requirements of the Boundary Waters Treaty. They are impartial and work
toward the interests of the shared boundary waters.
Sam has had a long history of working on a portion of the United
States and Canadian boundary waters--the Great Lakes. In his most
recent position as the Director of the Ohio Department of Natural
Resources, Sam served as the Chair of the Council of Great Lakes
Governors' Water Management Working Group which helped to lead the
development of the Great Lakes Annex Agreement and the Great Lakes
Water Management Compact. This effort brought together the eight Great
Lakes States and Canadian Provinces of Ontario and Quebec to devise a
strategy to cooperatively manage the waters of the Great Lakes. Sam's
work on the Great Lakes Water Management initiative exemplifies his
ability to work impartially for the best outcome to manage and protect
our waters.
He is committed to preserving the Great Lakes and has served on a
variety of Great Lakes commissions and councils. He works well with and
is respected by the variety of interests who use our waters. With his
more than 30 years of public service, as well as his commitment to
making our State of Ohio a better place to work and live, I believe
that Sam would bring a great deal of knowledge, background, and
expertise to the commission.
Senator Dodd. Well, thank you very, very much.
You are welcome, if you want to spread out a little bit. I
know you're all going to be close to each other in the years
ahead, but if you want breathing room there.
And then what I'll do is, Mr. Llorens, I want to begin with
you and then go to Ms. Hodges and Mr. Callahan and Mr.
McFarland. If you could, I'd like you to try and keep you
remarks to about 5 minutes or so. I'm not going to bang down
the gavel, obviously, but you understand that. I know the
members would like to maybe raise some questions with you. And
any other supporting documents or information you think would
be helpful for the committee to consider during the nomination
process--we're happy to include those in the record as well.
And I know they've done this already to some degree, but I
thought, Mr. Llorens, I think these are special moments, and
I'm sure you'll make reference, all of you will, to your family
and friends who've gathered here as well, but I always like to
welcome them to the committee. This is a very important moment,
to be nominated to be an ambassador to represent our country,
is a very special moment.
I've been involved in this committee for 27 years and I
still find that one of the best jobs of all is to have a
confirmation hearing for people to serve. And I always love the
fact that people bring their families with them, as well. I
don't know if you have any here, and if you do, we're happy to
have them recognized.
STATEMENT OF HUGO LLORENS, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE
REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS
Mr. Llorens. Yeah, I'd like to--thank you, Mr. Chairman,
Ranking Member Corker, Senators. I'm truly honored to appear
before you as President Bush's nominee to serve as United
States Ambassador to Honduras. I'm deeply grateful for the
trust and confidence President Bush and Secretary Rice have
placed in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
members of this committee and Congress, as appropriate, to
advance United States interests in Honduras.
I would like to take a moment, Mr. Chairman, to acknowledge
my wife, Lisetee. She has been my life partner for 25 years----
Senator Dodd. Would you stand up and be recognized.
Welcome.
Mr. Llorens [continuing]. And she has been a dedicated
representative of our country in seven overseas postings. My
son, Andrew, a student at Loyola University in New Orleans, and
Dirk, who is living with us in Madrid, could not be here today.
But I consider myself fortunate to have my family's constant
love and support.
I came to this great Nation with my family 46 years ago as
a 7-year-old Cuban refugee. We arrived with a suitcase in hand
and a buffalo nickel in our pocket, but we knew we were richly
blessed by America's freedoms. We worked hard and an
unquenchable faith in America, as the land where dreams come
true. It is difficult to convey in words how proud I am to have
been given an opportunity to serve my adopted land these many
years, and what a profoundly humbling experience it is to be in
the presence of this committee today.
I've been a career Foreign Service officer----
Senator Dodd. The record wants to know, as I heard, it was
46 years ago today.
Mr. Llorens. Today, today.
Senator Dodd. What better way to celebrate that
anniversary.
Mr. Llorens. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I've been a career Foreign Service officer for 27 years.
I'm a Latin American hand by trade, having served in
challenging assignments in Bolivia, Paraguay, El Salvador,
Honduras, and most recently as DCM in Argentina. In the 4 years
I served in Honduras, I traveled the length and breadth of the
country and I know the land and its people. I've had the
privilege of working Latin American issues in Washington at the
State Department and at the NSC. In my current posting as DCM
in Spain, our embassy coordinates actively on Latin America
with our Spanish counterparts.
If confirmed, I will bring both the regional and executive
experience to lead our diplomatic team in Honduras.
Honduras has been a faithful and long-standing friend of
the United States. This year, Honduras will celebrate its 28th
year of unbroken civilian and constitutional rule, and will
hold elections for a new president in November 2009. The U.S.
mission I hope to lead will work closely with the current and
future government in the spirit of friendship, cooperation, and
respect.
Our hemispheric policy is based on consolidating democracy,
promoting prosperity, investing in people, and protecting the
security of the democratic state. Our key issues in Honduras
include the rule of law and good governance, regional security,
and economic development.
If I am confirmed, I will make the safety and security of
United States citizens living and visiting Honduras a top
priority. I will support our common efforts to dismantle
narcotics and human trafficking organizations. I will work to
increase economic opportunities and enable democracy to address
the dramatic social obstacles Honduras faces, especially
poverty and marginalization, which contribute to insecurity.
Criminal organizations and gangs threaten our neighbors, and it
is in our national interest to strengthen the capabilities of
the Honduran police and security forces.
If approved, the Merida Initiative will be a multifaceted
tool to partner with our Central American allies to build a
regional strategy against crime and terrorism. In addition, I
will support Honduran initiatives to revitalize the judicial
system and ensure that the fight against lawlessness and
impunity is done in full adherence to the law and respect for
individual human rights.
If confirmed, I will support the Millennium Challenge
Corporation's compact, signed in 2005, that provides Honduras
$215 million for building roads and enhancing rural
development. I will also seek to deepen two-way trade and
investment derived from CAFTA, promote U.S. business, and
protect U.S. property rights.
We have a strong record of programs with the Honduran
people thanks to the work of USAID and the Peace Corps, as well
as many public/private partnerships with United States
organizations. I will vigorously support these supports and all
efforts to deepen our engagement with the Government and people
of Honduras.
I would also encourage committee members and staff to visit
Honduras. When U.S. Senators and staff travel overseas, we're
given an enormous opportunity to advance our bipartisan agenda
with our democratic partners. If confirmed, I look forward to
welcoming the members of this committee and other Senators and
Congresspersons.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you again for
granting me the honor of appearing before you today, and
respectfully ask for you favorable consideration of my
nomination. I pledge to you that I will work hard and to the
best of my ability in Honduras to represent our great Nation.
Thank you very much.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Llorens follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hugo Llorens, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Honduras
Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Lugar, Senators, I am truly honored to
appear before you as President Bush's nominee to serve as United States
Ambassador to Honduras. I am deeply grateful for the trust and
confidence President Bush and Secretary Rice have placed in me. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with the members of this committee
and the Congress as appropriate to advance United States interests in
Honduras.
I would like to take a moment, Mr. Chairman, to acknowledge my
wife, Lisett. She has been my life partner for 25 years and a dedicated
representative of our country in seven overseas postings. My son,
Andrew, a student at Loyola University in New Orleans, and Dirk, who is
living with us in Madrid, could not be here today. I consider myself
fortunate to have my family's constant love and support.
I came to this great Nation with my family 46 years ago as a 7-
year-old Cuban refugee. We arrived with a suitcase in hand and a
buffalo nickel in our pocket, but knew we were richly blessed by
America's freedoms. We worked hard and had an unquenchable faith in
America as the land where dreams come true. It is difficult to convey
in words how proud I am to have been given an opportunity to serve my
adopted land these many years and what a profoundly humbling experience
it is to be in the presence of this committee today.
I have been a career Foreign Service officer for 27 years. I am a
Latin America hand by trade, having served in challenging assignments
in Bolivia, Paraguay, El Salvador, Honduras, and most recently as DCM
in Argentina. In the 4 years I served in Honduras, I traveled the
length and breadth of the country and I know the land and its people.
I've had the privilege of working Latin America issues in Washington at
State and the NSC. In my current posting as DCM in Madrid, I am well
grounded on European perspectives on Latin America and our embassy
cooperates on these issues with our Spanish counterparts. If confirmed,
I will bring both the regional and executive experience to lead our
diplomatic team in Honduras.
If I am confirmed, a top priority will be the security of the 7,000
American residents in Honduras and the 60,000 who travel to the country
each year. This begins with the safety of our embassy staff and their
families and the service men and women who work with our Honduran hosts
at the Soto Cano air base.
Honduras has been a faithful and longstanding friend of the United
States. This year, Honduras will celebrate its 28th year of unbroken
civilian and constitutional rule and will hold elections for a new
President in November 2009. The U.S. mission I hope to lead will work
closely with the current and future government in a spirit of
friendship, cooperation, and respect.
Our hemispheric policy is based on consolidating democracy,
promoting prosperity, investing in people, and protecting the security
of the democratic state. Our key issues in Honduras include the rule of
law and good governance, regional security, and economic development.
If confirmed, I will support our common efforts to dismantle
narcotics and human trafficking organizations. I will work to increase
economic opportunities and enable democracy to address the dramatic
social obstacles Honduras faces, especially poverty and marginalization
that contribute to insecurity. Criminal organizations and gangs
threaten our neighbors and it is in our national interest to strengthen
the capabilities of the Honduran police and security forces. If
approved, the Merida Initiative will be a multifaceted tool to partner
with our Central American allies to build a regional strategy against
crime and terrorism. In addition, I will support Honduran initiatives
to revitalize the judicial system and ensure that the fight against
lawlessness and impunity is done in full adherence to the law and
respect for individual human rights.
If confirmed, I will support Honduran efforts to take full
advantage of the Millennium Challenge Corporation's compact signed in
2005 that provides $215 million for building roads, as well as
promoting rural development. I also will seek to deepen the two-way
trade and investment flows derived from the CAFTA-DR. We have a solid
record of programs with the Honduran people thanks to the work of USAID
and the Peace Corps, which has one of the largest programs in the world
in Honduras. We also have many public-private partnerships with U.S.
organizations. I will vigorously support these programs and all efforts
to deepen our engagement with the Government and people of Honduras.
I would also encourage committee members and staff to visit
Honduras. When U.S. Senators and staff travel overseas, we are given an
enormous opportunity to advance our bipartisan agenda with our
democratic partners. If confirmed, I will look forward to welcoming the
members of this committee and other Senators and Congresspersons to
Tegucigalpa.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you again for
granting me the honor of appearing before you today and respectfully
ask for your favorable consideration of my nomination. I pledge to you
that I will work hard and to the best of my ability in Honduras to
represent our great Nation.
Thank you very much.
Senator Dodd. Thank you very much.
Ms. Hodges, welcome, good to have you with us.
STATEMENT OF HEATHER M. HODGES, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE
REPUBLIC OF ECUADOR
Ambassador Hodges. Mr. Chairman and members of the
committee, I'm honored and privileged to appear before you
today to consider my nomination as Ambassador of the United
States to Ecuador. I deeply appreciate the confidence and trust
that President Bush and Secretary Rice have placed in me.
If confirmed by the Senate, I would look forward to working
closely with this committee, along with your colleagues in the
full Congress, to advance United States interest in Ecuador.
I bring to this assignment nearly 28 years of Foreign
Service experience. Much of my career has been spent in
countries dealing with the challenges of developing and
strengthening democracies. At the moment, I am honored to serve
as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Office of the
Director General of the Foreign Service and Bureau of Human
Resources in Washington, DC. Previously, I served as United
States Ambassador to Moldova and worked overseas in Venezuela,
Guatemala, Nicaragua, Peru, and Spain.
Historically, the United States and Ecuador have been close
partners in combating narcotics trafficking, fighting
corruption, and fostering economic development. We share a
common vision of a democratic and prosperous hemisphere that
provides opportunities for all its citizens.
Ecuador is known as a nation of great natural beauty, a
nation of tremendous natural resources and biodiversity, a
country of peace whose people and diverse cultures are its
greatest strengths.
The people of Ecuador are committed to building stronger,
more transparent institutions. The United States stands ready
to assist them in reaching that goal through continued
engagement that reinforces our hemispheric commitment to
constitutional democracy, strong and inclusive institutions,
respect for the rule of law, the war on drugs, and greater,
more widely shared economic prosperity. If confirmed,
supporting these objectives would be among my highest
priorities.
The United States is concerned about the destabilizing
effects of the revolutionary armed forces of Columbia, FARC, on
the Andean region. Ecuador's fight against drug trafficking and
FARC incursions along the northern border, combined with its
efforts to bolster alternative development in the region is
crucial for United States interests.
Another priority in the United States-Ecuador relationship
is support for economic development and poverty reduction.
United States trade and economic growth assistance to Ecuador
focuses on technical assistance, training, outreach, financial
support for free and open markets, and poverty reduction.
As in most countries, Ecuador also holds both challenges
and opportunities for United States investors. I was pleased to
learn that Ecuador and Occidental Petroleum recently reached an
agreement on payment of an arbitral award in a long-standing
investment dispute, and are together addressing another
dispute. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing our efforts
to promote United States exports and commercial interests,
while encouraging Ecuadorian economic development.
Lastly, there are approximately 20,000 American citizens
living in Ecuador and another 150,000 visit the country every
year. Protecting U.S. citizens is the first responsibility of
any ambassador and, if confirmed, I will ensure that the
embassy in Quito and our Consulate General in Guayaquil
continue to provide a high level of service and attention to
our citizens.
I thank you for the opportunity to share my thoughts about
the United States relationship with Ecuador and I'm happy to
answer to answer any questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Hodges follows:]
Prepared Statement of Heather M. Hodges, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Ecuador
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored and
privileged to appear before you today to consider my nomination as
Ambassador of the United States to Ecuador. I deeply appreciate the
confidence and trust that President Bush and Secretary Rice have placed
in me. If confirmed by the Senate, I would look forward to working
closely with this committee, along with your colleagues in the full
Congress, to advance United States interests in Ecuador.
I bring to this assignment nearly 28 years of Foreign Service
experience. Much of my career has been spent in countries dealing with
the challenges of developing and strengthening democracies. At the
moment, I am honored to serve as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary
in the Office of the Director General of the Foreign Service and Bureau
of Human Resources in Washington, DC. Previously, I served as United
States Ambassador to Moldova and worked overseas in Venezuela,
Guatemala, Nicaragua, Peru, and Spain. I have been especially
privileged to work for and with extremely talented people at the
Department of State in the Foreign and Civil Service, as well as with
our very committed locally employed staff. I would also like to point
out that I completed a Pearson Fellowship in the Senate 20 years ago,
an experience I still remember fondly and for which I will always be
grateful. If confirmed, I hope that all of these experiences and
influences in my life will make me an effective ambassador to Ecuador.
Historically, the United States and Ecuador have been close
partners in combating narcotics trafficking, fighting corruption, and
fostering economic development. We share a common vision of a
democratic and prosperous hemisphere that provides opportunities for
all its citizens. The United States is the most important source of
Ecuador's imports and in turn the primary market for Ecuador's exports.
Furthermore, Ecuador is known as a nation of great natural beauty, a
nation of tremendous natural resources and biodiversity, and a country
of peace whose peoples and diverse cultures are its greatest strength.
These are challenging yet promising times for Ecuador. Since the
election of President Rafael Correa in 2006, the country's eighth
president in 10 years, there has been strong popular support for a new
constitution. A constituent assembly was elected in September of last
year and has taken up the charge of creating a new constitution, and
the people of Ecuador are committed to building stronger, more
transparent institutions. The United States stands ready to assist them
in reaching that goal through continued engagement that reinforces our
hemispheric commitment to constitutional democracy, strong and
inclusive institutions, respect for the rule of law, the war on drugs,
and greater, more widely shared economic prosperity. If confirmed,
supporting these objectives will be among my highest priorities.
The United States is concerned about the destabilizing effects of
the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) on the Andean region,
and we support regional efforts to eliminate narco terrorism and
achieve a lasting peace. Ecuador's fight against drug trafficking and
FARC incursions along the northern border, combined with its efforts to
bolster alternative development in that region, is crucial for U.S.
interests. As a result of an increased presence on the northern border,
Ecuador in 2007 was able to destroy three multi-ton cocaine
laboratories, eradicated several multi-hectare coca plots near the
Colombian border, and reported a record number of land-based drug
seizures. Also in 2007, Ecuador unveiled ``Plan Ecuador,'' which is an
integrated approach to northern border security and development aimed
at countering the influence of Colombian terrorists and
narcotraffickers on Ecuador. If confirmed, I will continue our robust
support for Ecuador's counternarcotics efforts.
Another priority in the United States-Ecuador relationship is
support for economic development and poverty reduction. Supported by
favorable global conditions, Ecuador's economic performance in recent
years has been strong. Between 2000 and 2007, per capita GDP more than
doubled to $3,270, while poverty rates fell. United States trade and
economic growth assistance to Ecuador focuses on technical assistance,
training, outreach, and financial support for free and open markets,
competitiveness and poverty reduction. Among our projects is one
focusing on microenterprises. Approximately one million people in
Ecuador--nearly 25 percent of the workforce--work in microenterprises.
Helping microenterprises grow contributes to poverty reduction and
economic growth. Thanks in large part to United States assistance,
Ecuador now has the fastest growing microfinance sector in all of Latin
America. The Andean Trade Preference Act (ATPA), enacted in 1991 and
extended three times by the Congress in the last year-and-a-half,
remains a powerful tool. It has strengthened economic ties between our
two countries and helped Ecuador create new, world-competitive
businesses such as its flower industry. The Government of Ecuador
estimates ATPA has generated over 300,000 jobs.
Ecuador is an important trading partner for the United States. As
in most countries, Ecuador also holds both challenges and opportunities
for United States investors. I was pleased to learn that Ecuador and
Occidental Petroleum recently reached agreement on payment of an
arbitral award in a long-standing investment dispute and are together
addressing another dispute. If confirmed, I look forward to continuing
our efforts to promote United States exports and commercial interests
while encouraging Ecuadorian economic development.
Lastly, there are approximately 20,000 American citizens living in
Ecuador, and another 150,000 Americans visit every year. Protecting
United States citizens is the first responsibility of any ambassador,
and, if confirmed, I will ensure that the Embassy in Quito and our
Consulate General in Guayaquil continue to provide a high level of
service and attention to our citizens. Our diplomatic representation in
Ecuador includes 11 United States agencies with 155 Americans and 266
locally employed staff. In addition, the Peace Corps has a contingent
of over 150 volunteers throughout the country. Providing an appropriate
and secure work place for our employees is a critical requirement. To
that end, the State Department will soon be opening a new chancery in
Quito, a notable accomplishment under Ambassador Jewell's leadership.
I thank you again for the opportunity to share my thoughts about
the United States relationship with Ecuador. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with you closely, and welcome the opportunity to
host you and other interested members of Congress in Quito. I am happy
to answer any questions you may have.
Senator Dodd. Thank you very, very much, Ms. Hodges.
Mr. Callahan, welcome.
I should have said Ambassador Hodges, by the way. I
apologize.
STATEMENT OF ROBERT J. CALLAHAN, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO
THE REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA
Mr. Callahan. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
If I may, I'd like to begin by introducing a few of my
family members who are here. My wife of 31 years, Debbie, who
has been my closest confidante in 28 years in the Foreign
Service, our younger son, Emmett, his older brother, our oldest
son, Andrew, is living and working in New York and couldn't be
here today, my nephew, Tim Morrison, is also here, as are a few
of my students from George Washington University, all of them
very bright young men and women who are keenly interested in
the government and in foreign policy.
Senator Dodd. Why don't they stand up and be recognized,
you probably got half the room here. [Laughter.]
The Callahans. Welcome all of you, nice to have you with
us.
Mr. Callahan. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, members of the
committee. It is an honor to appear before you today as the
President's nominee to be the United States Ambassador to
Nicaragua. I am profoundly grateful to President Bush and
Secretary of State Rice for the confidence they have placed in
me. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the members of
this committee and your colleagues in the Congress to promote
our policies in Nicaragua and when appropriate, throughout the
region.
Should I be confirmed, this will be my eighth overseas
assignment and my fourth posting to Latin America, but my first
since I left Bolivia in 1992. As someone who has developed a
keen appreciation of Latin American culture, the Spanish
language, and the profession of diplomacy, I eagerly welcome
the assignment.
I also think that my varied career with the State
Department, which has taken me from the diverse cultures of
Bolivia to the center of the former Muslim Caliphate in
Baghdad, from the enduring charms of San Jose and Tegucigalpa
to the imperial legacies of London, Athens, and Rome, has
provided me with the experience to lead effectively our mission
in Managua, should the Senate confirm me.
I am no stranger to challenging assignments and I do think
that Nicaragua will prove to be just that. There is, to begin
with, what T.S. Eliot called ``the persistence of memory,''
which of course, is not unique to Nicaragua. I would never
suggest that we should ignore history, just that our thought
and actions should not become hostage to the past. There are
too many common interests between the United States and
Nicaragua, too many problems that require our mutual attention,
resources, and energy, to dwell on what we might have done to
each other decades or even centuries ago. Acknowledge to be
sure, and learn from it, but then move on.
Every member of this committee and every American who reads
the paper or watches the news has recently come across
intemperate words directed against the United States from
certain Latin American countries, and unfortunately, Nicaragua
has, at times, been among them. This kind of rhetoric can
sting, even wound, and national leaders should always be
prudent in their language and measured in their criticism. That
said, and much to our credit, the United States has paid more
attention to Nicaraguan deeds than words, and this would seem
to be the right approach.
Our commitment to the Western Hemisphere, to help in
consolidating democracy, promoting prosperity, investing in
people, and protecting the security of the democratic state is
no where more in evidence than in Nicaragua. Working closely
with Nicaraguans from the government, police, and military,
from business and labor, and from charitable and religious
organizations, we have achieved some notable successes on a
range of issues. Through the Millennium Challenge account, our
bilateral aid, the Central American Free Trade Agreement, and
other initiatives, we have helped Nicaraguans develop their
economy.
When Hurricane Felix devastated the country's north coast
last year, we provided over $15 million in immediate
assistance. In the fight against drugs, our two countries have
worked together to seize more than 3 metric tons of cocaine so
for this year, which follows a seizure of 13 metric tons last
year. If confirmed, I will continue to support our efforts to
build a strong, sustainable, and mutually beneficial
partnership with Nicaragua, and I will regard as my most
important responsibility, the protection of American citizens.
Our official presence in Nicaragua includes representatives
from a dozen agencies of the Federal Government, as well as 165
Peace Corps volunteers, all doing extraordinary work under
difficult conditions. I will endeavor, as my predecessors have
done, to provide a high level of service to American citizens
living in and visiting Nicaragua. In addition, and should I be
confirmed, I would eagerly welcome your visiting, which would
provide excellent opportunities to engage Nicaraguans at every
level.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I recognize that
there are many challenges in further developing our
relationship with Nicaragua. If confirmed, I will work to
promote U.S. interest and develop a partnership with the
government and people of that beautiful country. Thank you for
this opportunity to appear before your committee. I would be
pleased to answer any questions you might have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Callahan follows:]
Prepared Statement of Robert J. Callahan, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Nicaragua
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an honor and
pleasure to appear before you today as the President's nominee to be
the United States Ambassador to Nicaragua. I am profoundly grateful to
President Bush and Secretary of State Rice for the confidence they have
placed in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the members
of this committee and your colleagues in the Congress to promote our
policies in Nicaragua and, when appropriate, throughout the region.
If I may, I would like to take a moment to introduce several
people. First, my wife, Debbie, who has been my life partner for over
30 years and my closest confidante during 28 years in the Foreign
Service and who, if I am confirmed, will give up her job and accompany
me once again on a foreign assignment; next, my younger son, Emmett,
who spent all but 3 years of his youth abroad as I served in various
cities on two continents, as did his older brother, Andrew, who is
living in New York and couldn't be here today; and, finally, a number
of my current and former students from George Washington University,
who have come to the hearing to witness this committee discharge its
constitutional responsibilities.
If confirmed, this will be my eighth overseas assignment and my
fourth posting to Latin America, but my first since I left Bolivia in
1992. As someone who has developed a keen appreciation of, and a
genuine affection for, Latin American culture, the Spanish language,
and the profession of diplomacy, I eagerly welcome the assignment.
I also think that my varied career with the State Department, which
has taken me from the diverse cultural expressions of Bolivia to the
former center of the great Muslim caliphate in Baghdad, from the
enduring charms of San Jose and Tegucigalpa to the imperial radiance of
London, Athens, and Rome, has provided me with the experience and
knowledge to lead effectively our mission in Managua, should the Senate
confirm me.
I am no stranger to challenging assignments, and I do think that
Nicaragua will prove to be just that. There is, to begin with, what
T.S. Elliot called ``the persistence of memory,'' which of course is
not unique to Nicaragua. I would never suggest that we should ignore
history; just that our thoughts and actions should not become hostage
to the past. There are too many common interests between the United
States and Nicaragua, too many problems that require our mutual
attention, resources, and energy, to dwell on what we might have done
to each other decades or even centuries ago. Acknowledge it, to be
sure, and learn from it, but then move on.
Every member of this committee, and every American who reads a
paper or watches the news, has recently come across intemperate words
directed against the United States from certain Latin American
countries, and unfortunately Nicaragua has at times been among them.
This kind of rhetoric can sting, even wound, and national leaders
should be prudent in their language, measured in their criticism. That
said, and much to our credit and forbearance, the United States has
paid more attention to Nicaraguan deeds than words, and this would seem
to be the right approach.
Our commitment to the Western Hemisphere--consolidating democracy,
promoting prosperity, investing in people, and protecting the security
of the democratic state--is nowhere more in evidence than in Nicaragua.
Working closely with Nicaraguans from the government, police, and
military, from business and labor, and from charitable and religious
organizations, we have achieved some notable successes on a range of
issues. Through the Millennium Challenge Account, our bilateral aid,
the Central American Free Trade agreement, and other initiatives, we
have helped Nicaragua develop its economy. We provided over $15 million
in immediate assistance when Hurricane Felix devastated the country's
North coast last year. In the fight against drugs, our two countries
have worked together to seize more than 3 metric tons of cocaine so far
this year, which follows the seizure of 13 metric tons in 2007.
If confirmed, I will continue to support our efforts to build a
strong, sustainable, and mutually beneficial partnership with
Nicaragua, and I will regard as my most important responsibility the
protection of American citizens in Nicaragua.
Our official presence in Nicaragua includes representatives from a
dozen agencies of the Federal Government as well as 165 Peace Corps
volunteers, all doing extraordinary work under difficult conditions.
I will endeavor, as my predecessors have done, to provide a high
level of service to American citizens living in and visiting Nicaragua.
In addition, and should I be confirmed, I would eagerly welcome your
visiting. Your presence provides excellent opportunities to engage
Nicaraguans at every level.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I recognize that there are
many challenges in further developing our relationship with Nicaragua.
If confirmed, I will work conscientiously to promote U.S. interests and
develop a partnership with the government and people of that beautiful
country. Thank you for this opportunity to appear before your
committee. I would be pleased to answer any questions you might have.
Senator Dodd. Thank you very, very much.
Mr. McFarland.
STATEMENT OF STEPHEN G. McFARLAND, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO
THE REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA
Mr. McFarland. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I'd like
to introduce my family. I'd like to introduce my wife, Karen
McFarland--we met at our first post in Venezuela, and my sons--
our sons, Christopher, Alexander, Andrew, and Kevin. They've
been a source of inspiration and support to me throughout our
career.
Senator Dodd. Well, welcome. Christopher particularly,
welcome, I like you. [Laughter.]
Mr. McFarland. Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it
is a great honor to appear before you today as President Bush's
nominee to serve as the United States Ambassador to Guatemala.
I'm grateful to the President and to Secretary Rice for the
trust and confidence that they have shown in sending my
nomination to you.
I'm a second generation Foreign Service officer with 31
years of service. I've served nine times in Latin America,
mostly in countries with insurgencies, political strife, and
post-conflict challenges. My earlier assignments in El Salvador
and Peru showed me the human costs when democracy falters and
when social cohesion fails. As Deputy Chief of Mission and
Charge in Guatemala from 2000 to 2003, I worked closely with a
broad range of Guatemalans on bilateral issues.
My most recent assignment was as team leader of a
Provincial Reconstruction Team embedded with the 2nd Marine
Regiment in Western Iraq. There I saw the accomplishments of
interagency leadership and teamwork, and I bear witness to the
dedication and sacrifices of Americans and Iraqis. If confirmed
as ambassador, I would use this experience to lead an active
interagency embassy team.
The United States overarching objective in Guatemala is to
support democracy. Democracy, in turn, requires security,
prosperity, and the rule of law. These objectives are mutually
reinforcing. Guatemalans ended their internal conflict through
the 1996 Peace Accords. Out of the ashes of a cruel war, they
embarked on an admirable, but unfinished effort to incorporate
all citizens of all ethic groups, all social classes, into
Guatemala's democratic society.
Guatemala's democracy faces great challenges, corruption
and organized crime, impunity and human rights abuses, drug and
gang violence, and extreme poverty, including child mortality
and malnutrition rates in some areas among the worst in the
hemisphere. The United States has been a partner with success
of Guatemalan Governments and civil society on these
interrelated issues, and both countries that major progress is
vital. If confirmed, I am committed to working with this
committee, with the Congress, with all executive branch
agencies, and with the Guatemalan, and other groups to continue
efforts to address these challenges.
President Alvaro Colon took office in January 2008 and is
building upon Guatemala's friendly relations with the United
States. He has pledged to help the poor and the indigenous, and
to improve security and transparency. In January, Guatemala and
the U.N. inaugurated the commission against impunity in
Guatemala. As President Bush said in his visit to Guatemala
last year, ``Strong democracy requires security from drug lords
and violent criminals.'' The United States provides Guatemala
cooperation in law enforcement and the Merida Initiative, if
approved by Congress, would greatly increase cooperation on law
enforcement and citizen security issues.
The CAFTA agreement has increased trade, greater security,
transparency, and infrastructure would encourage even more
investment in trade. Health and education, two issues that
President Bush raised in his visit, also need more investment
for Guatemala to take full advantage of CAFTA. If confirmed, I
will work closely with the Guatemalan Government and with
Guatemalan and American businesses in our shared interests in
trade and economic opportunities.
Civil society, including the private sector, plays an
important role in Guatemala. The ties between Guatemalan and
American civil society strengthen our bilateral relations. If
confirmed, I would seek to support these bonds, including
through additional public diplomacy outreach.
Some 350,000 Americans visit Guatemala each year, another
25,000 live there. Many Americans have also adopted Guatemalan
children. If confirmed, two of my top priorities would be the
safety of American citizens and support for a transparent,
efficient, adoption process in accordance with Guatemalan and
American laws.
Embassy Guatemala also has some 400 American and Guatemalan
employees who work in a dozen agencies, as well as 200 Peace
Corps volunteers. Their safety and support would also be a
major concern of mine.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, for the
opportunity to appear before you. I would be pleased to answer
any questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. McFarland follows:]
Prepared Statement of Stephen G. McFarland, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Guatemala
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is a great honor to
appear before you today as President Bush's nominee to serve as the
United States Ambassador to Guatemala. I am grateful to the President
and to Secretary Rice for the trust and confidence they have shown in
sending my nomination to you. I would like to introduce my wife, Karin,
and to thank her for her support throughout our Foreign Service
experience. I would also like to introduce my sons, Christopher,
Alexander, Andrew, and Kevin, and to thank them for their support and
inspiration.
I am a second-generation Foreign Service officer with 31 years of
service; I have served nine times in Latin America, mostly in countries
with insurgencies, political strife, and post-conflict challenges. My
earlier assignments in El Salvador and Peru showed me the human costs
when democracy falters and social cohesion fails. As Deputy Chief of
Mission and Charge in Guatemala from 2000 to 2003, I worked closely
with a broad range of Guatemalans on bilateral issues. My most recent
assignment was as team leader of a Provincial Reconstruction Team
embedded with the 2nd Marine Regiment in western Iraq. I saw the
accomplishments of interagency leadership and teamwork, and I bear
witness to the dedication and sacrifices of Americans and Iraqis. If
confirmed as ambassador, I would use this experience to lead an active
interagency embassy team.
The United States overarching objective in Guatemala is to support
democracy. Democracy in turn requires security, prosperity, and the
rule of law; these objectives are mutually reinforcing. Guatemalans
ended their internal conflict through the 1996 Peace Accords. Out of
the ashes of a cruel war, they embarked on an admirable--but
unfinished-- effort to incorporate all citizens of all ethnic groups
and social classes into Guatemala's democratic society.
Guatemalas democracy faces great challenges: corruption and
organized crime; impunity and human rights abuses; drug and gang
violence; and extreme poverty, including child mortality and
malnutrition rates in some areas among the worst in the hemisphere. The
United States has worked as partners with successive Guatemalan
governments and civil society on these interrelated issues, and both
countries agree that major progress is vital. If confirmed, I am
committed to working with this committee, with all executive branch
agencies, and with the Government of Guatemala and other groups to
continue our efforts to address these challenges.
President Alvaro Colom took office in January 2008 and is building
upon Guatemala's friendly relations with the United States. He has
pledged to help the poor and the indigenous, and to improve security
and transparency. In January 2008, Guatemala and the United Nations
inaugurated the Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala. As President
Bush said when he visited Guatemala a year ago, ``strong democracy
requires security from drug lords and violent criminals.'' The United
States provides Guatemala cooperation in law enforcement, and the
Merida Initiative--if approved by the Congress--would significantly
increase our cooperation on law enforcement and citizen security issues
of mutual concern.
The CAFTA-DR Free Trade Agreement entered into force in Guatemala
in July 2006. It has increased trade, and President Bush's March 2007
visit to Guatemala underscored the ability of nontraditional producers
in indigenous areas to improve their standard of living under CAFTA.
However, greater security, transparency, and infrastructure are
needed to encourage more investment and trade. Health and education--
two issues that President Bush raised during his visit--also need more
investment to foster the workforce Guatemala needs to take full
advantage of the trade agreement. If confirmed, I will be work closely
with the Guatemalan Government, and with Guatemalan and American
businesses, on our mutual interests in trade and economic
opportunities.
Civil society, including the private sector, plays an important
role in Guatemala. The ties between Guatemalan and American civil
society strengthen our bilateral relations. If confirmed, I would seek
to support these bonds, including through additional public diplomacy
outreach.
Some 350,000 Americans visit Guatemala each year, and another
25,000 Americans live there. Many Americans are close to Guatemala as
the birthplace of their adopted children; in the last 10 years,
Americans have adopted over 25,000 Guatemalan children. If confirmed,
two of my top priorities would be the safety of American citizens, and
support for a transparent, efficient adoption process in accordance
with Guatemalan and American laws. Embassy Guatemala has some 400
American and Guatemalan employees who work in a dozen agencies, as well
as 200 Peace Corps volunteers; their safety and support would also be a
major concern of mine.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to appear before you
today. I would be pleased to answer any questions.
Senator Dodd. Well, thank you very, very much.
I should have made note earlier, but I see my former
colleague, Ben Gilman, here. Ben, I want to thank you for
coming over, a former member of the House, where we served
together many years ago, and a wonderful member of the House
Foreign Affairs Committee, and very active in foreign policy
issues. So we're honored to have you on the Senate side.
I always tell people the story, when I left the House and
came to the Senate, Morris Udall turned to me and he said, ``By
going to the Senate, you have improved the intelligence of both
bodies.'' [Laughter.]
So, I thank you for coming over.
Let me, first of all, tell you how pleased I am the
President has nominated five of you here that are career
Foreign Service officers. This doesn't happen often enough and
I think it's very exciting, the fact that your careers are
being recognized and the value contribution you've made, not
only in this region, because I think all of you have had
tremendous experience in the region as well, and I know that's
always a battle back and forth on how these decisions are made.
And as I mentioned earlier, my brother Tom taught at
Georgetown, he was never in the Foreign Service per se, but I
think he was almost considered part of the family since he was
so closely associated with the issues over the years, but the
fact that there are people who work so very hard in this region
year in and year out, and many times don't get the opportunity
to serve as our ambassadors in these countries, because in so
many cases, these ambassadors at embassies end up, sort of,
political, so to speak, so there's a value in that, because you
can be very good ambassadors.
But the fact that the President has asked those of you who
have served so well over the years in these other countries, I
commend him for that. I think this is something they need to
recognize more often, so I commend all of you on your service
to the region.
There's obviously a lot of people in front of us here, and
I'm going to ask maybe just a couple of generic questions and
ask you to respond to them because I think they apply to all of
you.
The Merida Initiative, and my good friend, Bob Menendez,
has a strong interest in this subject matter as well, and I'm
very interested in hearing his comments and thoughts on it.
I mentioned, Bob, before you came in that I'm supportive of
the idea, but it needs to be expanded. I'm worried that if it's
just going to be a sort of more equipment kind of a program,
where we're talking about high priced equipment, helicopters,
weapons and the like--and I'm not arguing, that can't be a
major contributor to all of this, but it seems to me it's got
to be broader based than that. I mean, is there sufficient
attention being paid to civilian institution-building, the rule
of law, in this agreement? Should we begin by vetting key units
in the police and the judiciary to be sure that there's going
to be minimal corruption in the process as we go forward with a
major investment in the region? Is serious political will a
necessary condition for the success of this initiative, in your
minds? Are they willing to take the difficult steps to actually
confront the corruption-laden problems that exist in so many of
these cases? I say that with a deep regret about what happens
in these nations. And, are you satisfied to the extent you can
be at this juncture, that those kinds of concerns are going to
be addressed? And I'd like to hear all of you comment on
whether or not you agree with this, or if you have a different
perspective on this.
I think it would be helpful for the committee at this
juncture here, since you are experienced hands in all of this
and know the area so well, what are your reactions to this? And
as a committee of jurisdiction we're going to be very
interested in following this and how it works. And I going to
be particularly turning to Bob and asking him to be the lead on
all of this as we go through it in this subcommittee.
But I'd be very interested, Mr. Llorens, beginning with
you, and maybe on down in the order we've talked to each other
to share some thoughts about this initiative. Is it enough,
should it be more, are you concerned that it's limited it seems
in one area, and how satisfied are you about the will, the
corruption issues, the vetting process, and the like?
Mr. Llorens. Yeah, thank you, Mr. Chairman. Well,
certainly, I know that for Central America we're asking for $50
million for this year, and I think it's plussed up to $100
million next year. And again, speaking specifically, I do agree
that you need to have a holistic approach to dealing with the
whole issue of crime and impunity, rule of law, and it has to
be holistic and it has to be strategic.
I've looked at the specific--Merida Initiative and we do
have training, we do have equipment, but you also have issues,
you know, you do have community outreach, you do have programs
to work with prosecutors, with the judicial system. Because I
totally agree--I mean, I think if we don't build and focus a
lot of our assistance to strengthening those institutions, none
of this aid is going to be sustainable.
So, I look at the categories that are involved in
institution-building and prevention, and community outreach is
a critical component of the Merida Initiative, I agree.
Senator Dodd. Thank you very much.
Ms. Hodges.
Ambassador Hodges. Sir, of course, the Merida Initiative is
not related to Ecuador, but----
Senator Dodd. I'm sorry, I apologize.
Ambassador Hodges [continuing]. But, I would like to
comment on the fact that one of the positive things that we
have in our relationship with the Government of Ecuador is the
government's, and President Correa's firm commitment to
combating corruption and to, you know, to work in this area.
And much of our assistance already goes to programs that are
related to corruption, to working on the judicial system,
criminal--working on the judicial system in areas of criminal
investigation, we have provided Ecuador with its first-time
ever automated database on criminal cases, and things like
that.
So, again, I would certainly support something like that.
Senator Dodd. Thank you.
Mr. Callahan.
Mr. Callahan. Yes, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
For Nicaragua, yes, I would echo what Hugo Llorens said--
there's a very important component in Merida, which addresses
the rule of law and institution-building. And that goes to the
heart of trying to reduce, if not eliminate, corruption.
Corruption is, unquestionably, a problem. A World Bank study
placed Nicaragua in the 23rd percentile.
But in preparing for these hearings, and in talking with a
number of my colleagues in the Government, including the DEA
and the people at the Department of Defense who deal with the
Nicaraguan Police, they have a very high regard for the Chief
of Police in Nicaragua, a woman named Aminta Quinera, who is
highly professional, and determined to make her police force
professional.
So, I would think that we can, with some confidence, trust
them to use the money wisely, and attempt to reduce, if not
eliminate, corruption, which is a problem.
Senator Dodd. That's very good, thanks very much.
Mr. McFarland.
Mr. McFarland. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
I agree with you, Mr. Chairman, that for the Merida
Initiative to be successful, there has to be a holistic
approach, and there has to be support for the institutions that
underpin the rule of law, not just for the agents that actually
execute the actions.
I'd like to point out, in the case of Guatemala, the part
of the Merida agreement which--if approved by Congress--would
focus on gang activities, illustrates some of this approach.
It starts with prevention efforts that are carried out by
NGOs and community organizations. Then there is community
policing, there is support, with support, training, equipment
for the police, as well as support for vetted units. There's
communications equipment and other training for the police to
be able to link up with counterparts in other countries,
there's considerable training and support, and I think here the
political will element is crucial, and it's one we have to
monitor carefully for prosecutors, as well.
There is support for reform of prisons, to ensure that they
are not simply used as another office by gang members. And at
the same time, there is additional work on prevention at the
prisons, focused on first-time offenders and juvenile
offenders. And I think that kind of holistic approach could be
a useful model, sir.
Senator Dodd. That's very encouraging. And I'd be very
interested--I know the committee would be--in any additional
thoughts as you end up in your posts, any thoughts for the
committee to consider as we evaluate the program.
I want to say to you, Mr. Callahan, I was struck with your
testimony and your opening statement, and I appreciate it very,
very much. I think the T.S. Elliot quote is a very apt one--
probably could be used a lot of places, about the persistence
of memory, and I welcome your comments. We've had sort of a
troubled history over the last more than 20 years--more than
that now--with Nicaragua, and you can get preoccupied with the
history. But as you point out, I think, in your testimony--
we've got to look ahead, as well. And it's important we do
that.
So, your comments, I think, will be welcomed, and it's an
opportunity. And I hope that the Ortega Government and others
will hear your words this afternoon, and understand what they--
as I imply them to be--have as an opening, and to take
advantage of that comment that you made this morning. This is
an opportunity to try and get on a better track than we've been
on. So, I appreciate immensely your testimony. Very smart.
Let me turn to Senator Corker.
Senator Corker. Mr. Chairman, thank you. And I have to say
that question you ask about rule of law and institutions,
building institutions--I think is dead-on. And I thought that
your responses were well-received, I look at the places in the
world where so much poverty and other kinds of human dilemma
exists, it's in those places that lack those two things. And I
do appreciate your focus on that, or your focus here in the
next few months.
I also agree that, I think it's wonderful that people of
your background and quality are being appointed these jobs. And
while certainly political appointees do outstanding work for us
all over the world, I personally am very thrilled that people
who have worked so long in Foreign Service are going to be
representing us in a part of the country--a part of the world--
that I actually feel is one of the most important that we have
to deal with, and I certainly look forward to working with
Chairman Dodd on initiatives in that area.
And actually I had some questions, but because of the
background that you all have and because of the opening
statements that each of you made, I actually wonder, Chairman,
whether they shouldn't be asking us questions. [Laughter.]
Senator Dodd. Believe me, they have them, too.
Senator Corker. And as a matter of fact, I'll take any that
you might have. [Laughter.]
Senator Corker. But I think we all know that each of you is
very well qualified, you've each demonstrated that by virtue of
what you've done already in the way of public service, and I
just wanted to thank you for being willing to do this, and look
forward to working with you, and actually have no further
comments or questions.
Thank you, each.
Senator Dodd. Thank you, Bob, very much.
Senator Menendez.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me congratulate all of you on your nominations, and
certainly thank you for your previous service to our country. I
echo the chairman's remarks about seeing career Foreign Service
individuals nominated for ambassador positions. I think it is
incredibly important. And so I'm glad to see the administration
is doing that.
Mr. Chairman, I appreciate your comments on Merida, and my
concern as I listen to the answers that you've received--and I
agree with Mr. Llorens, for example, that it needs to be
holistic and strategic. I'm just concerned that--as presently
devised--it is not holistic and strategic, and that is a real
challenge.
I think we've learned from Plan Colombia--which I was a
supporter of, when in the House of Representatives that, in
fact, it came to a point that if you can't give a coca farmer
an opportunity to have sustainable development choices, he's
going to sustain his family one way or the other.
Mr. Llorens. You bet.
Senator Menendez. And that won't simply be done at the
point of a gun.
And so, part of my concern about how Merida is presently
structured is that, that's largely what it is.
The other concern I have, Mr. Chairman, is that I
appreciated the answer that you received from the panel about
institution-building. And whenever we talk about Merida,
everybody focuses on the institution-building, which I think is
critical. The problem is, that as presently structured, the
institution-building, at least in the Central America part,
only gets about $30 million of the $150 million to be proposed.
So, it's about one-fifth of the entire effort for Central
America. Therefore, it is a small amount of institution-
building that is going to take place, compared to the
enforcement, the weapons, the machinery, equipment, and what-
not.
So, if we really believe that institution-building and rule
of law is the long-term, fundamental nature of what we need to
do in Merida, then I think the dynamics of how it's structured
need to be changed, and I look forward to working with the
chairman and the ranking member to see that that can happen.
I think--I agree with you--the spirit of the opportunity,
particularly with Mexico, is incredibly important. But the
other question I'd like to have for the panel is, you know, you
will collectively be part of--except for Ambassador Hodges--you
will collectively be part, along with your other colleagues in
Central America, of this $150 million, if that's the way it
ends up being. And I get a sense that the Central American
countries were largely an afterthought in this initiative.
Having traveled to Guatemala this past December, and the
visit between that visit and the visit in Mexico, with
President Calderon, I got two very clearly different
impressions about the thinking. Clearly, Mexico has put a lot
of time and effort into the thinking--at least from their part
of this--and I think Guatemala wants to do the right thing, but
I don't get the sense that they have invested a lot of time and
effort in thinking about how they're going to, for example, be
at the forefront of this effort.
So, I'm wondering how you all see the engagement of these
countries--not from what we hope they will do--but what we
expect them to do, and what they've already participated in, in
terms of preparation for the initiative. Can you give us any
sense of that?
Mr. McFarland. Yes, Senator, if I may speak from the
perspective of Guatemala--I do understand that the proposal for
Mexico was, came about in perhaps a better-structured format,
in part, because they had the unity of effort of being one
country, and the Central Americans were coming up with their
proposal as part of their own regional integration,
institution.
Guatemala also has a new government. If confirmed, sir, one
of my tasks, in fact, would be to impress upon the government
the opportunities that they have and to get a sense for the
amount of real political will that they are willing to invest
in this process, and to engage them on that subject.
Senator Menendez. Any of you others have perspectives?
Mr. Callahan. Well, I would just make the point, Senator,
that we will be working closely with the Nicaraguans, should I
be confirmed, and should the Merida Initiative go through as
planned--we'd be working very closely with Nicaraguans on how
they spend that money.
And I take your point about institution-building, and it
doesn't seem like a lot of money in Merida, but there are other
sources of money for institution-building--bilateral aid
program, for example, the Peace Corps in Nicaragua--all of
these entities, American entities, are working with Nicaraguans
in an attempt to create robust and durable institutions.
Senator Menendez. I appreciate that--I chair the
subcommittee on all of our foreign assistance. The problem is,
when we talk about Merida, in the context of what we are
pursuing, some of those programs are great, other bilateral
assistance, but they're focused in a different way. And so, how
we marry them is going to be very important.
Mr. Llorens. Senator, it's a very good question. I agree
with you in the sense that ultimately, an initiative like
Merida, or Central America's ability to deal with the
situation, social--socio-economic situation that they face. It
has to come from within, and they need to be able to take the
initiative. So, I would like, certainly I think the SICA, the
Central America System, so that the Central Americans
coordinate together and engage with us, I think will be
critically important.
I would just note with regard to Honduras, that I
understand that they have developed their own national security
strategy--I think a national security strategy very much
focused on some of the issues, sort of the challenges that they
face--the issues of crime, gangs, you know, marginalization of
society, so in a way there is a challenge there, but it's
absolutely critical for the Centrals to make that change.
And I assure you, one of my priorities will be to engage
with the Hondurans, and work very closely with them in this
regard.
Senator Menendez. Well, I appreciate your answers, let me
just say, capacity, ability, and commitment are going to be
essential. Number two is, the amount is in and of itself, when
you look at all of Central America, not all that much to try to
meet the challenges, which are affected in a variety of ways,
including gang violence, and what-not, are all elements of
this.
So, we're going to--and you all will be so close to each
other that individual national security strategies, I think,
are very good, but we need a holistic, regional security
strategy, because otherwise you have a balloon in which, you
know, you push in one end and it pops out on the other.
And so those are some of the things that I think will be
incredibly important.
I have some other questions, Mr. Chairman, but I will wait
if you will have a second round.
Senator Dodd. We'll do that. Also to let you know, we're
going to submit questions, too, so we can be thorough.
Senator Isakson.
Senator Isakson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I concur
completely with your comment at the outset about the
qualification of these nominees, and particularly, that they
are career Foreign Service individuals. Having traveled and
seen what you do in some of the more challenging places in the
world, I thank you for being willing to accept this
responsibility and certainly hope that you are confirmed.
And Mr. Callahan, you and I had a great conversation about
some of my experience with Nicaragua when you came to my
office, and I know Ortega, Sandinista, is back in power and was
reelected with a plurality. Is there any indication that he has
sought aid from either Venezuela and Chavez, or Iran? Further,
has he received some commitments for the ports from Iran, and
housing from Venezuela? Do you know the extent to which they
are working together? The extent to which Chavez is influencing
Ortega, and the extent to which he influenced his election?
Mr. Callahan. Yes, thank you, Senator, it's nice to see you
again.
There was no question that President Ortega does maintain a
close relationship with President Chavez. President Chavez,
through the Petrocaribe program is making oil available to
Nicaragua at discounted rates. But I would point out that the
United States also has an economic engagement with Nicaragua,
which is both broad and deep. Not only our bilateral aid
program, but the Millennium Challenge Account which, I think,
we discussed, which is $175 million over 5 years. There is the
CAFTA program, the CAFTA Free Trade Agreement, which has
resulted in a dramatic increase in both Nicaraguan exports to
the United States and American investment in Nicaragua.
Through the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund,
which we play a leading role, about $1.7 billion of Nicaraguan
debt has been forgiven. So, the Nicaraguan economy depends
greatly on the United States, both for its trade, and for a lot
of its bilateral aid.
In addition to that, as I mentioned in my statement, we
have a very active Peace Corps program, and these volunteers
are all over the country.
To get back to your original point, yes, he does have a
relationship with Mr. Chavez, but in a recent poll that I just
looked at, the approval rating for the United States in
Nicaragua is over 80 percent. So the Nicaraguans clearly have a
great affection for the United States, which is something we
can work with, as well.
Senator Isakson. And he won with 37.6 percent, so we're
doing better than he did. [Laughter.]
Right? Well, for all of you, Central and Latin America is
critical to the interests of the United States, and I'm
troubled by the amount of power Chavez has through the prices
of petroleum and how he's leveraging that money. And I think
your presence in those countries and your outreach to maintain
the great friends that we do have, and maybe win over a couple
that we may have lost, is going to be critically important to
us, both in the short run, as well as the long run, and I wish
you the very best of luck.
Senator Dodd. Is that it, John?
Senator Isakson. Yes.
Senator Dodd. Well, thank you.
This is a good question Senator Isakson's raised, not just
about Nicaragua, but generally in the region. And again, you're
looking, what is it--a gallon of gas, I think, in Venezuela is
about seven cents? And obviously having a huge potential
influence in the region, we're aware of it in Bolivia, and the
efforts in Ecuador with the recent events that have unfolded
between Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador. The relationship with
Brazil--it gets complicated.
This is all a rosy picture, the world is changing its views
regionally on President Chavez, and Brazil is a classic
example. I think there may have been one relationship, or one
attitude to begin with, that has certainly been modified, given
some of the energy issues that have evolved over the years.
But it's a good question--certainly struggling countries
economically where you can offer low-cost energy at a time when
you're trying to hold your country together is a very appealing
offer to receive, and obviously, he's extracting commitments in
return.
But, I hope we will look at some of these ways in which we
can expand economic opportunities, as well. I was looking at
the remittance issue in Latin America and someone gave me these
numbers. In 2005, 22 million people from Latin America worked
in the developed world. They returned, the 22 million, $54
billion in remittances to the region. That was more than all of
the foreign direct investment and foreign aid for the entire
region, in those remittances coming back. And a good part of
that $54 billion, I don't know how it breaks out, of the $54
billion, what percentage comes from the United States, but I
presume it's a fairly healthy chunk of that, going back.
We have our own downturn in the economy here, and those
numbers get adversely affected. In Honduras, $2.7 billion in
remittances were sent back to the country in 2007, that made up
a quarter, 25 percent of the GDP of the country. And so there's
a direct correlation in terms of what happens here.
I noticed in foreign aid, Nicaragua, by the way, 26 percent
of foreign aid, makes up 26 percent of Nicaragua's budget in
the country. And I presume the bulk of that comes from us, is
that true?
Mr. Callahan. Yes, that's----
Senator Dodd. I don't know if that foreign aid number is
U.S. foreign aid?
Mr. Callahan. It's of all sorts, and it's international
foreign aid, as well.
Senator Dodd. But I want you to just comment on this
general question, because obviously I'm a believer that foreign
aid can be of help, and certainly there's a value in all of
that.
But the realities of the world in the 21st century--just
given our own budget constraints on how much you can actually
do, and the importance of wealth creation, immigration policy,
I mentioned earlier, 100 million people have left the region
since World War II, primarily over economic issues. And, I
presume, in some cases political reasons that were intolerable
to live the way you live, your family lived, and you made that
decision that many of us at this side of the dais families
did--to emigrate. The case of Bob Menendez certainly reflects
exactly what your family went through.
And yet, obviously, many others are leaving for economic
reasons, and how we begin to get our arms around this issue, in
the holistic way that I've mentioned, that Senator Menendez has
mentioned, Senator Corker has mentioned, would be helpful--the
IDB, U.S. aid--do you have any thoughts as a panel, here, on
how we might look at this, out of the box, a bit differently?
And ways in which we can address these issues beyond the
traditional ways we've been talking about it, over the last
number of years?
Mr. Llorens. That's a very good question, Mr. Chairman. You
know, I would say one of the things I think that's very
important there, a country like Honduras receives significant
economic assistance from the United States. You have $43
million in bilateral assistance, you have the Millennium
Challenge Account which is $215 million over 5 years. The
United States obviously provides a lot of money through the
multilateral banks, so there is significant amount of economic
assistance.
I would look at something, for example, in terms of being
really effective on the ground, something I'd look at, just to
make sure that donor coordination is really effective, and
maybe it is. But it's something that, you know, I would like to
look at in making sure that the major donors, the multilateral
banks, the major bilateral donors are working together, so when
you look at the development issues, you really--whether it's
education, whether it's health--are we really being holistic
and strategic as a donor community, so I'd say that's one
thing.
The other thing I would mention is the fact that certainly,
I think that the Central America Free Trade Agreement, in the
sense that it locks in the trade benefits for both countries,
but for Central America region, and for the United States. I
think it provides a certain amount of stability so that it's
sort of a platform for growth, I think, for Honduras and
Central America. But, the overriding issue, of course, is, that
you have to get back to the rule of law you have to get--you
know, the good governance issues, corruption, which you all
mention.
And I think that this is an issue--this is really the task,
and it's the task that the Central America democracies have to
take the lead on, but I think the United States has to make
sure that, you know, our assistance is, comes with the fact
that we're going to ask our democratic friends in Central
America to raise the standard--to have a better investment
climate, to have the rule of law, to improve the basis for an
independent judiciary. And that's going to be the key to be
able to create sustainable development.
Senator Dodd. Yes.
Ambassador Hodges.
Ambassador Hodges. I would say that one thing that's very
important is to--well, for many, many years we've been looking
at these issues of what's pushing people, what's pulling
people, and I feel--I'm very confident in the programs that
we're working with that promote economic prosperity, reasons
for people to stay, you know, in their countries.
Ecuador has, I think, something like 2 million immigrants
in the United States, and probably many of them for many years.
I think that in Ecuador, we should be looking at, you know,
doing more in terms of again, working with the Government of
Ecuador to reduce corruption, the themes that are, you know,
corruption really hurts the everyday man or woman, their
pocketbook. And to help people realize that it really is in all
of our interest to fight against corruption, and any of the
programs related to social justice, the same thing. These give
people a reason to stay in their own countries, and to build
their institutions, and believe that they will have a better
future for themselves and their children.
Senator Dodd. Mr. Callahan.
Mr. Callahan. Yes, Mr. Chairman, and as you and Senator
Menendez talk about a holistic approach--and I think it's
applicable here, as well--progress does come slowly. If we
look--as you well know, because you've been following this as
closely as any of us in the State Department for the last 25
years--there has been enormous progress in Latin America, not
only in the return to democracy, but respect for human rights.
Which we should acknowledge, and compliment the Central
Americans and the Latin Americans for.
But, I agree with my colleagues talk about corruption. I
think this is an enormous problem throughout Latin America and
the only way to reduce it or eliminate it, is by encouraging
the people who are governing the country to do so honestly and
effectively, and I think a lot of our capacity-building, a lot
of our money and training goes into that, exchanges can help.
But, I think we have to accept that this will be as slow as was
the return to democracy.
Mr. McFarland. Mr. Chairman, in terms of Guatemala, I think
that if we take a step back, and look at the accomplishments
over the last, say, 20 years. Certainly peace, the return to
democracy, putting the military back into what we would
consider to be the traditional military role of not engage--not
carrying out internal security missions, but rather defending
borders--promoting free trade. A lot of the important items
have been, have been done at least in part--to echo some of my
colleagues--several of the missing parts, the parts where I
think we really have to focus attention on, are transparency
and rule of law and investing in health and education of the
people.
I think to echo, again, something that some of my
colleagues have said, it's important that we try to coordinate
the significant U.S. donor efforts with other donors, with the
countries involved. I think the private sector in each of these
countries is also a potential benefactor of a better trained
workforce, and a potential contributor, if you will, to
grassroots programs.
Ultimately, I think that, you know, Latin Americans watch
events in Venezuela and Cuba with interest, but I think those
models have little direct relevance for them, it's hard to
replicate them in other countries. That doesn't mean, though,
that they will continue to support blindly their governments,
if they perceive that they're not being fair, or they're, if
they're behaving unjustly.
Senator Dodd. Well, they're aspirational qualities, and I
agree with you.
I'll just end on this note, but I spoke last week at the
Naval Academy--they had the Forestall Lecture, and they asked
me to come and talk about Latin America, and the point I want
to make is, Latin America is right on the cusp, with this
tremendous advance in democracy, which is no small
achievement--it's really been remarkable what's happened. From
one end of the continent to the next, with the obvious
exception of Cuba, it hasn't been easy, it's gone through an
awful lot to get there.
But, we're on the cusp of really breaking open, I think,
all of these other issues. So, it's unlike other parts of the
world which, respectfully fall further behind in this effort--
Latin America really is on the edge of breaking into a 21st
century of achieving all the potential greatness that's capable
in this hemisphere. So, this is really a critical moment, in my
view, of getting this right. And if we do as Bob has suggested,
and expanding this Merida proposal, really working on these
other avenues that need to be exploited if we're going to make
this program succeed, I think we have an opportunity to really
have a big influence, and make a big difference in this
hemisphere.
So, it's sitting there, now. You think of other parts of
the world, and imagine they had achieved what had been achieved
in Latin America, think of how much further along and more
hopeful we might be about some of the potential changes.
So, it really is a time of optimism, in my view. With all
of the problems out there, this is a time of optimism in Latin
America.
So, I welcome your nominations. Any additional questions I
have, I'll submit along--and obviously there are a ton of--I
could think of just a load of questions I'd love to ask each
and every one of you, but I'll restrain myself, and submit them
to questions.
Bob, you had some additional?
Senator Menendez. First of all, I appreciate your comments
about--you know, one of our challenges is that even as we talk
about the Millennium Challenge Account, that's a handful of
countries that qualify. And the reality is, is that the one
place in the world over the last several years that we have cut
overall development assistance is Latin America and the
Caribbean.
So, you know, I hope that the chairman will look at the
bill that he has cosponsored with me, on the Social and
Economic Development Fund for the Americas as part of a tool to
try to see if we can reverse that trend, because I think
sustainable development opportunities to make people eligible
to be part of an MCC compact is equally as important, as well,
and I would look at that.
I just have one or two quick questions, the rest I'll
submit for the record.
Mr. McFarland, with reference to Guatemala, I'm glad to
hear your comments about adoptions. I have a fair number of
constituency cases that are going, respecting Guatemalan law,
but seems to take forever and find difficulties, so we hope
that if you are confirmed, you said it would be one of your
priorities, and we look forward for that to actually take place
and happen.
Mr. Callahan, let me ask you one thing--I am concerned
about Iran's growing presence in Nicaragua. Particularly, Iran
has pledged to invest in Nicaragua's ports, agricultural
sector, energy network, Venezuela is cofinancing some of these,
and I view this as part of a challenge that we have in somewhat
of a vacuum that we need to be engaged in. How will you work to
limit Iranian influence in Nicaragua if you are confirmed as
the ambassador?
Mr. Callahan. Thank you, Senator. Yes, we are all
concerned, you are correct to be concerned, we are concerned.
President Ortega has visited Iran, and President Ahmadinejad
has visited Nicaragua. There have been a lot of promises made,
the Iranians have established a diplomatic mission in Managua,
we are monitoring it closely, but to date, we really haven't
seen much of these promises and the rhetoric that President
Ahmadinejad had talked about when he was there.
But it is of great concern, it's something that we are
looking at, and I can assure you that if I am confirmed, it
will be a priority for me to keep my eye on this, and that
the--we have to convey to the Nicaraguans that Iran is a state
sponsor of terrorism, and that any kind of close relationship
with them would have an effect on how we dealt with Nicaragua.
Senator Menendez. They have a Millennium Challenge Account
agreement?
Mr. Callahan. They do, $175 million over 5 years, yes, sir.
Senator Menendez. Ambassador Hodges, one quick question--
Ecuador's obviously been in the news, with Colombia, President
of Ecuador said he's going to file a new complaint with the
OAS. How do you see the circumstances, and what role do you
think the United States should be playing--you would be playing
as ambassador if, in fact, you were confirmed?
Ambassador Hodges. Well, sir, obviously we value our
friendship with both Colombia, and with Ecuador, and with
respect to the ongoing incidents or crises between, or the--in
the relations between Colombia and Ecuador, we look to the OAS
and its good offices to work with the two countries to see if
we can come to a good resolution to these issues between them.
Now there are a couple of issues in the ICJ, and again,
this is a matter for both of them.
No matter what, we--I recognize that both countries really
need to be talking to one another, we need to--we all have
regional interests there, the issues of narcotics trafficking
in Colombia are, you know, very serious. We are fortunate that
in Ecuador there is no coca cultivation, but that doesn't mean
that they don't have to worry about the transportation of
narcotics coming through Colombia, precursor chemicals and
things like that.
So, it is really something that we all have to work on to
get the two countries back together, and continuing their
cooperation.
Senator Menendez. And finally, Mr. Llorens, I don't have a
question for you, but if, in fact, you are confirmed, there are
some commercial transactions of U.S. citizens that I think have
been dealt with unfairly along the way and we would want to
pursue them with you when that opportunity comes, should you be
at the post.
Mr. Chairman, I'll submit the rest of my questions for the
record.
Senator Dodd. Thank you very much, Senator, we'll do that,
we thank all four of you, and wish you the very best. We'll try
and move this along. Over the coming weeks, Senator Biden will
schedule the appropriate timing for confirmation votes. I don't
know when that will happen, but I'm sure we'll keep you posted
and informed. I presume all of your paperwork and everything
else has been complete, and there may be some additional
questions that will come in, and we'll try to get them to you
quickly, and urge you to respond to them quickly, as well, that
would certainly move the process along.
I thank all four of you, for your service and for your
responses today.
Let me invite the second panel to come up, sorry, I
apologize, we sit on the banking committee together, too, so we
do a little banking. [Laughter.]
I apologize.
Senator Corker. I'm going to step out to another meeting,
and I know that you all are in wonderful hands with the two
Senators. I want you to know that's not out of any kind of
disrespect--we are really, have wonderful, wonderful appointees
coming before us right now, and I do hope there's a speedy
confirmation, and I want you to know that I respect you very
much.
But, with that, Mr. Chairman----
Senator Dodd. Thank you.
Senator Corker. Since you all already have me two to one,
anyway, two to zip won't matter, so thank you. [Laughter.]
Senator Dodd. Well, thank you all very much and welcome to
the committee. You've been appropriately introduced, I guess,
except for you, Ms. Stephenson.
Why don't we begin with you, Ms. Stephenson, I'll start
with you. And welcome to the committee, and welcome again for
your service.
STATEMENT OF BARBARA J. STEPHENSON, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO
THE REPUBLIC OF PANAMA
Ms. Stephenson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It's a great honor
to appear before you today, as the President's nominee to serve
as the next American Ambassador to Panama.
Mr. Chairman, throughout my career, I have appreciated the
constructive role that you, personally, have played in
achieving our foreign policy goals. First, when I was a young
officer starting out in Panama, and then in El Salvador, and
then more recently when I was Counsel General in Belfast,
Northern Ireland, and you were on the right side of the issues
over and over. So, I thank you.
Senator Dodd. Thank you. Don't put your nomination in
jeopardy, now. [Laughter.]
Ms. Stephenson. And I do look forward to working with you
and the other members of the committee, and indeed, Congress,
in general, if I'm confirmed as Ambassador to Panama.
I would like to take the opportunity that you've given us
though, to introduce my family.
My husband, Matthew Furbush, served as our community
liaison officer during our first Foreign Service assignment in
Panama, about 20 years ago--a little more than that--when we
were newlywed. And he's served with me at every single Foreign
Service post since--six so far.
And our daughter, Claire, has also earned her Foreign
Service stripes--six schools on four continents by the 9th
grade. And she hopes to visit us in Panama when she's not
studying at the University of Virginia.
And our little son, Brewster, who opted to go to elementary
school today, hopes to earn some Foreign Service stripes of his
own to compete with his sister, by joining us in Panama, as
well.
Senator Dodd. Welcome, delighted to have you here. And
thank you for your service, as well.
Ms. Stephenson. It's the whole family.
Senator Dodd. Good.
Ms. Stephenson. If confirmed as ambassador, I would be
embarking on my fourth tour in the region. In addition to my
first tour in Panama, I served in El Salvador during the final
years of the civil war there, and more recently in Curacao as
our Counsel General, leading a big interagency law enforcement
effort, essentially.
As I prepare to return to the region, Mr. Chairman, I am
struck by the dramatic positive changes that have taken place
over the years. Instead of wrestling with how to get military
governments to give way to democratic leadership, with the
ravages of war, with devastating human rights abuses, we talk
today, instead, about free trade agreements, about ensuring
that the fruits of an expanding economy reach all of the
citizens. About strengthening the various institutions that are
vital to democracy, and about bolstering partnerships with
these countries so that we can tackle hemispheric and even
global challenges together.
I look forward, if confirmed, to drawing on the deep well
of support for the United States--over 80 percent of
Panamanians have a favorable image of us--to pursue this
positive agenda.
Approval ratings this high are one of the greatest gifts
any diplomat can be given. They mean that our voice counts, and
that Panamanians who share our enthusiasm for achieving this
agenda, from President Torrijos, to civic action groups,
welcome us as partners.
But the Trade Promotion Agreement, if approved by Congress,
would also be a very powerful tool. Because, beyond the Trade
Promotion Agreement's benefits--trade benefits--for both of our
countries, the agreement directly supports our broader goals
for Panama, such as encouraging transparency and
accountability, and seeking to ensure that all citizens,
including the nearly 40 percent of Panamanians who continue to
struggle in poverty, benefit from Panama's impressive economic
growth and maturing democratic institutions.
As much as some things have changed beyond recognition,
other things have remained constant, such as an ambassador's
fundamental obligation to look out for fellow Americans abroad.
If confirmed, I assure you that protecting Americans will be
one of the top priorities of my embassy, and with over 25,000
Americans now living in Panama, this is a growing part of the
embassy's work, and a task I've always taken very seriously.
Of course, geography remains destiny for Panama. As a vital
crossroads for the movement of goods, people, and ideas, Panama
is a third border for the United States. Two-thirds of the
14,000 ships that transit the Panama Canal each year are either
coming from or going to United States ports. So, I recognize
that protecting the Canal and Panama's core infrastructure is
critical to the homeland security of the United States.
I would want to underscore here that the Panama Canal
Authority, the Panamanian Government entity that's been in
charge of running the Canal since the handover in 1999, has
done a really impressive job of running it. And we're also
really pleased to see that U.S. firms are getting a very fair
shot at work on the ambitious multibillion dollar Canal
Expansion Project.
Our shared history has allowed us to forge an effective and
enduring partnership to increase the benefits of Panama's
unique geography, while countering the threats that flow from
it.
If confirmed, I look forward to leading a strong
interagency effort to help Panama in its efforts to push back
against the drug traffickers and the criminals who would
exploit Panama's growing transportation hub for illegal ends.
Close cooperation with Panamanian law enforcement has
already yielded some important successes--increased drug
seizures, a more effective police force, and an enhanced
capability to counter money laundering.
And the Merida Initiative, if it's approved by Congress,
would also add considerably to these efforts, both in Panama
and the region.
As Panama's democratic institutions mature--and I look
forward to the 2009 elections--when Panamanians will once again
go to the polls to bring about a democratic transfer of power--
seems hum-drum today, it did not awhile back, it's a miracle--
and the country enjoys impressive economic growth, it was more
than 11 percent last year--we recognize Panama's progress, and
bright prospects for the future by thinking and speaking of
Panama increasingly as a partner in the region.
We're pleased to see Panama taking a leader role, not only
regionally like last summer, when Panama effectively hosted the
OAS General Assembly, but also more, in global terms as
exemplified by Panama's current work, as a member of the United
Nations Security Council.
Mr. Chairman, if would be my great honor, if confirmed, to
return to Panama as ambassador to build on this partnership,
especially now at this profoundly promising moment in Panama's
history.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you again for
granting me the honor of appearing before you, and I'd be happy
to answer any questions you might have.
The prepared statement of Ms. Stephenson follows:]
Prepared Statement of Barbara J. Stephenson, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Panama
It is a great honor to appear before you today as the President's
nominee to serve as the next American Ambassador to Panama. Mr.
Chairman, throughout my career, I have appreciated the constructive
role you have played in achieving our foreign policy goal--first as a
young officer in Central America and later as Consul General to
Belfast--and I look forward to working with you and others members of
this committee and indeed with Congress more generally if I am
confirmed as Ambassador to Panama.
With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like to recognize my
husband, Matthew Furbush. Matt served as our community liaison officer
during our first Foreign Service assignment--in Panama--over 20 years
ago when we were newlywed, and he has served with me at every overseas
post since then--six so far. Our daughter Claire, who has also earned
her Foreign Service stripes--six schools on four continents by 9th
grade--hopes to visit us in Panama when she is not studying at the
University of Virginia. Our son Brewster, who opted to go to elementary
school today, hopes to earn some more Foreign Service stripes of his
own by joining us in Panama.
If confirmed as ambassador, I will embark on my fourth tour in the
region. In addition to Panama, I served in El Salvador during the final
years of the civil war there and more recently in Curacao as our Consul
General, heading a robust interagency counternarcotics effort, partly
in support of Plan Colombia. As I prepare to return to the region, I am
struck by the dramatic, positive changes that have taken place over the
years. Instead of wrestling with how to get military dictatorships to
give way to democratic government, with the ravages of war, with
devastating human rights abuses, we talk instead today about free trade
agreements, about ensuring that the fruits of an expanding economy are
shared by all citizens, about strengthening institutions vital to
democracy, about bolstering our partnership to tackle hemispheric and
indeed global problems together.
I look forward, if confirmed, to drawing on the deep well of
support for the United States--over 80 percent of Panamanians have a
favorable image of us--to pursue this positive agenda. Approval ratings
this high are one of the most precious gifts any diplomat can be given.
They mean that our voice counts and that Panamanians who share our
enthusiasm for pursuing this positive agenda--from President Torrijos
to civic action groups--welcome us as partners.
But the Trade Promotion Agreement, if approved by Congress, would
also be a very powerful tool. Beyond the TPA's trade benefits for both
countries, the agreement directly supports our broader goals for
Panama--such as encouraging transparency, and seeking to ensure that
all citizens, including the nearly 40 percent who continue to struggle
in poverty, benefit from Panama's impressive economic growth and
maturing democratic institutions.
As much as some things have changed beyond recognition, other
things have remained constant--such as an ambassador's fundamental
obligation to look out for fellow Americans abroad. If confirmed, I
assure you that protecting American citizens will be a top priority of
my embassy. With over 25,000 Americans now living in Panama, this is a
growing part of the embassy's work, and a task I have always taken very
seriously.
Of course, geography remains destiny for Panama. As a vital
crossroads for the movement of people, goods, and ideas, Panama is a
``third border'' for the United States. Given that two-thirds of the
14,000 ships that transit the Panama Canal each year are bound for or
coming from United States ports, I recognize that protecting the canal
and Panama's core infrastructure is critical to the homeland security
of the United States. I would want to underscore here that the Panama
Canal Authority, which has been in charge of the canal since the
handover at the end of 1999, has done an impressive job of running it,
and we are very pleased to see that United States firms are getting a
fair shot at work on the ambitious multibillion dollar canal expansion
project.
Our shared history has allowed us to forge an effective and
enduring partnership to increase the benefits of Panama's unique
geography while countering the threats that flow from it. If confirmed,
I look forward to leading a strong interagency effort to protect our
homeland by helping Panama in its efforts to push back against drug
traffickers and other criminals who would exploit Panama's growing
transportation hub for illegal ends. Close cooperation with Panama in
law enforcement and security has already yielded many successes,
including increased narcotics seizures, a more effective police force,
and enhanced ability to combat money laundering. The Merida Initiative,
if approved by Congress, would add considerably to our efforts both in
Panama and the region.
As Panama's democratic institutions mature--and I look forward to
the 2009 Presidential elections, when Panamanians will once again go to
the polls to bring about a democratic transfer of power--and the
country enjoys enviable economic growth--more than 11 percent last
year--we recognize its progress and bright prospects for the future by
thinking and speaking of Panama increasingly as a partner in the
region. We are pleased to see Panama taking a leadership role, not only
regionally (such as last summer, when Panama effectively hosted the OAS
General Assembly) but also globally, as exemplified by Panama's current
work as a member of the U.N. Security Council. It would be my great
honor, if confirmed, to return to Panama as ambassador to build on this
partnership, particularly now, at this profoundly promising moment in
Panama's history.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you again for
granting me the honor of appearing before you today. I would be happy
to answer any questions you may have.
Senator Dodd. Well, thank you very, very much. And we thank
you, as well as the previous nominees, for your wonderful
service to the country--and that of your family. We don't often
recognize the family's contribution but thank you immensely for
that great work.
Ms. Stephenson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Dodd. Well, since we'll stay in the region, here,
we'll go north in a minute Mr. Speck, but if you don't mind
I'll turn to a fellow New Englander.
And I've got to tell you one quick story, Mr. Cianchette.
You'll know the individual, I think he's a majority leader in
the State Senate in Maine--Brennan, is that his last name? Or
was the President Pro Tem, I forget what office he holds----
Mr. Cianchette. Assistant leader.
Senator Dodd. Assistant leader. I'll just tell you a
wonderful story--he introduced me back a number of months ago
in an event in Maine, and he told me a wonderful story--his
grandmother is from a little island off of the West Coast of
Ireland, which just so happens, about 15 years ago, I bought a
little house on this island off the West coast--about 20 people
live on the island. And Senator Brennan went back to see the
site where his grandmother had left in 1911, and there's one
individual on the island, Paddy Folan, who's 94 years old, born
on the island, and a great character. And he showed Mr.
Brennan, Senator Brennan and his family, around the island
where I have this little cottage, and he turned to Senator
Brennan and he said, ``And what do you do in the United
States?'' and Mr. Brennan said, ``Well, I'm a Senator.'' And
Paddy Folan said, ``Wow,'' he said, ``the island's overloaded
with them.'' [Laughter.]
So, I couldn't resist when I saw you're from Maine.
Mr. Cianchette. I'll be sure to tell him that you----
Senator Dodd. Please do.
Mr. Cianchette [continuing]. Recanted that story this
afternoon.
STATEMENT OF PETER E. CIANCHETTE, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO
THE REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA
Mr. Cianchette. Senator Dodd, Senator Menendez, other
members of the committee thank you for granting me this
opportunity to appear before this august body. I am honored and
I'm humbled to be here as President Bush's nominee to be the
United States Ambassador to Costa Rica. I'm grateful to the
President and to Secretary Rice for their confidence and their
trust in sending my name to the Senate for your consideration.
I'm further humbled by the comments during the introductory
remarks by your colleagues and my beloved Senators, Senators
Snowe and Collins. I agree with you that they set the bar
fairly high for me in their introductory remarks, and I will
always do my best never to disappoint them, nor this
institution.
With the committee's indulgence I, too, would like to
introduce my family. I have with me my wife of nearly 22 years,
Carolyn. We have our children, Evan, who is 16, our daughter,
Maria, who is 14. My family is very excited about the prospect
of living and serving in Costa Rica along with me, and they've
been very supportive as we've contemplated this major
transition.
I'd also like to introduce my parents, Bud and Priscilla
Cianchette, and they probably prefer I don't give their ages,
as well as my brother, Earl, and my nephew, Dave Toomey.
Would you all----
Senator Dodd. We've got the whole gang here, why don't
you--
Mr. Cianchette. They're all right here.
Senator Dodd. All right here--why don't you all raise your
hands so we can see which of you--there you go, all right,
right in the front row. Welcome, all of you. Nice to have you
with us.
Mr. Cianchette. I might add that my nephew, Dave Toomey,
works over at the EPA and he's taking the afternoon off to be
here. So, I'm grateful for that. I may have to slip him a few
bucks to make up for his lost compensation.
Mr. Chairman, I'm truly honored by this potential
opportunity to serve in Costa Rica, and if I'm confirmed, I
believe my extensive business and public service experience
will help me strengthen our relationship with this important
regional ally.
My service in the Maine State legislature gave me valuable
experience that I'm confident will be useful if I am confirmed.
Legislative work, as you know, requires the ability to
demonstrate leadership and build consensus. An effective
legislator listens to the citizens he serves, responds to their
concerns, as well as those of his colleagues and the other
stakeholders, in any particular policy initiative.
Everything I've learned suggests that an effective
ambassador must lead the embassy, staff, and country, but build
consensus as a team player within the interagency community, so
that all U.S. equities are well-represented.
In business, as in public service and diplomacy, the
ability to connect with people is essential. My experience as
an executive with a Spanish-owned manufacturing company has
prepared me well to take advantage of the opportunities
presented by working in a different cultural context. Indeed,
decades of work with people at all levels in business, public
service, and civic organizations, have taught me that one sure
way to connect with someone is to tap into their aspirations.
And Costa Rica is a nation of great aspirations. With its
rich traditional of individualism and democracy, this staunch
U.S. ally is a model for other countries in the region, in
several respects.
A bastion of stability in an often troubled region, Costa
Rica abolished its military in 1948 to channel investments into
social services such as health care and education. Costa Rica
has progressively preserved its abundant national resources.
Last year, the poverty rate fell to a 30-year low, a historic
achievement.
However, at this critical moment, Costa Rica faces new
challenges. Costa Rica, the United States and other countries
in the region face shared security threats from human and drug
traffickers, terrorists, and other criminals.
In 2006, a greater amount of illicit narcotics was
interdicted in Costa Rica than any other country in Central
America with the exception of Panama. Costa Rica is grappling
with domestic crime on an unprecedented scale.
Fortunately, we have a willing partner in the Arias
administration that seeks for Costa Rica to play an important
and pivotal role in the integrated regional response to these
threats. If the President's Merida Initiative is approved,
Costa Rica's law enforcement personnel would receive training
and equipment to improve their ability to disrupt drug traffic,
and to combat crime.
Security concerns already affect hundreds of thousands of
United States citizens who visit and reside in Costa Rica each
year. If confirmed, I would have no greater priority than
protecting American citizens. Having traveled and conducted
business abroad, I understand what a tremendous resource the
U.S. Embassy can be, whether it's for replacing a lost or
stolen passport, or communicating lifesaving information during
a natural disaster.
From among other issues, if I'm confirmed, I would do my
utmost to help Costa Rica become a full partner in the Central
America-Dominican Republic-United States Free Trade Agreement.
The United States has a vibrant trade relationship with Costa
Rica that is likely to make the Costa Ricans the biggest
beneficiary of the free trade in this region, once this
agreement is fully implemented.
From 2005 to 2006, trade between Costa Rica and the United
States rose by almost 14 percent. Having long enjoyed access to
our markets through the Caribbean Basin Initiative, Costa Rica
is now ready for CAFTA. President Arias' leadership on this
issue has been impressive, and if confirmed, I will use my
professional experience to foster stronger trade, tourism, and
investment ties between our two nations.
Mr. Chairman, Senator Menendez, members of the committee, I
truly appreciate the opportunity to be before you today, and I
would be grateful for your support in this nomination process.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Cianchette follows:]
Prepared Statement of Peter E. Cianchette, Nominee to Be
Ambassador to the Republic of Costa Rica
Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, for granting
me the opportunity to appear before this august body.
I am honored and humbled to be here as President Bush's nominee to
be the United States Ambassador to Costa Rica. I am grateful to the
President and Secretary Rice for their confidence and trust in sending
my name to the Senate for your consideration.
With the committee's indulgence, I would like to introduce my wife
of nearly 22 years, Carolyn, who is here with me today, along with my
son, Evan, and my daughter, Maria. My family is excited about the
prospect of serving in Costa Rica and has been extremely supportive
when contemplating the possibility of this major transition. Also with
us today are my parents, Bud and Priscilla Cianchette.
Mr. Chairman, I am truly honored by this potential opportunity to
serve in Costa Rica. If confirmed, I believe my extensive public
service and business experience would help me to strengthen our
relationship with this important regional ally.
My service in the Maine state legislature gave me valuable
experience that I believe will be useful if I am confirmed. Legislative
work requires the ability to demonstrate leadership and build
consensus. An effective legislator listens to the citizens he serves
and responds to their concerns, as well as those of colleagues and the
many other stakeholders in any particular policy. Everything I've
learned suggests that an effective ambassador must lead the embassy
staff in the country, but build consensus as a team player within the
interagency community so that all U.S. equities are represented.
In business, as in public service and diplomacy, the ability to
connect with people is essential. My experience as an executive with a
Spanish-owned manufacturing company has prepared me well to take
advantage of the opportunities presented by working in a different
cultural context. Indeed, decades of work with people at all different
levels in business, public service, and civic organizations have taught
me that the one sure way to connect with someone is to tap into
aspirations.
And Costa Rica is a nation of great aspirations. With its rich
tradition of individualism and democracy, this staunch U.S. ally is a
model for other countries in the region in several respects. A bastion
of stability in an often-troubled region, Costa Rica abolished its
military in 1948 to channel investment into social services such as
healthcare and education. Costa Rica has progressively preserved its
abundant natural resources. Last year, the poverty rate fell to a 30-
year low, a historic achievement. However, at this critical juncture
Costa Rica faces new challenges.
Costa Rica, the United States, and other countries in the region
face shared security threats from human and drug traffickers,
terrorists, and other criminals. In 2006, a greater amount of illicit
narcotics was interdicted in Costa Rica than any other country in
Central America except Panama. Costa Rica is grappling with domestic
crime on an unprecedented scale. Fortunately, we have a willing partner
in the Arias administration that seeks for Costa Rica to play a pivotal
role in an integrated regional response to these threats. If the
President's Merida Initiative is approved, Costa Rica's law enforcement
personnel will receive training and equipment to improve their ability
to interdict drug traffic and combat crime.
Security concerns already affect the hundreds of thousands of U.S.
citizens who visit and reside in Costa Rica each year. If confirmed, I
would have no greater priority than protecting American citizens.
Having traveled and conducted business abroad, I understand what a
tremendous resource a U.S. embassy can be, whether for replacing a lost
passport or communicating lifesaving information during a natural
disaster.
From among other issues, if confirmed, I would do my utmost to help
Costa Rica become a full partner of the Central America-Dominican
Republic-United States Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR). The United
States has a vibrant trade relationship with Costa Rica that is likely
to make Costa Ricans the biggest beneficiaries of free trade in the
region once the agreement is fully implemented. From 2005 to 2006,
trade between Costa Rica and the United States rose by almost 14
percent. Having long enjoyed access to our market through the Caribbean
Basin Initiative (CBI), Costa Rica is now ready for CAFTA-DR.
President Arias' leadership on this issue has been impressive. If
confirmed, I will use my professional experience to foster stronger
trade, tourism, and investment ties between our two nations.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee, for the
privilege of appearing before you. I would be pleased to answer any
questions you may have.
Senator Dodd. Thank you very much, we appreciate that.
Mr. Speck, thank you. Thank you for joining us.
STATEMENT OF SAMUEL W. SPECK, NOMINEE TO BE COMMISSIONER ON THE
PART OF THE UNITED STATES ON THE INTERNATIONAL JOINT
COMMISSION, UNITED STATES AND CANADA
Mr. Speck. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the
committee. I'm honored to also have the opportunity to appear
before you, and grateful for the trust that the President
placed in me by nominating me to serve on the International
Joint Commission.
I have a special request, however, for this committee, and
that is, I didn't have an appreciation that families were also
invited, and I would greatly appreciate that my wife does not
learn of that opportunity, as well as the rest of the family.
[Laughter.]
Senator Dodd. You've got some diplomatic work to do.
[Laughter.]
Mr. Speck. Yes.
The United States and Canada share a stewardship over the
largest concentration of fresh surface water on this planet.
Americans and Canadians share a vital interest in the effective
management of our shared water resources at the border. And
despite some occasional, localized disputes, the degree of
cooperation between the United States and Canada in managing
transboundary environmental concerns, remains unprecedented in
the world.
If confirmed, I would bring to the position of IJC
Commissioner significant--and I believe--successful experience
in State and Federal Government, and in higher education, and a
strong background in resolving boundary water issues.
My educational/professional background includes--as Senator
Voinovich mentioned--Master's and Doctorate degrees in
government, extensive college teaching, 13 years of experience
as a State Representative and as a Senator in the Ohio
legislature, where I specialized in natural resources issues,
including chairing the Senator Natural Resources Committee, and
appointment as the Federal Emergency Management Agency's
associate Director for State and Local Programs and Support,
which included responsibility for some natural resources issues
like flood plain management and preparation for dealing with
natural resources disasters.
I also served as the President of Muskingum College for
some 11 years, and of course that was John Glenn's alma mater,
so you know it had to be a good institution.
Most recently, I served as Director of the Ohio Department
of Natural Resources, and at present, am involved in natural
resources consulting, and on a number of boards, including Ohio
State Nature Conservancy board, and Audubon board, and on
International Joint Commission's International Upper Great
Lakes Studies Public Information Advisory Committee--or group,
I should say--known as a PIAG.
During my tenure as Director of Ohio's Department of
Natural Resources, I was an active member and chair of the Lake
Erie Commission, the Great Lakes Commission, which also
included representatives of the Great Lakes Provinces--
essentially Quebec and Ontario--the Ohio Water Resource
Council.
In 2004, I was one of three State officials in the United
States to receive the National Governor's Association's Annual
Award for distinguished service in State government, and I
think that was related primarily to my work in water resources
issues, including perhaps my most important experience as it
relates to the position before you, in that I served over 4
years as chair of the Council of Great Lakes Governors and
Premiers Water Management Working Group, which developed the
Great Lakes-St. Lawrence River Basin Water Resources Compact,
and the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence River Basin Sustainable Water
Resources Agreement.
And, in part these were stimulated by the encouragement
Congress gave in WERTA, and particularly, WERTA 2000, in urging
the States to work together, and the Canadian Provinces alike,
to try to develop a more effective management of the waters of
the Great Lakes to protect that resource for the future. And
during our development of those agreements, we received helpful
guidance from the International Joint Commission.
In December of 2005, the Ten-Party Agreement was signed by
the Great Lakes governors and premiers, and the compact was
endorsed by the governors and sent on to the State
legislatures. The compact and agreement represent an
unprecedented commitment to preserve and protect the world's
largest single source of fresh water.
And I'm pleased to report to you, that as of March 2008,
four of the State legislatures have enacted the compact. The
legislation is pending in the other four, three of which have
passed it in one of the two houses in their respective States.
So, I hope that the compact is something that will soon be
ready to be presented to Congress for its consent.
The commission is uniquely positioned to assist the United
States with cooperatively addressing a number of continuing and
emerging challenges that exist along the boundary, including
responding to the change in demographics and water use and
water levels and supply conditions along the border, reducing
the threats to human and ecosystem health from toxic
substances, encouraging the development of watershed boards
that will build cooperative relationships among local
stakeholders, like the one recently developed, indeed the
first, up in the St. Croix area, between the State of Maine and
Canada.
With that, Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I would
be glad to answer any questions you might have, either now or
in writing.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Speck follows:]
Prepared Statement of Samuel W. Speck, Nominee to be a Commissioner on
the Part of the United States on the International Joint Commission,
United States and Canada
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today and grateful for the trust placed in me by the
President in nominating me to serve on the International Joint
Commission.
The United States and Canada share stewardship over the largest
concentration of fresh surface water on the planet. Americans and
Canadians share a vital interest in the effective management of our
shared water resources at the border. Despite occasional localized
disputes, the degree of cooperation between the United States and
Canada in managing transboundary environmental concerns remains
unprecedented in the world. For almost 100 years, the Boundary Waters
Treaty of 1909 has guided our two countries in developing shared water
resources for domestic supply, navigation, hydroelectric power, and
irrigation in an amicable and mutually beneficial manner. It also
provides a framework for preventing and resolving disputes over water
quantity and quality issues. The International Joint Commission (IJC)
plays a pivotal role in giving impartial science-based advice to assist
our countries in attaining the goals of the Treaty.
If confirmed, I would bring to the position of IJC commissioner
significant and successful leadership experience in State and Federal
Government and higher education and a strong background in resolving
boundary waters issues. My educational and professional background
includes earned masters and doctoral degrees in government (Harvard
University), extensive college teaching, 13 years of service as an Ohio
State representative and Senator where I specialized in natural
resources issues, appointment as the Federal Emergency Management
Agency's Associate Director for State and Local Programs and Support
(l983-1986), and President of Muskingum College (l987-1999) during
which time the college cut tuition by $4,000. Most recently I served as
Director of the Ohio Department of Natural Resources (1999-2007). At
present, I am involved in natural resources consulting and serving on a
number of nonprofit boards (including the Ohio Nature Conservancy and
Audubon boards) and on the International Joint Commission's
International Upper Great Lakes Study's Public Information Advisory
Group (PIAG).
During my tenure as Ohio's Director of Natural Resources, I served
on the Ohio Lake Erie Commission (member and chair), Great Lakes
Commission (member and chair), and Ohio Water Resources Council (member
and chair). In 2004, I was one of three state officials in the United
States to receive the National Governors Association's annual award for
Distinguished Service in State Government.
Perhaps most significant, I served for over 4 years as the chair of
the Council of Great Lakes Governors and Premiers Water Management
Working Group which developed the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence River Basin
Water Resources Compact and the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence River Basin
Sustainable Water Resources Agreement. In December 2005, the agreement
was signed by Great Lakes Governors and Premiers and the compact was
endorsed by Great Lakes Governors. The compact and agreement represent
an unprecedented commitment to preserve and protect the world's largest
single source of fresh water. I am happy to report that as of March
2008, four of the eight Great Lakes States have enacted the compact and
legislative action is pending in four others. I hope that the compact
will soon be ready to be presented to Congress for its consent.
The International Joint Commission has had a long history of
carrying out the scientific work and consultations that provided the
basis for approving the development of hydroelectric power along the
border and providing advice to governments in defining transboundary
water quality objectives and managing shared water resources.
In addition, the commission is uniquely positioned to assist the
United States with cooperatively addressing a number of emerging
challenges that exist along the boundary. These include:
Responding to changing demographics, water use, and water levels and
supply conditions on the border;
Reducing the threats to human and ecosystem health from toxic
substances; and
Encouraging development of watershed boards that will build cooperative
relationships among local stakeholders on both sides of the
border and foster a sense of shared responsibility for the
health of the watershed.
If confirmed by the Senate, I look forward continuing communication
with appropriate executive branch agencies and with the Congress to
help maintain the strong and productive relationship with Canada that
is so important to our country and the shared water resources upon we
depend.
I look forward to answering any questions that you might have for
me.
Senator Dodd. Well, thank you very, very much. I appreciate
that.
We've been joined by Senator Feingold, from Wisconsin,
thank you Senator for being with us.
I'll just ask a couple of questions of you, and then I'll
quickly turn to my colleagues and have them raise any other
issues that they're interested in.
Ms. Stephenson, let me ask you about the plans on the
Panama Canal. This was a remarkable event, I happened to be
there in nineteen--I'm trying to think what year it was, now,
we celebrated--I think it was 1979, and then 1989, it was the
10th anniversary that I went down to celebrate that
anniversary, and I was very impressed at how things were
working.
At that time, obviously, a very controversial issue, and it
was before I arrived in the Senate, but that was about as
heated a debate in the country and where you stood--and people
like Howard Baker, Paul Sarbanes, who played a critical role in
that issue--and a lot of people, Barry Goldwater, people like
John Wayne, I recall, people have forgotten some of the people
who were heroic in that effort, and the importance of that
conclusion.
But I know there's some talk about plans for expanding the
canal, and the like. Do you want to share with us what you know
about that?
Ms. Stephenson. Yes, sir. It's good to have someone who
remembers just how controversial that was. Because I
certainly--when I arrived in Panama--the feelings about that
were still very raw and bubbling near the surface, I mean
certainly with, here on the Senate.
And I think both sides feel really good about the way that
it's unfolded. The handover happened in 1999, so the Panama
Canal Authority runs the canal. Revenues are up, accidents in
canal waters are down, transit times have been shortened--so
really, by every measure, the canal is being run efficiently
and effectively, and it's a source of pride for Panamanians,
and it's an excellent source of transit for us.
Panamanians had a referendum in 2007, and decided yes,
indeed, they would expand the canal. So, it would add a third
set of locks, and the work will go on for about the next 10
years. The budget right now is about $5 billion--you will
remember that are ships that are actually built called Panamax
which are, you know, big boxy ships that just slide through
those locks. The third set of locks would be bigger, so that
you could actually have, not only more traffic going through,
but you could take through ships that are bigger than those
specifications.
So, it's broken into a number of phases, some U.S.
companies have already won portions of it, CH2M Hill won the
project management contract, an American law firm won the legal
advice contract, and there's a design-build contract that's
going out also--some U.S. companies are part of some of the
bids that are there for that.
I was reading a piece in the Spanish press, the Spanish-
language press, boning up on my Spanish, and see that the Canal
Expansion Project won a big award in Verona, Italy, for sort of
the best civil engineering going forth this year, so it's a
source of real pride.
And I think the concerns we've had that were very present
in the 1977 debate about whether our interests could be
preserved if we handed it over to Panama, I think it's another
thing to look back on with a real sense of pride, is that our
ships still transit it, we're still by far the biggest user.
But it runs very well, and it's a source of great pride for
Panama, too.
So, I think it's one of those where we can all look back on
it, and feel very good about having done the right thing.
Senator Dodd. Yeah. It's a remarkable history.
I was in London about a month ago, and I love maps. I went
to an old map store and I found an old map, an 1850 map of
Panama, that identified the potential sources of a canal, drawn
onto the map, including the one that's the Panama Canal, but
also the San Juan River going to Lake Managua----
Ms. Stephenson. Right, remember?
Senator Dodd [continuing]. Which was the earlier idea that
the Vanderbilts were promoting at that time.
Ms. Stephenson. Right.
Senator Dodd. So, it's a wonderful little piece of history
to know that 50 years before any of this started, there were
people already moving in that direction.
On Costa Rica, you know, and I was thinking, in a way,
you've got Torrijos in Panama, you've got Oscar Arias in Costa
Rica, you've got Dan Ortega in Nicaragua----
[Laughter.]
Senator Dodd [continuing]. You've got the Bushes in the
White House----
[Laughter.]
Senator Dodd. I mean, I'll tell you, sort of, nothing's
changed a lot in terms of names around the region.
Oscar Arias is someone that all of us have worked with over
the years in various points, and explain a little bit about how
this is working you're optimistic in your statement about how
the CAFTA agreement is working in Costa Rica. It was a major
election item for Oscar Arias in his campaign, he survived, and
won the election. And it's the process of ratifying and
implementing CAFTA, but it's clear the public remains divided
on this issue, still, I think is reports say that we get out of
Costa Rica. But you seem to indicate otherwise. It is divided,
or not? How is this going?
Mr. Cianchette. Well, Senator, certainly that was a very
close election. As you most likely well know, there was a
public referendum, a country-wide referendum on CAFTA. It was
ratified, it was narrowly passed, but yet now enjoys a greater
level of support than when it did, when it went out for that
referendum in last fall, in October of 2007.
I think at this--there's been much discussion around the
country, certainly a referendum of that nature causes lots of
people to be educated, and discussion, and I really believe
that from everything that I've learned, and the intense
research I've been doing the last couple of months, that Costa
Ricans understand, by and large, that they've been given a
unique opportunity to partner with other allies, or with other
countries in the region, and most importantly with the United
States and this is--truly presents them with a unique
opportunity.
So, I believe that the support for this agreement has
increased, and certainly the President, President Arias, has
been steadfast in his support, and his belief that it is in the
best interest of his country. And he's continued to work with
the assembly, they've made great progress, as you may know,
they did receive an extension to enter into the agreement
fully--had the ratification, but now it's required that they
have a number of modifications to their laws and regulations to
fully implement.
They're making very good progress on that. I believe that
that will happen, and if I am confirmed, and fortunate enough
to serve there, I will continue to work with the President and
other stakeholders to make certain that they understand that
this is a last, best chance, if you will, for them to join this
unique opportunity, and I believe they will, and I will lend
whatever support I can to that.
Senator Dodd. Well, thank you very, very much.
I've got a couple of questions for you, Mr. Speck, but I
want to respect my colleagues' presence here and their time
constraints, and I know Senator Feingold probably has some
strong questions.
But I understand, Bob, you've got about 10 minutes before
you've got to be at another meeting, if you have any questions
here, and then we'll jump to Russ.
I'm going to step out for one second, just excuse me, I'll
be in the back room, here, so Russ, take over.
Senator Feingold [presiding]. Thanks, Mr. Chairman. I won't
ask for unanimous consent for anything while you're gone.
[Laughter.]
Senator Menendez. Again, congratulations to all of you on
your nominations, and Mr. Speck, I won't say anything to your
wife, but I'm not sure today's proceedings are on C-Span or
not, and hopefully she's not watching if that's the case, so--
--
[Laughter.]
Senator Menendez. So, let me--Mr. Cianchette, I appreciated
our two colleagues introduction of you, and your own statement,
and you come from a bit of a different background than some of
the other nominees, so you'll--I hope you'll understand the
nature of my questions, in that respect.
Have you traveled to Costa Rica?
Mr. Cianchette. Sir, I have not, to date.
Senator Menendez. How--what is your depth of your command
of Spanish--I know you said you worked with a Spanish-related
company--what is the depth of your command of Spanish?
Mr. Cianchette. Well, during the mid-1980s, I worked for a
company based from Madrid, Spain, and I traveled often to board
meetings, and conduct--other opportunities to conduct business
with them--and tour around Spain. And during that time, I
completed a total immersion course in Spanish, and became--what
I felt was--very comfortable with business and social
discussions, and able to communicate, both verbally and to
understand what's being discussed in Spanish.
I will admit, sir, that my--I haven't had many
opportunities to work with my language in the last--in the
Spanish language--in the last years, and I have engaged
actively with the FSI in distance-learning programs and others,
I will avail myself to boost my knowledge of the language and
to regain much of the ability that I had during the time when I
worked for this international company.
Senator Menendez. You know, an ambassador has a lot of
skill sets that are involved here. Certainly, language is
always very helpful, customs--an understanding of customs--a
sense of the politics of the country, a sense of strategy
within the country. I--could you give me a sense of the
experiences that you've had, how you believe that some of those
skill sets that you've had--will help you in this regard?
Mr. Cianchette. Sir, thank you for your question, and I
understand the nature of this. I will address that in a number
of different ways.
One, is to say very clearly that since receiving the
nomination, and having it been sent forth to you all for
consideration, I have devoted my time to understanding Costa
Rica, its history, its culture, and its current issues, and
sort of political climate, as well as other geo-political
issues. So, I have spent a great deal of time, so that I can be
fully learned about those issues.
I have sought the counsel of the three most recent
ambassadors to Costa Rica. One happens to be Chairman Dodd's
brother, who I had the great opportunity to make his
acquaintance last week, and I have sought their counsel from
each of those.
So that's really what I've done to fully immerse myself,
and understand the issues that would confront me if I am
confirmed.
Again, I would underscore my work with an international
company based in Madrid, Spain, in other years where I--in
order to really, fully understand their issues and their
philosophy, as we were business associates--I really needed to
understand their cultural, things in their cultural context,
and pride myself on the ability to have done that in the past,
so that I could be fully engaged in a productive way with them.
Senator Menendez. One last question, on the question of
drug interdiction in Costa Rica--it's going to be a significant
part of our efforts, here--I heard what you said about Merida,
which all of you have said, to the extent that those previous
panelists were involved, as well. But, what do you believe is
the extent of the United States cooperation with Costa Rica in
terms of the whole narcotics interdiction effort? And what role
do you see yourself playing if you were to be ultimately
confirmed?
Mr. Cianchette. Sir, I think we can point to a great deal
of success that the United States and Costa Rica has had
recently, working collaboratively. There was a bilateral
maritime agreement that's been in force and been in place, that
gave us great cooperation, with great success in interdicting
drugs. Again, as we've said, we've had more cocaine seized in
Costa Rica--or they have had more cocaine seized in Costa
Rica--than anywhere else in the region, with the exception of
Panama.
Their--our opportunities to work with their law enforcement
organizations, their security personnel, their Coast Guard, if
you will, those institutions and those organizations to make
sure they are highly effective, I believe, has been successful.
Furthermore, I believe that the willingness that we have
from the Costa Rican--the interest in our support, in our aid,
in our assistance--in training their personnel and building
their capacity is a very positive sign. And that we've been
cooperating with them, and that they're a willing partner, we
can contribute--excuse me, we can build stronger capacity--and
that we will continue to have successes, and that's why the
initiatives, such as the Merida Initiative--and I understand
you are all still contemplating that--but the components, or
similar components, that underlie that program, I think can
help us continue to have those types of successes so that we
can disrupt the flow of drugs coming into Costa Rica, and
ultimately, hopefully, prevent them from also coming into the
United States.
Senator Menendez. All right.
Finally, Ms. Stephenson, let me ask you, we have put nearly
$4 million toward Panama in the International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement Assistance component for Panama. I wonder if you
have a view as to whether or not the way we presently have it
structured--do you think that is the best way we can engage
with Panama?
And second, can you give me a sense of what you think the
banking situation is in Panama as it relates to money
laundering?
Ms. Stephenson. Yes, Senator Menendez, certainly I'll have
a much better feel once I'm actually, if I'm confirmed, I'm in
Panama, but I have had extensive consultations with the
Department of Justice, and the various components of the law
enforcement team leading up to this, and I'm pretty happy with
this.
There are things like the vetted units, are a key
component, the fingerprint system has been flagged for me by
senior Justice officials as kind of if there's, ``the one thing
I could do, this is what I would do.'' So, even in the Pillar 1
part, which is the part that's more hard-core counternarcotics,
even in there, I think it's, we've placed it on the things that
really do pay the big dividends.
And the other component of it is an information sharing
capability, so I think that that's--I think it's quite good.
I really agree with what you say about the importance of a
holistic approach and of the institution-building. It's slow
work, it's hard for us to measure institution-building, you
know, on a year-by-year basis and so I think that that
sometimes leads us to question whether it's working, when you
look back you see that it did.
The other thing, though, about institution-building is
sometimes it's not as expensive as some of the other things.
And so, even though it's a core part of it, measuring it by the
dollars that go into it is only one of the indicators of its
relative importance. And I welcome you insisting that we have a
holistic approach, and that we build the institutions, but I do
flag that the kind of institution-building you're doing--
training just doesn't cost as much as equipment does, it's just
less expensive.
I'm happy with this, I have to say, if I had the chance to
write it, it wouldn't look very different than this. I am happy
that the amounts we've requested for 2009 are considerably
greater. My experience over the years has been that when you go
in that first year, you've got the political will--the Central
Americans have asked for help in this. You go in, your initial
aid money really does allow you to scope the problem, and
explore the system and see where the weaknesses are, and then
it allows you to spend larger amounts of money in the following
years in a much more targeted and effective way.
So, I have to say, I'm very pleased with this, and I'm
pleased with the political will the Central Americans showed.
I'm also really pleased with the amount of inter-agency
cooperation that has been generated in Washington, in the
effort to put this together. Because when we pull together with
the strategy, we get much better results than when we work
competitively.
Senator Menendez. And money laundering?
Ms. Stephenson. Money laundering--it's a sophisticated
financial system. You know, it's situated right there where the
drugs are flowing up, and Colombia is right below it. I think
that unmistakably there is--there is some black market peso
exchange activity that is going on there. We work closely with
the Panamanians, like with the Caribbean Financial Action Task
Force, to strengthen the systems that fight it, but it is
something that I want to get--I want to work on when I'm down
there. It was a huge problem when I was there 20 years ago. I
asked this with--at every level of my consultations, and to be
honest, I got varying views. With some agencies feeling like it
was really looking awfully good, and others worried that
perhaps it wasn't as good as it looked.
So, I want to get a good assessment of just what's going
on, and where we can strengthen the systems to discourage it.
But Panama is going to be a vulnerability, because of its
geography, and because of a very robust banking sector.
Senator Menendez. Well, I appreciate you recognizing that,
I thank my colleague from Wisconsin.
Ms. Stephenson. Thank you, sir.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Senator Menendez.
And I thank the chairman and the ranking member for holding
this hearing, I congratulate all of you on your nominations.
I'd like to first make some brief remarks and then I do have a
few specific questions for Samuel Speck.
Mr. Speck is nominated to be a Commissioner representing
the United States on the International Joint Commission. The
IJC plays an important role in the management of the Great
Lakes and preventing water disputes between Canada and the
United States.
Every year I hold town meetings or listening sessions in
each of Wisconsin's counties, and last year I heard from many
concerned Wisconsinites about the near-record low lake levels
in both Lake Superior and Michigan. As anyone who has ever
visited the Badger State knows, those lakes are near and dear
to all Wisconsinites. Studies of water levels in the Great
Lakes suggest that both manmade changes, and abnormal weather
conditions may be contributing to the falling levels.
In September, I was joined by several other Great Lakes
Senators in urging the IJC to expedite both its study of
potential erosion in the St. Claire River, and its updating of
the regulatory plan for Lake Superior's water level and its
outflow. I greatly appreciate the IJC's attention to this
request, and its announcement last October that part of the
study--which is looking into the St. Claire River--would be
expedited by a full year.
The IJC's International Upper Great Lakes Study is also
looking at updating its 1979 plan for Lake Superior, to
determine if its regulation of the lake's outflows can be
improved to take into consideration changing interests, and the
impact of climate change and other factors on Great Lakes water
levels.
The Great Lakes undoubtedly require our continued
commitment if they are to remain a vibrant economic and
environmental resource for Wisconsin, the Mid-West and the
entire nation.
Mr. Speck, I thank you for joining us today, and again, I
congratulate you on your nomination. Given your natural
resources background, I'm confident you have a strong grasp of
the importance of the Great Lakes ecosystem. I know you've been
involved in the International Upper Great Lakes Study, and to
your knowledge, let me ask you, is the IJC still on schedule,
and will you--as a commissioner--commit to meeting the
expedited February 2009 deadline for the St. Claire River
Study?
Mr. Speck. I share your concern, and as I think is
reflected on my agreeing to serve on that PIAG. To the best of
my knowledge, it is on course, it is being given priority, as
it was reprioritized.
The issues that you mentioned are proving to be very
complex issues, as you look at what has been causing the drop
in the waters of both Lake Ontario--I don't mean Lake Ontario,
that's the lower Great Lakes study--in Huron and Michigan. And
we want to make certain that we bring--as one of the main
contributions of the IJC--the best science for making
decisions, and have our arms around all of the factors that may
have been causing that drop, which perhaps was masked by that
higher water period a few years ago, and we didn't recognize it
maybe as quickly as it should have been recognized.
But yes, we--that's critical, it has been reprioritized,
and we are moving ahead--indeed we are holding public hearings
throughout the area, we're commencing some at the end of this
month.
Senator Feingold. Well, will you commit to meeting the
expedited February 2009 deadline?
Mr. Speck. Certainly, we'll make every effort to do that.
Senator Feingold. I hope so. Is the IJC planning to make
recommendations to the U.S. Congress about necessary actions,
such as potentially having the Corps of Engineers finish its
environmental mitigation work from several decades ago on the
St. Claire River?
Mr. Speck. I would, you know, Senator Feingold, and members
of the committee, the IJC is sort of a strange organization, in
that it is binational and the role of the IJC is to make
recommendations to the Federal Government and the same goes
with Canada. And we would certainly be coming back to do that,
because it will be--Congress will likely have a critical role
in the future there.
Senator Feingold. We look forward to getting some of those
recommendations. There are some very serious concerns, as
you're aware, and I hope the IJC continues to work with and
listen to all of the stakeholders, and I look forward to the
final results.
In regard to the second part of the IJC study assessing low
lake levels, can you tell me when the IJC intends to complete
its recommendations for updating Lake Superior's regulatory
plan--is this still expected to take 5 years?
Mr. Speck. At this point, that's the best of my
information, but I have no, you know, I can't tell you if
there's any change afoot on that, but I certain can get back to
you that, and to the committee on that.
Senator Feingold. Good.
Do you personally think, sir, that we can maintain Great
Lakes water quality protection if discharges of pollution are
no longer regulated at the source, as required by the Clean
Water Act of 1972?
Mr. Speck. That is a matter of justifiable concern, and
we'd want to give attention to that.
Senator Feingold. As you're probably aware, due to recent
Supreme Court decisions, currently over 50 percent of the
Nation's streams, and millions of acres of wetlands are in
jeopardy of losing Clean Water Act protections, which means
discharges of pollution into these waters could no longer be
regulated. I don't see how the United States can fulfill its
obligations under the United States-Canada Water Quality
Agreement, which I understand the IJC wants to update--if these
waters do not remain protected.
The agreement and the Clean Water Act share the same goal
of reducing the discharge of pollutants into the Great Lakes
system, in an effort to restore or maintain the chemical,
physical, and biological integrity of the waters of the Great
Lakes Basin Ecosystem. I hope that as commissioner, you'll
support my efforts, and those of Chairmen Oberstar, Dingell,
and Ehlers, to restore the Clean Water Restoration Act, to
restore the 35-year old protections, and fulfill our
obligations under the Water Quality Agreement.
As you know, the Great Lakes supply drinking water to more
than 40 million United States and Canadian residents, so a lot
is at stake, if you'd like to respond to that.
Mr. Speck. I am not prepared to make a commitment--I
understand the problem, and would certainly be glad to work
within the commission to see where it would be appropriate for
us to address it, in terms of recommendations that might be
made.
As you know, with what you mentioned, in terms of the Great
Lakes Protection Act itself, one of the things that the IJC has
been recommending is that it be more active in this area. Those
recommendations, I think, have been submitted to the respective
Federal Governments. And so, something has been underway in
that regard.
Senator Feingold. Good, well, I just wanted to put that
issue and legislation on your radar screen, and I wish you
well.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Dodd [presiding]. Thank you very much, Senator.
And I want to thank all three of you, and I wish you well
in the coming days. You may have heard what I said to the
previous panel. We'll try and move this process along, and any
additional questions members have, and I suspect there may be
some, we'll try and get them to you very quickly.
For those who are staff, I'd like you to notify your
respective members of how important it is to get these
questions asked, and then responses to it, and we'll try and
see if we can't schedule a mark-up of these nominations.
Congratulations to all three of you. And thank you, again,
for being here today.
The committee will stand adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 5:00 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Prepared Statement of Hon. Sherrod Brown,
U.S. Senator From Ohio
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I am pleased to offer my
strong support for the nomination of my fellow Ohioan, Dr. Samuel W.
Speck, Jr., to the International Joint Commission. There are numerous
important issues affecting the international boundary waters that
separate the United States and Canada, including ballast water and
other issues related to the continued presence of invasive species, and
ongoing water quality concerns, just to name a few. We must have smart,
confident U.S. representation on the commission. Samuel Speck is a
perfect fit for this job.
Dr. Speck has a long and distinguished career as a public servant
and as an educator, including his longtime service to his alma mater,
Muskingum College, as a faculty member and then college President, his
work as a State legislator and with the Federal Emergency Management
Agency, and more recently his tenure as Director of the Ohio Department
of Natural Resources. At ODNR, Dr. Speck was greatly involved in
improving Lake Erie and championing new protections for the Great
lakes, both as ODNR Director and as Chairman of the binational Great
Lakes Commission. His knowledge of the Great Lakes--home to \1/5\ of
the world's fresh water--and familiarity with the numerous issues
affecting our shared waterways would be of great benefit on the IJC.
As a former colleague of Dr. Speck's, I can speak to his
willingness to bring different sides together, his integrity, and his
dedication to the task at hand. He has spent his life committed to
educating our children, protecting the environment, and improving our
world for future generations. I offer my wholehearted support for the
nomination of Dr. Samuel W. Speck, Jr., to the International Joint
Commission.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
______
State of Ohio,
Columbus, OH, April 15, 2008.
Hon. Joseph R. Biden, Jr.,
U.S. Senate,Committee on Foreign Relations, Washington DC.
Dear Chairman Biden: On behalf of the people of the Great State of
Ohio, please accept my letter of support for the nomination of Dr.
Samuel W. Speck to the position of Commissioner on the part of the
United States on the International Joint Commission, United States and
Canada. I support this nomination based on Dr. Speck's proven
expertise, experience, and leadership in the area of natural resources
at both the State and Federal level.
Dr. Speck served as Ohio's director of the Ohio Department of
Natural Resources for 8 years and in this position Dr. Speck was
responsible for the management of Ohio's 74 State parks, 20 State
forests, and 125 State nature preserves, in addition to numerous other
management responsibilities. Dr. Speck chaired the Council of Great
Lakes Governors and Premiers Water Management Working Group that led to
the development of the Great Lakes Annex Agreement and Compact--an
historic and much needed protection for our Great Lakes.
Dr. Speck worked collaboratively and in a bipartisan manner over
the years to protect our natural resources and build a consensus around
some of the most important issues for the State of Ohio. I am confident
that he will continue to offer vision and perspective in this position.
I appreciate the attention your office and your committee have
directed to this important appointment. Please be assured that I am
available to lend any assistance to the process.
Thank you for your consideration.
Kindest Regards,
Ted Strickland,
Governor.
______
Responses of Peter E. Cianchette to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. President Arias nearly lost reelection because of his
support for CAFTA. Costa Rica is in the process of ratifying and
implementing CAFTA but it is clear that the public remains seriously
divided regarding this trade agreement. What are some of the key
concerns the public has raised on this issue?
Answer. CAFTA was narrowly ratified in a historic public referendum
on October 7, 2007, but the Costa Rican public has come to view the
agreement more favorably in the ensuing months. Public opinion polls
conducted in Costa Rica in January 2008 revealed that two-thirds of
Costa Ricans expect CAFTA to benefit the country, and that a strong
majority--even among those who voted ``no'' to the referendum--want
CAFTA to be implemented. In addition, President Arias currently enjoys
the highest approval rating--64 percent--among Central American
leaders.
This shift in public opinion about CAFTA can likely be attributed
to three factors. First, in Costa Rica's vibrant, long-standing
democracy, the will of the people is paramount. Now that the public has
spoken in the referendum, the national debate is largely over. Second,
the public, in addition to the political sector, including most of the
parties that had opposed CAFTA, is anxious to complete CAFTA in order
to focus on other priorities, such as addressing Costa Rica's growing
domestic security problems. Third, the public remains confident that
the Arias administration is proceeding along the right track.
There is still a vocal, very small minority opposed to CAFTA, but
they are out of the political mainstream. This minority argues that
CAFTA would weaken the statist model that has historically provided
Costa Ricans a generous social welfare safety net, and would jeopardize
small farmers, once the backbone of Costa Rica's economy.
Environmentalists also fear that the rapid economic development CAFTA
is expected to promote will come at the expense of environmental
protection.
Question. How is the United States working with President Arias to
address these issues?
Answer. The Arias administration believes that the state
institutions to be opened by CAFTA (telecommunications and insurance)
need reformation in order to provide better service to the people. The
Arias administration, with other political parties, is also working on
legislation to offset any CAFTA-related impact on small businesses and
farmers.
The United States and the other CAFTA signatories agreed to grant
Costa Rica sufficient time to implement CAFTA. At Costa Rica's request,
all of the CAFTA countries agreed to a one-time entry-into-force
extension from March 1, 2008, as required in the agreement, until
October 1, 2008.
The United States is also providing $100 million in regional Trade
Capacity Building assistance from fiscal year 2005-2007 to improve
environmental protection and labor rights protection as CAFTA is
implemented. Costa Rica is receiving a share of those funds, and has
invested in the strengthening of the capacity of the Ministries of
Environment and Energy, and Labor. If confirmed, I will support CAFTA-
linked environment and trade capacity building. USAID has funded
training and programs administered by the U.S. Department of
Agriculture (USDA) and Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to
strengthen Costa Rica's regulatory systems and ultimately increase
trade with the United States.
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. Yes. I have read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. Yes. I understand and unreservedly agree to abide by the
principles set forth in 04 STATE 258893. The more than 3,000 Peace
Corps volunteers who have served in Costa Rica since 1963 have advanced
United States objectives significantly and contributed to Costa Rica's
development through a variety of projects including health, education,
environment, agriculture, small business development, and youth
development. If confirmed, I will strongly support Peace Corps
Volunteers in Costa Rica in their mission to focus on addressing the
needs of the most vulnerable populations throughout the country,
strengthening agencies and communities to serve these populations.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps' role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. government
agencies''?
Answer. I understand that the Peace Corps must remain substantially
separate from the day-to-day conduct and concerns of our foreign policy
and wholly accept and endorse this separation. I comprehend the Peace
Corps' unique role and realize that its need for separation from the
day-to-day activities of the mission is not comparable to those of
other U.S. government agencies.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. I pledge that, if confirmed, I will exercise my chief of
mission authorities so as to provide the Peace Corps with as much
autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day operations as possible, so
long as this does not conflict with U.S. objectives and policies.
__________
Responses of Peter E. Cianchette to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What was the
impact of your actions?
Answer. Throughout my career and in my public service, I've worked
with people at all levels in manufacturing, investment, personnel,
public, and other sectors. I have found that the one sure way to
connect with someone is to tap into aspirations. I have then sought to
use those aspirations to promote an appreciation for individual and
human rights, democracy, and decency. As examples, I would cite my
support, as a state legislator, for expanding the Maine Human Rights
Act to extend protections from discrimination (in employment, housing,
credit, etc.) based on sexual orientation. As a legislator and private
citizen, I have also broadly encouraged individuals to participate in
the democratic process at all levels. Further, I am especially proud of
my work with charitable foundations including the Make-A-Wish
Foundation, YES! to Youth, and the Greater Portland Big Brothers/Big
Sisters. These opportunities have allowed me to witness the impact that
the time and attention of concerned community-oriented citizens can
have on the scores of children and families served by these programs.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Costa
Rica? What are the most important steps you expect to take, if
confirmed, to promote human rights and democracy in Costa Rica? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Costa Rica is a stable, long-standing democracy with an
admirable history of protecting and defending human rights,
domestically and internationally. While there are far fewer in Costa
Rica than elsewhere in the region, the most pressing human rights issue
in Costa Rica is trafficking in persons. Costa Rica is a source,
transit, and destination country for men, women, and children
trafficked for the purpose of sexual exploitation, and to a lesser
degree, for labor exploitation. Other urgent human rights concerns the
U.S. government has noted in recent years focus on prison overcrowding,
a slow and complex legal justice system, and the protection of
refugees.
If confirmed, I will make promoting human rights a central issue. I
will support use of the ambassador's fund for programs that help
resettle refugees. I will encourage Costa Rica to adopt comprehensive
legislation to criminalize all forms of human trafficking and to
provide greater legal protections and assistance for victims. Through
these actions, I hope to promote human rights and democracy through the
reduction of trafficking in persons and increasing governability.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Costa Rica in
advancing human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. Embassy San Jose's Mission Strategic Plan notes that the
broader challenge is not to make Costa Rica more democratic, but to
make it a more effective democracy by increasing the effectiveness of
the legislative and judicial systems, a key governability issue. If
confirmed, I will work with the Arias administration with the goal of
increasing governability through new legislation, improve
intragovernment coordination, devote additional resources for prisons,
and increase the focus on trafficking in persons issues. Lack of staff
resources and funding are the main obstacles to combating trafficking
in persons. Prosecutors and the judiciary are woefully understaffed and
underfunded, resulting in relatively few prosecutions.
Question. In your new position, what steps will you take to ensure
that promotion of human rights objectives will be an integral part of
the activities of the United States Embassy-Costa Rica? If confirmed,
what steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who
engage in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally
rewarded for superior service?
Answer. If confirmed as ambassador, I would emphasize the
importance of monitoring, promoting, and reporting on human rights and
labor rights as a fundamental goal of the U.S. Mission. I would ensure
that the embassy cooperates with the Costa Rican Ministry of Labor on
child labor prevention and school retention programs. I would ensure
that embassy personnel continue to make much-needed judicial and other
training available to the Costa Rican public sector through our various
assistance programs. The Merida Initiative, if approved, includes
funding to improve prison management.
As a businessman who has managed hundreds of employees, I would
take a highly personal approach to motivating embassy staff to excel in
promoting human rights. As ambassador, I would recognize and reward
embassy employees who are proactive in this area by nominating them for
Department of State-wide awards as well as recognizing them in the
presence of peers to indicate that this issue is a high priority.
Question. Will you commit to meeting regularly with nongovernmental
organizations in the United States and in Costa Rica who are working to
promote human rights?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I will regularly meet with major
nongovernmental organizations that share our interest in combating
sexual exploitation and forced labor. If confirmed, I will also
encourage embassy personnel to actively engage with these NGOs and to
broaden their social networks to allow the mission to gain a fuller
understanding of the conditions that drive these crimes. Through
consultation with civil society, we will be better able to generate
innovative means of helping Costa Rica to address root causes.
______
Responses of Heather M. Hodges to questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Poverty and inequality are enormous problems in Ecuador,
particularly among indigenous populations. According to a recent World
Bank study, 87 percent of indigenous Ecuadorians live in poverty. What
can the United States do to assist Ecuador in reducing poverty and
inequality?
Answer. Economic development and poverty reduction are priorities
in our relationship with Ecuador. The Andean Trade Promotion Act (ATPA)
is an important tool in our continuing efforts to assist the people of
Ecuador in creating economic opportunity and alleviating poverty
through market-based solutions. Our trade and economic growth
assistance to Ecuador focuses on technical assistance, training,
financial support for free and open markets, competitiveness and
poverty reduction. Our programs help farmers increase productivity and
product quality, link them to end users, and improve family incomes. We
also work with local governments to increase tax collection and improve
transparency. Last year, our infrastructure programs financed the
construction of 14 bridges, 20 water systems, and 9 sewage systems,
which benefited 70,000 of the poorest Ecuadorians.
Question. The Andean Trade Preference Act is an enormously
important trade provision for Ecuador and for the Government of
Ecuador. ATPA was recently extended by Congress, but is scheduled to
expire in the fall. Is it your expectation that the administration will
seek an extension beyond this fall? What are the implications of
letting ATPA lapse?
Answer. ATPA is a key component of our continuing efforts to assist
the people of Colombia, Peru, Ecuador, and Bolivia in combating drug
production, creating economic opportunity, and alleviating poverty by
using the power of the free sector. This people-to-people program has
strengthened economic ties between businesses and workers in Ecuador
and the United States, and has helped Ecuador create new, globally
competitive industries in such areas as its flower sector. The
Government of Ecuador estimates ATPA has generated approximately
350,000 jobs in Ecuador.
ATPA will expire on December 31, 2008. I believe it is premature to
speculate what the administration's position will be when Congress must
again deliberate extending this important program.
Question. My understanding is that the Andean Parliament is going
to convene a regional security conference next month in Quito. Do you
believe that these regional efforts can be productive in reducing
tensions and fostering greater regional cooperation and integration on
a host of issues?
Answer. The Andean Parliament has stated that one of the issues
that will be addressed during the May 29-30, 2008 conference will be
the tensions between Ecuador and Colombia over Colombia's raid of a
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) camp across the
Ecuadorian border. The overall purpose of the conference will be to
discuss with experts how to avoid such incidents from occurring
again.We value our strong relationship with both Colombia and Ecuador
and support efforts that reduce tensions between them. However, the
countries of the region must also address the underlying cause of this
tension, which is rooted in the presence of the FARC in the territory
of Colombia and its neighbors and the need for the affected states to
work together to combat the threat of the FARC.
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. Yes. I have carefully reviewed this cable.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. Yes. I understand and agree to abide by the principles set
forth in 04 State 258893 regarding Peace Corps-State Department
relations.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day to day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy and that the Peace Corps
role and its need for separation from the day to day activities of the
mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies?''
Answer. Our mission in Ecuador assiduously respects keeping the
Peace Corps removed from any and all policy areas. As an illustration
of that principle, the Peace Corps will be the only United States
Government element that will not be colocated at the New Embassy
Compound when the Embassy in Quito moves this summer.
I understand the need to keep the Peace Corps substantially
separate from the day to day conduct of our foreign policy and, if
confirmed, will strongly support this policy.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. When I was ambassador in Moldova we had a large and
successful Peace Corps program (approximately 115 volunteers). I
considered the Peace Corps one of our greatest assets and did
everything to support and promote their programs. Whenever I traveled
outside Chisinau, I made it a point to meet with our volunteers and
visit their programs. I was extremely proud one day when Moldovan
President Voronin started talking about the Peace Corps volunteers with
genuine admiration and knowledge of their grassroots activities. He
seemed particularly pleased that there were English language programs.
I am sure the Peace Corps directors I worked with would concur that
I exercised my chief of mission authorities to provide the Peace Corps
with as much autonomy and flexibility in their day-to-day operations as
possible. If confirmed, I pledge to do the same in Ecuador.
______
Responses of Heather M. Hodges to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career, to date, to promote human rights and democracy? What was
the impact of your actions?
Answer. Democracy and human rights have been an important part of
the agenda in most of the countries I have worked in overseas and in
Washington.
My assignment to Moldova, however, provides the best recent
examples of work I have done to promote human rights and democracy. In
the early post-Soviet period, Moldova had a good reputation for free
and fair elections, but over time this reputation was becoming
tarnished. Just before I arrived in 2003, municipal elections
throughout the country had clearly been flawed. I realized that the
upcoming national elections in 2005 would be a challenge. I worked
closely with the OSCE and a few other diplomatic missions, especially
the handful of European Union embassies, to carry out both private and
public activities to promote free and fair elections.
One of the best things the embassy did was to support the creation
of the ``Coalition for Free and Fair Elections,'' a group of over 60
nongovernmental organizations that represented the range of the
political spectrum in Moldova and became a watchdog for independent
assessment of the way in which the Government of Moldova was organizing
and carrying out the elections. Our support to the coalition cost us
little money but throughout the elections we saw evidence that the
coalition's vigilance was contributing to the democratic process all
over the country. Although it was a close call, the national elections
were declared by the OSCE and other international observers to be free
and fair. I am convinced that the results would not have been the same
without the coalition.
Also in Moldova we had a large program to combat trafficking in
women and young girls, a serious problem in one of Europe's poorest
countries. Meeting battered victims who had managed to return to their
country thanks to improved police work in Moldova and in the region was
an experience I will never forget. It also convinced me we had to do
more to educate the population about this terrible scourge. The embassy
organized dozens of conferences, workshops, and focus groups around the
country. And I persistently discussed our program with the highest
levels in the government. Soon the Deputy Prime Ministers started
holding monthly meetings outside the capital with municipal authorities
and NGOs to monitor progress in fighting trafficking. We also helped
vulnerable youth learn job skills that would help them earn a decent
living and resist the ploys of the traffickers.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in
Ecuador? What are the most important steps you expect to take, if
confirmed, to promote human rights and democracy in Ecuador? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Inconsistency in the judicial process, issues of
overcrowding, lack of medical care, and suspicious deaths of prisoners
in Ecuadorian prisons are the most pressing human rights issues in
Ecuador. The United States is working with Ecuador through our
assistance programs to help address rule of law issues. One of our
projects is to create automated data bases that will streamline
criminal prosecutions and enhance the use of precedent in trials.
If confirmed, it will be one of my priorities to continue and
strengthen programs such as this one. It is my hope that these efforts
will make a long term contribution to improving the human rights
situation in Ecuador.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Ecuador in
advancing human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. The largest potential obstacle to addressing human rights
concerns in Ecuador is lack of enforcement of existing laws. The United
States is working with the Government of Ecuador, especially the
judicial sector, to provide training to prosecutors and other legal
professionals.
I believe that education is one of the most important ways in which
we can advance human rights. If confirmed, I would strongly support our
existing training and outreach efforts and look for opportunities to
expand these initiatives.
Question. In your new position, what steps will you take to ensure
that promotion of human rights objectives will be an integral part of
the activities of the United States Embassy-Ecuador? If confirmed, what
steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage
in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded
for superior service?
Answer. Promoting human rights is one of the highest priorities of
our mission in Ecuador. The United States stands ready to assist
Ecuador through continued engagement and programs that reinforce our
commitment to constitutional democracy, strong and inclusive
institutions, respect for the rule of law, counternarcotics efforts,
and greater, more widely shared economic prosperity.
If confirmed, supporting these objectives will be among my highest
priorities. I believe that every member of our mission in Ecuador can
play a role in meeting this objective, and I will support and encourage
each member of the team to contribute to this effort. As appropriate, I
will recognize Foreign Service officers on my team for their human
rights contributions by using the Department's evaluation and employee
rewards programs.
Question. Will you commit to meeting regularly with nongovernmental
organizations in the United States and in Ecuador who are working to
promote human rights?
Answer. If confirmed as ambassador, I would make it a priority to
reach out to all segments of society in Ecuador. You have my assurances
that I would meet regularly with a range of American and Ecuadorian
nongovernmental organizations, in particular those working to promote
human rights.
______
Responses of Samuel W. Speck to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Concerns have been raised in the past that both the
United States and Canadian Governments are often too slow in
implementing the International Joint Commission's recommendations. How
will you work with both countries' governments to ensure better United
States and Canadian compliance with and expedited implementation of the
commission's decisions and recommendations?
Answer. If confirmed, I will carefully look into delays in
implementing the International Joint Commission's recommendations. I
would work with my fellow commissioners in continuing to urge United
States and Canadian compliance through our semiannual meetings with
governments, commission reports and letters, and in personal contacts
with policymakers.
Question. Since 2005, the IJC has been reviewing its management
plans for controlling the water level of Lake Ontario and the St.
Lawrence Seaway. The current management regime minimizes fluctuations
in water levels, which some scientists have argued has produced
significant changes in shoreline ecosystems. After months of study and
review, it proposed several alternatives to the current management
regime. Just last month, the IJC released a proposed plan for public
comment, called Plan 2007. New York State has had concerns with Plan
2007, but the IJC released it despite earlier promises to work with the
State to find a compromise. Can you assure this committee that, if
confirmed, you will work with the State of New York to address their
concerns with Plan 2007?
Answer. Since I was not involved in the study or development of the
plan or in any subsequent discussions with New York State, I am not
positioned to comment on the issues you raise. I can assure you that,
if confirmed, I will participate actively in public hearings and review
all public comments received on the IJC's plan. I have an open mind on
the merits of the plan and will carefully consider the views of the
public and key stakeholders in forming my opinion on its merits and any
needed modifications. If confirmed, I will look into the concerns of
all stakeholders impacted by the plan and do everything I can to ensure
that views of all interested parties, including the State of New York,
are taken into consideration as the commission makes its decision.
______
Responses of Barbara J. Stephenson to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career, to date, to promote human rights and democracy? What was
the impact of your actions?
Answer. As a member of the generation of Foreign Service officers
whose careers began with the writing of the annual human rights report,
I have always seen respect for human rights as a central and integral
part of U.S. foreign policy. My service in the Netherlands, where Dutch
Foreign Ministry colleagues vied for a copy of the annual human rights
report reinforced for me how important it was that our human rights
reports be accurate, balanced, and credible. With too small a
diplomatic service to produce their own reports, they relied on ours
for key judgments.
Beyond my work in various assignments to ensure the quality of our
human rights reporting, I would cite my work in 1991 in El Salvador to
ensure that the legislative assembly elections could take place
peacefully. Week after week, I organized teams of embassy observers to
cover significant campaign events--hoping that our presence would
discourage violence and knowing that, if violence occurred, we would,
at a minimum, bear witness to it. Partly because of our observer
effort, leftist candidates returned from exile, participated in the
political process, and won some seats in the legislative assembly,
where they became articulate advocates for their political point of
view. When the peace agreement was signed 10 months later, a Salvadoran
friend, who was a member of the government's negotiating team for the
peace talks, told me he believed that the key difference between war
and peace in El Salvador was that now there was ``espacio politico''--
political space. The embassy's observer effort helped open up that
political space.
I would also cite my work as Consul General to Belfast, Northern
Ireland, from 2001-2004. Friends from Northern Ireland tell me how much
they value the time and attention I devoted to modest community workers
attempting to build peace and decent lives for working class people
from the ground up. Some of those friends see the platform I gave
them--opening up the official residence to them for strategy sessions,
helping shift the focus of the White House St. Patrick's Day events
from political leaders to these everyday heroes--as central to the
ultimate success in achieving a major shift in government policy. Under
the ``Shared Future'' policy, the government moved away from segregated
schools and public housing (which reinforced the divisions at the heart
of the conflict) toward a deliberate policy of increasing contact
between Catholics and Protestants through shared schools,
neighborhoods, recreation facilities, and the like. Many of the
community leaders whose efforts I championed with all the resources
available to me as Consul General have grown in influence and become
powerful voices for social justice and peaceful resolution of conflict,
not only in Northern Ireland but abroad as well.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Panama?
What are the most important steps you expect to take, if confirmed, to
promote human rights and democracy in Panama? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions?
Answer. The most significant human rights problems in Panama
include harsh prison conditions, with reports of abuse by prison
guards; prolonged pretrial detention; corruption, ineffectiveness, and
political manipulation of the judicial system; political pressure on
the media; citizenship determination; discrimination and violence
against women; trafficking in persons; discrimination against
indigenous communities; and child labor.
If confirmed, I intend to build upon the embassy's work with civil
society, human rights defenders, and the Government of Panama to
discuss and find ways of addressing these issues. As I have in previous
assignments, I will bring concerned stakeholders together to develop
strategies to support adherence to the rule of law, government
accountability and transparency, and strengthening the role of civil
society and an independent media. My embassy would continue to consult
with nongovernmental organizations, indigenous communities, and other
groups to continue to bolster those groups in their work to support and
strengthen human rights in Panama.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Panama in advancing
human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. Corruption, lack of transparency, and an ineffective
judicial system are some of the obstacles Panama faces in addressing
its human rights situation. If confirmed, I will seek to overcome these
challenges by working with civil society to build its capacity to hold
government accountable. I will also work with the Panamanian Government
to encourage them to continue to work to adopt transparent systems to
fight corruption and impunity particularly within the judicial system.
I will also work with the press to encourage a free and open debate on
the issue of human rights.
Question. In your new position, what steps will you take to ensure
that promotion of human rights objectives will be an integral part of
the activities of the United States Embassy-Panama? If confirmed, what
steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage
in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded
for superior service?
Answer. Because I see respect for human rights as so central to our
foreign policy, I have no doubt that, if confirmed as Ambassador to
Panama, I will give human rights a central place in our strategy
discussions, our public diplomacy outreach efforts, our reporting, and
other facets of the embassy's work. I will, of course, reward officers
who share my passion for human rights, both with formal tools such as
evaluation reports and awards, and informally, by devoting my own time
and attention to these issues.
Question. Will you commit to meeting regularly with nongovernmental
organizations in the United States and in Panama who are working to
promote human rights?
Answer. Certainly. As my discussion of most important actions
indicates, I am proud of my association with such NGOs and of the
success of my efforts to give their voices greater weight.
______
Responses of Robert J. Callahan to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. What effect, if any, has the Millennium Challenge
Corporation (MCC) compact had on poverty reduction in Nicaragua, and on
United States-Nicaraguan relations? Please describe the current status
of MCC work in the country.
Answer. MCC's 5-year (2006-2011), $175 million compact with
Nicaragua will help the country to build the necessary productive
capacity to seize opportunities to achieve growth by taking advantage
of regional economic integration and trade openings. The compact
focuses on improving insecure property rights, underdeveloped
infrastructure, and rural business activities that were identified as
the greatest barriers to economic growth that could be addressed with
Millennium Challenge Account assistance. We expect the MCC program to
improve the lives of the 800,000 residents of Leon and Chinandega by
raising household incomes in the region and transforming the region
into an engine of economic growth.
The MCC compact is helping Nicaragua accomplish this objective
through:
1. A property regularization project to provide secure,
registered titles to an estimated 70 percent of rural and 50
percent of urban properties;
2. A transportation project upgrading roads to reduce
transportation costs between the region and domestic, regional,
and international markets for an estimated 3,300 current road
users per day; and
3. A rural business development project to benefit directly
thousands of farmers by providing help in transitioning into
higher-value agriculture, creating an estimated 7,000 jobs.
Examples of how the MCC is effecting poverty reduction are steadily
growing. The rural business project has helped producers develop and
implement nearly 1,000 business plans. New investment commitments are
expected to create 1,300 jobs in Leon and Chinandega. Through the MCC,
1.2 million trees have been planted to improve soil conservation. More
than 1,000 clean property titles have been issued, allowing landholders
access to the credit needed to fulfill their business plans.
MCC's works with Nicaragua not as a recipient of aid, but rather as
a full partner in this program that aims to reduce poverty through
economic growth. This has yielded enormous benefits in our bilateral
relations. MCC's CEO Ambassador John Danilovich visited Nicaragua in
January 2008 to inaugurate the beginning of road construction and to
deliver clean property titles, forest fire prevention equipment, and
irrigation systems to beneficiaries. His visit produced many examples
of how MCC's engagement has strengthened our bilateral relations and
enjoys the strong support of both the Nicaraguan people and the
country's leaders, including President Ortega.
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. Yes, I have read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. I understand and wholeheartedly and unreservedly agree to
abide by the principles set forth in this cable.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that 11the Peace
Corps's role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies''?
Answer. I understand, accept, and fully endorse the fact that the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy and that the Peace Corps's
role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities of the
mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government agencies.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. I pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the cable,
to exercise my chief of mission authorities so as to provide the Peace
Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies.
______
Responses of Robert J. Callahan to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What was the
impact of your actions?
Answer. Throughout my career I have been intimately involved in
promoting human rights, especially during my assignments to Honduras
and Bolivia. Both countries were making the transition from military
rule to democracy--Honduras in 1982, while I was there, and Bolivia a
few years before my arrival in 1989. I encouraged the press in those
countries to monitor human rights and speak out on any abuses they
uncovered. Through seminars and training sessions organized by the
public affairs office in the embassy, in talks to journalism guilds and
schools, we reminded reporters and editors of their duty to serve as
guarantors of human rights, most notably when the government remained
silent or unresponsive.
We also regularly brought American experts, many of them practicing
journalists, to talk to their counterparts in those countries. Our
intention was to show solidarity with them and to let them know that
they had powerful supporters elsewhere. We also used many of our
international visitor grants for reporters, again hoping to provide
them an object lesson in how American journalists guard tenaciously
their independence, comfort the afflicted, and afflict the comfortable.
While serving in Rome, and shortly after Milosevic left power in
Serbia, my office organized a week-long seminar in Italy for about 20
Serbian journalists. As they emerged from years of governments that
attempted to control and intimidate the press, we thought that they
needed some training and encouragement, both of which our team of
experienced American writers and editors, including the managing editor
of the American Journalism Review, provided.
In my one year in Baghdad, where I served as the embassy spokesman
and press attache, I regarded as my most important responsibility the
nurturing of a woefully inexperienced and timid press corps. We told
them of the role of a free and active media in a democratic society. We
emphasized that paramount among their duties was ensuring that human
rights of every sort--freedom of the press, speech, and religion,
freedom from fear, exploitation, and arbitrary arrest--be respected. I
also worked closely with the Commission on Public Integrity and the
Human Rights Commission and detailed officers to work with each. This
gave them both confidence to pursue their mandates and a sense of
security.
If I am confirmed as Ambassador to Nicaragua, I will ensure that
respect for human rights, and the honest and timely reporting on them,
be a priority for the mission. I think that this is one of our most
effective foreign policy initiatives and that it is perfectly consonant
with--in fact, reinforces--our other policy objectives. I believe that
respect for human rights is a core American value, a source of pride
for our Nation, and a universal imperative.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in
Nicaragua? What are the most important steps you expect to take,if
confirmed, to promote human rights and democracy in Nicaragua? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Nicaragua is a constitutional democracy that still
struggles with the issue of human rights. Arbitrary application of
justice, lack of respect for the rule of law, widespread corruption,
the politicization of the judiciary and other government organs,
intimidation and harassment of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and
journalists, widespread child labor, discrimination against indigenous
communities, and trafficking in persons are some of the most pressing
human rights issues in Nicaragua. If confirmed, I will devote our
resources to ensuring that supporting human rights and democratic
principles remain central elements of our foreign policy in Nicaragua.
This will mean focusing our efforts on programs that support
adherence to the rule of law, government accountability and
transparency, and strengthening the important role of civil society and
an independent media. I will consult with civil society,
nongovernmental organizations, indigenous communities, and other groups
to develop a human rights strategy that is responsive to the needs of
Nicaraguans suffering from human rights abuses. These consultations
will guide us as we draft the Annual Country Report on Human Rights
Practices for Nicaragua, which will bring attention and much-needed
information about this issue in Nicaragua.
As part of the implementation process of the Central America-
Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR), the United States
will provide additional resources that will be essential in improving
Nicaragua's labor justice system, its capacity to enforce labor laws
and reduce the adverse affects of gender and other forms of
discrimination in Nicaragua's labor sectors. I believe these efforts
together will advance the recognition and respect of human rights in
Nicaragua.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Nicaragua in
advancing human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. Some principal obstacles Nicaragua faces in addressing its
human rights problems are widespread government corruption, arbitrary
application of justice, politicization of the Supreme Electoral
Council, and a fragmented and fragile civil society and divided
political opposition that lack unified strategies for furthering
democracy and respect for human rights. If confirmed, I will seek to
overcome the challenges I will face in advancing human rights, the lack
of transparency and accountability within the Nicaraguan Government,
and fragile judicial and prosecutorial institutions to name a few, by
working with civil society to build its capacity to meet the needs and
interests of the Nicaraguan people. I will also work with the
Nicaraguan Government to encourage respect for the rule of law and
address widespread corruption and arbitrary application of justice. To
overcome the challenge of advancing human rights in Nicaragua, I will
also advocate for greater technical and financial assistance to aid
civil society groups in their efforts to depoliticize the judiciary and
increase citizen awareness of these issues.
Question. In your new position, what steps will you take to ensure
that promotion of human rights objectives will be an integral part of
the activities of the United States Embassy-Nicaragua? If confirmed,
what steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who
engage in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally
rewarded for superior service?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make the advancement of human rights
in Nicaragua one of the central tenets of the embassy's mission to
fulfill our commitment to the Nicaraguan people. To accomplish this
objective, I will encourage the embassy staff to meet with civil
society groups and to conduct outreach programs to foment greater ties
with remote communities, like Puerto Cabeza or Bluefields, which
historically have been overlooked. Providing technical assistance to
nongovernmental organizations, civil society groups and the Nicaraguan
Government will help build their capacity to develop plans specifically
tailored to Nicaragua's human rights situation and will be critical for
us to achieve our objectives. I will also continue to support the
embassy staff in its preparation of the Annual Country Report on Human
Rights Practices in Nicaragua. In recognition of staff efforts to
promote human rights, I will recognize exemplary work through the
embassy and Department of State's evaluation and employee rewards
programs.
Question. Will you commit to meeting regularly with nongovernmental
organizations in the United States and in Nicaragua who are working to
promote human rights?
Answer. I intend to make outreach with Nicaraguan and United States
nongovernmental organizations a central element of the embassy's policy
for advancing human rights. I will encourage and seek to ensure that
embassy personnel, including myself, extend our outreach throughout the
country to work with historically disenfranchised communities and other
populations that live in remote or difficult to reach areas within
Nicaragua. I believe the embassy must demonstrate to these communities
that their voice, concerns, and livelihood is no less important by
virtue of who they are or where they live.
______
Responses of Hugo Llorens to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Many human rights defenders in Honduras peacefully
protest their displacement by large landowners and corporations and as
a result are often attacked or threatened. How will you support
Honduran human rights defenders and ensure that those who attack them
are prosecuted?
Answer. Over the past several years, embassy staff has met with
several environmental justice advocates to discuss these threats with
the Honduran security authorities and have advocated for prompt and
effective investigation of these incidents. In addition, the mission
sponsored a joint letter with other G-16 donor countries, which
requested that the Government of Honduras take action to properly
investigate the death of an environmental activist. If confirmed, I
will make support for democratic governance and the protection of human
rights a top priority of my embassy. I am committed to ensuring that
the mission continues to strongly advocate on behalf of human rights
defenders in our discussions with the government, particularly through
underscoring our deep desire that the government take appropriate steps
to ensure security for defenders and investigate promptly and
effectively abuses committed against them.
Question. Many human rights violations occur in remote areas of
Honduras. How will you work to support the rights of marginalized
communities in Honduras?
Answer. If confirmed, I plan to continue the embassy's efforts to
reach out to the marginalized communities throughout Honduras. It is my
intention to lead my country team in promoting human rights in
Honduras. Along with the embassy team, I will travel widely throughout
Honduras to raise human rights issues with local and national
government officials, NGOs, and civil society groups. Moreover, on
certain matters, constructive comments from the ambassador on human
rights receive positive press coverage, stimulate discussion, and could
lead to positive action. Through speeches, op-eds, and meetings with
relevant officials, I will continue to highlight the issue of human
rights with the objective of moving, as appropriate, Honduras toward
increased legal protection and guarantee the rights for all
communities.
Question. What is the status of CAFTA implementation in Honduras?
What are the major issues that need to be addressed?
Answer. The United States-Central American Free Trade Agreement
(CAFTA-DR) entered into force for Honduras on April 1, 2006. Honduras
has not made as much progress as some of its neighbors in implementing
CAFTA-DR or in enacting the reforms necessary to benefit fully from the
agreement. CAFTA-DR requires modernization and greater transparency in
government procurement and services, such as locking in structural
reforms, especially opening up the telecommunications industry to
competition and greater levels of private investment. Passage of the
new telecommunications law and implementing regulations for the
intellectual property rights laws passed to implement CAFTA are is
still pending.
The embassy continues it work with the Government of Honduras to
increase capacity and compliance of environmental requirements under
CAFTA. If confirmed, I intend to work hard to ensure full
implementation of CAFTA.
Question. Has there been any improvement in worker's rights since
the implementation of the free trade agreement with the United States?
What is the status of Honduran cooperation with the International Labor
Organization to improve working conditions?
Answer. If confirmed, I will build upon the Mission's current
active dialog with the government, employers, and workers to underscore
the importance of full adherence to labor rights in a democracy. Along
with the embassy team, I will work to strengthen the Honduran labor
ministry's ability to enforce labor law, modernize labor justice
systems, seek to eliminate gender and other types of employment
discrimination, build a culture of compliance with labor law, and
support the ILO in its State Department-funded tripartite benchmarking/
monitoring work in the region. One such successful example is the
``Cumple y Gana'' (Comply and Win) project implemented by the
Department of Labor with Department of State funding. I will also
ensure that we continue our support for the International Labor
Organization's IPEC program and similar U.S. Department of Labor-
sponsored initiatives to eradicate the worst forms of child labor,
which include plantation, agriculture, and commercial sexual
exploitation.
While Honduras had a comprehensive labor code, worker education has
been the most significant area of improvement for workers under CAFTA.
Basic and detailed brochures on worker's rights, a well-publicized Web
site with information on labor rights (www.leylaboral.com), and a
number of radio spots that play widely on local and national radio
stations have helped disseminate information on workers rights. Embassy
officials routinely meet with the Honduran Ministry of Labor officials,
NGOs, labor unions, and others to discuss CAFTA-DR issues, progress,
and areas for improvement.
Question. The State Department's report last month on human rights
conditions in Honduras notes that ``Representatives of sexual diversity
rights NGOs asserted that their members were killed, beaten, and
subjected to other mistreatment by security authorities.'' The State
Department also noted that ``the government [of Honduras] required, as
a condition for legal registration, sexual diversity rights
organizations to remove any reference in their bylaws to promotion of
respect for the rights of gay, lesbian, or transgender persons. In
March the secretary general of the Ministry of Governance and Justice
commented publicly that the government denied registration to gay
rights advocacy NGOs because their stated purposes did not comport with
`good custom.' '' Would you, Mr. Llorens, be willing to meet some of
the leaders of the LGBT human rights community in Honduras once you
take up this post to discuss these serious findings? How do you think
the United States Embassy in Honduras should address these findings and
help convey to the Honduran Government that they represent a serious
human rights issue?
Answer. Respect of human rights is central to any thriving
democracy. If confirmed, very early on in my tenure, I will seek a
meeting with members of the LGBT community in Honduras to develop a
strong working relationship and to discuss the findings. Consolidating
democracy and strengthening adherence to the rule of law is crucial for
human rights. There are no discriminatory laws based on sexual
orientation, but in practice there is widespread social discrimination
against persons based on sexual orientation in Honduras. I intend to
include the findings of human rights violations in the LGBT community
as integral to our overall effort to improve the human rights situation
in Honduras, and convey the importance of this issue to senior
officials of the Government of Honduras.
Question. Honduras has the highest HIV prevalence rate in Central
America. Can you please describe how the United States is assisting
Hondurans as they combat this epidemic?
Answer. Honduras has the second-highest rate of HIV prevalence in
Central America, after Belize. The U.S. Government's HIV/AIDS program
focuses on five objectives:
(1) To prevent transmission of HIV through activities to
reduce high-risk behavior;
(2) To expand voluntary counseling and testing for most-at-
risk populations;
(3) To provide care and support services for people living
with HIV/AIDS;
(4) To strengthen the Ministry of Health's (MOH) HIV/AIDS
epidemiologic surveillance and monitoring and evaluation
systems; and
(5) To provide the Global Fund and MOH assistance for
improved service delivery, including supply chain management.
The U.S. Government supports an umbrella grants program that
provides technical and financial assistance to 13 local NGOs to reduce
high-risk behavior among most-at-risk populations. In fiscal year 2007,
this program trained 2,256 community volunteers to promote HIV
prevention through abstinence and fidelity. These volunteers reached
29,663 people with abstinence/be faithful messages, mostly Garifuna
youth, an Afro-Caribbean population highly affected by HIV/AIDS.
Through these NGOs, condom marketing, and mass media communications
activities, 173,420 additional people were reached with prevention
messages beyond ``abstinence/be faithful,'' including correct and
consistent condom use and prevention of drug and alcohol abuse. The
social marketing program expanded sales of affordable condoms to 359
new high-risk outlets, such as brothels, for a total of over 800 high-
risk outlets now selling condoms. The scale-up of rapid HIV testing
services by 10 NGOs in highly affected communities has been highly
successful. In addition, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention (CDC) continues to provide technical assistance to the
Ministry of Health for the operation of three sentinel surveillance
sites that provide testing for HIV and sexually transmitted infections
for commercial sex workers.
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. Yes, I have read the cable.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. I agree to abide by the principles set forth in the cable.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps' role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies''?
Answer. Yes. In preparation for my possible assignment as
ambassador, I met with the Peace Corps to get a full understanding of
Peace Corps activities in Honduras and its need for separation of the
day-to-day activities of the mission. I pledge to keep the Peace Corps
day-to-day activities substantially separate.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. I pledge to keep the Peace Corps day-to-day activities
substantially separate, as per Secretary Rice's request in 3.B of the
cable.
______
Responses of Hugo Llorens to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career, to date, to promote human rights and democracy? What was
the impact of your actions?
Answer. As a 27-year veteran of the Foreign Service, I have been
engaged in support of human rights and democracy in one way or another
in every one of my assignments. In my very first tour as a junior
consular officer in the Philippines, colleagues and I met with Filipino
citizens opposed to the Marcos dictatorship. We learned from them about
the repression against the democratic opposition and independent media,
as well as the thousands in jail or exiled because of their political
views. As U.S. diplomats, we encouraged their efforts and reported what
we learned to our supervisors. I was in Manila on the terrible day in
August 1983 when Benigno Aquino was murdered. I remember volunteering
with fellow officers to cover the massive and spontaneous anti-Marcos
demonstrations, and I provided political reporting of the Filipino
people's public demand for elections and democracy.
Serving in Bolivia in 1984 was a challenging assignment. Our
embassy's principal objective was to support the newly-elected
government of President Hernan Siles following 20 years of
authoritarian rule by a long succession of military governments. Our
embassy team played a critical role in the democratic transition, which
included helping to block a coup attempt by disgruntled military
officers. As an economic officer, we worked with Bolivian workers to
strengthen the trade union movement and nominated several young
Bolivian labor leaders to travel to the United States on international
visitor programs. It was also greatly gratifying for me to serve as one
of the embassy's observers in the free and fair elections of 1985 that
resulted in the constitutional transfer of power to a new civilian
president, Victor Paz Estenssoro. I also worked with the Bolivian
Government and local business organizations to promote the rule of law
and more transparent judicial systems. Indeed, in my many economic
assignments in Latin America, my work to create a trade and investment
climate favorable to U.S. commercial interests invariably meant
promoting good governance, openness, democracy, and human rights.
I am particularly proud of my work temporarily running a combined
political and economic section in 1989 in the immediate aftermath of
the coup that overthrew the 35-year-old dictatorship of General Alfredo
Stroessner in Paraguay. During this historic transition, our embassy
played a crucial role. In this effort, we supported democratic forces
in Paraguay to bring about radical positive change. For example, over a
6-month period, we worked closely with the new Paraguayan authorities
and civil society that resulted in the release of political prisoners,
the recognition of banned political parties, the restoration of press
freedoms, including the reopening of the main opposition newspaper--ABC
Color--and the holding of the first truly free elections in Paraguay's
150 year history. Today Paraguay faces many difficulties and
challenges, and its democracy is highly imperfect and still fragile.
However, for the Paraguayan people and for many of us who remember the
repression and total impunity of the Stroessner era, Paraguay has moved
in freedom's direction.
Over the years, I have continued to engage actively to support
human rights and democracy. As an economic officer in El Salvador and
Honduras, I worked with colleagues in the American Institute for Free
Labor Development to advance labor rights and push for the recognition
of trade unions. Serving as Director of Andean Affairs on the National
Security Council, I made sure the protection of human rights continued
to be a front burner issue for us in Colombia. We pressed for the
investigation of extrajudicial killings of journalists and labor
leaders and made sure that a significant chunk of our assistance
dollars were devoted to good governance, strengthening the rule of law,
and civil society. Finally, over the 5 years that I have served as
deputy chief of mission, I have sought to make sure that both the
Governments of Argentina and Spain worked closely with us in
multilateral fora to support democracy and human rights around the
world.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in
Honduras? What are the most important steps you expect to take, if
confirmed, to promote human rights and democracy in Honduras? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Honduras suffers from human rights problems that include:
unlawful killings and beatings by members of the police, government
agents, vigilantes, street gangs, and former members of the security
forces; failure to provide legal due process; politicization,
corruption, and institutional weakness of the judiciary; erosion of
press freedom; intimidation of human rights defenders; government
restrictions on recognition of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs);
trafficking in persons; and ineffective labor law enforcement.
If confirmed, I will make the promotion of democracy and human
rights a top priority. I will advocate forcefully for the rule of law
and transparency. I will work with the Government of Honduras to
support free and fair elections in November 2009. Along with my embassy
team, I will consult with government institutions, NGOs, labor unions,
and other organizations. I will work closely with these groups to
encourage reforms and discuss problems related to human rights and
democracy.
Addressing corruption and institutional weaknesses is a major part
of the mission's current activities, and if confirmed, I will continue
this work. The United States offers technical and financial resources
to public and private organizations, including providing speakers and
training to Honduran Government officials, NGOs, and civil society
representatives on transparency, rule of law, citizen participation and
accountability. I will also advocate for the implementation of the new
transparency law and civil procedure code to provide greater access to
public information and modernize the civil justice system.
By continuing to focus on the broad theme of human rights in
Honduras, I hope to further the important and historical goals of
United States engagement in Honduras, to broaden participation in the
democratic system to assure ordinary citizens have a role in the
political process; and to assure that the economic opportunity brought
to Honduras by CAFTA will increase Honduran citizens' ability to lift
themselves out of poverty.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Honduras in
advancing human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. Corruption, impunity, and insecurity are principal
obstacles to addressing the human rights situation in Honduras. In
addition, weak institutions and the difficulty of making necessary
microeconomic and national changes to extend the benefits of democracy
and free markets to all people has generated impatience and
frustrations.
If confirmed, my team and I will continue to help the Honduran
Government reach Millennium Challenge Corporation compact goals through
a remediation plan that promotes transparency and combating corruption.
We will support compliance with this plan, and we will promote respect
for the rule of law and general good governance by providing training
to government officials, NGOs, law students, and others on the newly
enacted civil procedure code and transparency laws.
If confirmed, I will also work with the Honduran Government to
encourage them to respect the rule of law and address widespread
corruption and the ineffective judicial system. I will also work with
civil society and the press to create an open, honest debate on the
issue of human rights and the challenges corruption and impunity place
on the development of Honduras.
Question. In your new position, what steps will you take to ensure
that promotion of human rights objectives will be an integral part of
the activities of the United States Embassy-Honduras? If confirmed,
what steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who
engage in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally
rewarded for superior service?
Answer. If confirmed, the advancement of human rights in Honduras
will continue be one of the top priorities of the embassy's mission. I
will encourage the embassy team to meet with civil society groups and
to conduct outreach programs to strengthen ties with communities, which
historically have been overlooked.
The promotion of human rights objectives is central to all of our
work to encourage representative democracy, economic integration, and
faith in the transformative power of freedom in individual lives. We
will work to encourage the consolidation of sustainable economic growth
and political stability so that all Hondurans can benefit from the
political system, economic opportunity, and social justice, especially
for poor and marginalized populations.
I will lend my voice to my team's work and acknowledge and reward
their efforts through formal means of recognition and promotion of
human rights.
Question. Will you commit to meeting regularly with nongovernmental
organizations in the United States and in Honduras who are working to
promote human rights?
Answer. If I am confirmed, I plan to reach out early in my tenure
and develop strong working relationships with NGO representatives from
both the United States and across Honduras who are working to advance
human rights in Honduras. NGOs and civil society members are integral
to the effort to promote human rights in the country and will be valued
allies for me and the embassy team.
______
Responses of Stephen G. McFarland to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. How will you work to encourage the Guatemalan Government
to bring to justice former military officials accused of committing
these crimes? How will you support Guatemalan human rights defenders
and ensure that those who attack them are prosecuted?
Answer. If confirmed, I will stress in my discussions with the
President, Attorney General, and other key government officials the
importance of promoting the rule of law, and to achieve justice,
national reconciliation and closure for families of the victims of the
human rights abuses committed during the internal conflict. I will
engage with the Ministry of Government, the Attorney General's Office,
and the Judiciary to press for investigation and prosecution, as well
as raise the issue with senior military authorities to ensure their
continued cooperation in legal proceedings.
As other U.S. ambassadors before me, if confirmed, I would continue
to meet with human rights defenders, particularly in public, to raise
the profile of the work they are doing on behalf of all Guatemalans. I
will continue the embassy's practice of showing public solidarity with
human rights defenders who have been the victims of threats and urge
the government to strengthen efforts to protect those defenders. And I
will continue to raise the investigation and prosecution of crimes
against human rights defenders with appropriate senior-level government
officials.
Question. What will you do to support the International Commission
against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) important mandate? How will you
encourage the Guatemalan Government to provide CICIG with the necessary
cooperation to enable it to fulfill its critical mandate? How do you
plan to encourage lasting improvements to the judicial system, both
through CICIG's recommendations and by other means?
Answer. If confirmed, I will maintain the vigorous United States
support for CICIG by continuing the embassy's strong relationship with
CICIG Commissioner Carlos Castresana and other CICIG staff; by
advocating for CICIG technical and financial resources within the U.S.
Government, the diplomatic community, and multilateral institutions;
and by continuing to highlight the importance of CICIG in combating
Guatemala's culture of impunity and violence, and promoting the rule of
law.
I will encourage the Guatemalan Government to meet and go beyond
its obligation to provide its best investigators, prosecutors, and
security professionals. I will continue to raise the United States' and
broader interest in the success of CICIG in my meetings at the highest
levels of Guatemalan Government, including the President, Vice-
President, and Attorney General, as well as with members of civil
society and the private sector.
By Mr. Castresana's and others' intentions, a good portion of the
CICIG staff is Guatemalan, which is crucial if the effects of CICIG are
to last. I think the key to lasting improvements is CICIG's own
performance in the 18 months remaining on its mandate. If Guatemalans
understand that impunity is not inevitable, that violent criminals can
be held accountable, then they will come to expect no less from their
own institutions. I know that the United States Embassy has already
begun to plan for rule of law assistance for coordination between CICIG
and Guatemalan institutions, and if confirmed, I will earnestly
advocate to make available the additional resources needed for the
United States to assist Guatemalan institutions to carry on the work
started by CICIG.
Question. What information do you have about the recent
assassination of President Colom's security advisor? Does this
assassination reflect the same corrupt influence that resulted in the
killing of Salvadoran parliamentarians recently in Guatemala?
Answer. Former Security Advisor Victor Rivera was murdered April 7
at 11:30 p.m. by unknown assailants who intercepted his vehicle on a
main thoroughfare in Guatemala City. His companion, who was a passenger
in his car, was wounded. The murder occurred one week after he was
dismissed from his position in the Ministry of Government.
Investigation of his murder is ongoing. Thirteen investigators of
the National Civil Police and the Attorney General's Office have been
assigned to the case.
This high-profile murder, like the February 2007 PARLACEN murders,
demonstrates the extent of Guatemala's climate of violence and the need
for continued Guatemalan efforts, with international assistance, to
improve the rule of law.
Question. The Hague Conventions on adoption came into force in the
United States on April 1. Is the United States permitting adoptions
from Guatemala now that this convention has been adopted? Have all
outstanding issues surrounding adoptions been resolved?
Answer. The Guatemalan Government has started creating the
structure necessary to process adoptions in accordance with the Hague
compliant provisions of its new internal legislation. However, they are
not yet ready to initiate new adoptions that meet these provisions. The
embassy is working closely with the new National Adoption Council (CNA)
so as to be in a position to confirm the CNA's ability to process Hague
compliant adoptions once regulations are drafted and implemented, and
the critical portions of the new adoption procedures are functional.
Meanwhile, both the United States and Guatemala continue to process
under pre-Hague rules adoptions initiated in Guatemala prior to
December 31, 2007, the date Guatemalan adoption reforms took effect.
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. Yes, I have read the cable on Peace Corps-State Department
Relations (04 State 258893).
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. Yes, I do.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps' role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. government
agencies''?
Answer. Yes, I understand and I accept that the Peace Corps must
remain substantially separate from the day-to-day conduct and concerns
of our foreign policy, and the Peace Corps' role and its need for
separation from the day-to-day activities of the mission are not
comparable to those of other U.S. government agencies. These principles
have guided my earlier work as Deputy Chief of Mission and Charge in
Paraguay and in Guatemala, which have large Peace Corps programs.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed I pledge to exercise my chief of mission
authorities so as to provide the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and
flexibility in its day-to-day operations as possible, so long as this
does not conflict with U.S. objectives and policies.
______
Responses of Stephen G. McFarland to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What was the
impact of your actions?
Answer. Support for democracy and human rights has been a major
U.S. objective in my previous posts, and it has been an important
component of my work, as well as a personal commitment. As the human
rights officer in Peru, 1985-1988, I visited human rights and community
leaders in areas affected by the internal conflict. These meetings sent
a message of support for human rights groups--some of which were
threatened by security force members as well as the guerrillas--and
they provided accurate information on human rights abuses that the
United States used to engage the Government of Peru. As political
counselor in El Salvador, I led the U.S. reporting and assessment of
the 1988 San Francisco killings, and I contributed to our reporting on
the cover-up of the Jesuit murders; these cables assisted the United
States in challenging the government to punish human rights abusers. I
also carried out considerable outreach to the political left and right
in El Salvador to support the emerging peace process, and I made
personal recommendations to the Bureau of Inter-American Affairs at the
State Department to leverage United States assistance to better support
the peace process and the Jesuit murders investigation. As political
counselor in Peru, I led the reporting effort on the clandestine
``Colina'' death squad supported by then-national intelligence chief
Vladimiro Montesinos. These cables contributed to a vigorous debate
within the U.S. Government about our relationship with Montesinos. I
also reported on the increasing authoritarian measures of the Fujimori
government, and I met often with the opposition as well as government
officials to express our concerns about democracy. As the United States
representative on the 1995 interim cease-fire monitoring group on the
Peru-Ecuador border, I contributed to United States efforts to
disengage the opposing military forces and to facilitate the eventual
diplomatic resolution of this dispute. As Charge in Paraguay, I led the
rapid United States response to oppose the April 2000 coup attempt; I
then made a public (and successful) request for the government not to
mistreat the captured coup participants. As Charge in Guatemala I led
the embassy's support for human rights; as part of that effort, I made
public visits to human rights workers who had received threats, and I
attended two high-profile human rights trials. These actions
underscored U.S. concerns about the protection of human rights groups
and about impunity. I also led U.S. efforts to engage the Portillo
government, first privately and then publicly, on official corruption,
organized crime, and narcotics trafficking. This initiative led to
subsequent public expressions of concern by other international donor
countries about corruption, and it encouraged Guatemalan civil society
groups that advocated greater transparency and accountability.
Guatemalan prosecutors subsequently began numerous judicial actions
against corrupt officials.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in
Guatemala? What are the most important steps you expect to take to
promote human rights and democracy in Guatemala? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions?
Answer. The most pressing human rights issues in Guatemala are a
weak judicial and law enforcement system that does not protect citizens
from violent crime; impunity of human rights offenders; and organized
crime and clandestine armed groups. These human rights issues in turn
are one of the most important challenges to Guatemala's democracy;
other major challenges are corruption, poverty, and social exclusion.
If confirmed as ambassador, I would continue the vigorous United States
support, in public and in private, for human rights and democracy, to
include meeting throughout Guatemala with members of the government and
with civil society. I would also support ongoing U.S. programs that
address these issues, to include community policing, rule of law,
police professionalization, human rights, transparency, and programs in
rural and indigenous areas. I would also work closely with the U.N.-
Guatemalan Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), to which
the United States is contributing, and which will support Guatemalan
judicial authorities in investigating clandestine groups. The Merida
Initiative, if approved by the Congress, would increase significantly
our ability to cooperate with Guatemalan institutions on citizen
security and rule of law issues. If confirmed, and if the Congress
approves the Merida Initiative, I would scrutinize any Merida-funded
proposals in Guatemala to ensure that they support our broader
democracy and human rights goals, particularly Guatemala's ability to
strengthen transparency, accountability, and the rule of law. I would
also use ongoing assistance programs, as well as public diplomacy
outreach, and our engagement on CAFTA, to work with our Guatemalan
partners to improve living standards for those Guatemalans most in
need, in particular the indigenous.
Question. What are the potential obstacles to addressing the
specific human rights issues you have identified in your previous
response? What challenges will you face in Guatemala in advancing human
rights and democracy in general?
Answer. The principal challenges to democracy in Guatemala are
security, transparency, prosperity, and social inclusion. Greater
citizen confidence in the ability of elected government to address
these issues in a fair and timely way will strengthen democracy. A weak
judicial and law enforcement system is the primary obstacle to
protecting human rights in Guatemala. This manifests itself in
extremely low prosecution rates for all crimes, and in particular
homicide, and violent crimes against women, which in turn lowers
citizen confidence in police and prosecutors, and increases the
temptation for some to take the law into their own hands. The police
have not been able to provide sufficient security for most citizens,
and in many cases have been involved in crimes. Guatemalans acknowledge
that corruption and intimidation are two additional obstacles to
improving the judicial system. While gangs and drug traffickers are
responsible for considerable violent crime, there are also organized
crime groups that seek political influence and protection, who pose a
major challenge to democracy.
These obstacles notwithstanding, there are important partners with
whom the United States can work with on these issues. The Colom
administration, which took office in January, seeks to work with the
United States on a broad range of human rights, democracy, and economic
issues, to include improving rule of law institutions, and citizen
security. There are also many members of the police and the judicial
institutions committed to improving the rule of law and human rights,
in addition to Guatemalan human rights, media, private sector, and
other civil society groups.
Question. What steps will you take to ensure that promotion of
human rights objectives will be an integral part of post activities?
What steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who
engage in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally
rewarded for superior service?
Answer. Human rights are an integral part of Embassy Guatemala's
activities. The embassy has an interagency Rule of Law Committee that
addresses human rights in a collective forum. The political section has
the lead on tracking and promoting human rights, but personnel
throughout the embassy regularly promote human rights through public
outreach, exchanges, training, and dialog. The embassy has undertaken
human rights programs with the military, the police, prosecutors, and
immigration authorities, among others. Promoting human rights is a
priority in the mission strategic plan. If confirmed as ambassador, I
will ensure that human rights remain of critical import across the
range of embassy functions, including my own duties; I believe that
ambassadorial involvement in human rights outreach also underscores
within the embassy the importance of this effort. I will also ensure,
as I have in the past, that Foreign Service officers and other
personnel who work on human rights receive due recognition through the
employee evaluation and award processes. I will also ensure that the
embassy continues to have a spirit of openness in which issues such as
human rights can be freely and frankly discussed and assessed.
Question. Will you commit to meeting regularly with nongovernmental
organizations in the United States and in Guatemala that are working to
promote human rights?
Answer. Yes. I have worked with human rights organizations
throughout my career in the Department of State, both in the United
States and abroad. As DCM and charge in Guatemala I met frequently with
human rights NGOs, and I participated in activities that they organized
to promote human rights; if confirmed as ambassador, I will continue to
do so. Human rights NGOs are important partners in the quest to protect
and promote human rights. The embassy team maintains close contact with
a range of human rights leaders and civil society leaders, and if
confirmed, meeting with them will be among my first acts.
Question. With regard to international adoptions, how many adoption
cases initiated prior to December 31, 2007 remain to be processed? What
efforts are the U.S. Embassy and the Bureau of Consular Affairs making
to resolve these cases? Does the embassy have sufficient resources in
the consular section to devote to this issue? Can you provide an
estimate of how long it will take to conclude processing of these
cases?
Answer. Statistics of the U.S. Citizen and Immigration Services
(USCIS) section at the United States Embassy in Guatemala City show
2,965 pending adoption cases as of April 1, 2008, down from 3,387 on
March 1. Before USCIS and the Consular Section can complete processing
of any of these cases, they must have a finalized adoption according to
Guatemalan law. The embassy believes that nearly all of these cases
have been registered with the new National Adoption Council (CNA)
before the February 12, 2008 deadline created by Guatemala's new Hague
compliant legislation, and will, therefore, be entitled to be processed
under the notarial adoption system that existed prior to the new law.
Completed adoption documentation is being presented daily to the
embassy, currently running at a rate slightly slower than last year's
record numbers (4,729 adoption immigrant visas issued in fiscal year
2007). Current USCIS and consular staff at the embassy is therefore
sufficient for timely processing of these cases. The average number of
days from receipt of final adoption documentation by the embassy's
USCIS office to issuance of the immigration visa by the consular
section is now under 14 calendar days. For most of last year this
processing and scheduling time averaged approximately 21 days. If
Guatemalan Government adoption processing continues at rates similar to
March and April, most such ``grandfathered'' cases (barring problems
discovered in individual cases) should be completed by the end of
calendar year 2008.
Question. What is the status, in particular, of cases involving the
children from Casa Quivira? How many prospective adoptions involving
American citizens remain pending?
Answer. Thirty-five children remain in Casa Quivira, though one
child's adoption has been completed adoption and is scheduled for final
visa interview on April 22. We believe that 30 of these children
continue to be matched with American prospective adoptive families,
according to the records of USCIS. However, we have recently learned of
several withdrawals by U.S. families, and we have not been informed of
new matches for those children. Eight of these children (counting the
April 22 final interview above) have been released by the investigating
prosecutor's office for completion of adoption processing. In 18 more
cases, the prosecutor has been unable to locate birth mothers for
interview. Several parents, however, have engaged additional assistance
to help locate these mothers and to bring them for interviews by
Guatemalan authorities. In nine cases, the prosecutor has discovered
serious irregularities, mainly consisting of false identifications of
the birth mothers. All such cases will have to be processed as
abandonment cases, requiring court determinations, and almost certainly
requiring processing in accordance with the new law. The embassy and
the Bureau of Consular Affairs continue to dedicate extensive efforts
to these cases.
NOMINATIONS
----------
MONDAY, APRIL 28, 2008
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Burns, William J., to be Under Secretary of State for Political
Affairs
Jacobs, Janice L., to be Assistant Secretary of State for
Consular Affairs
McMahan, Vance, to be the U.S. Representative on the Economic
and Social Council of the United Nations
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 3:53 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert P.
Casey presiding.
Present: Senators Casey and Lugar.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT P. CASEY, JR.,
U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA
Senator Casey. The hearing of the Committee on Foreign
Relations will now come to order.
Today, the committee meets to consider three important
nominations: Ambassador William J. Burns, Under Secretary of
State for Political Affairs; Ambassador Janice L. Jacobs to be
Assistant Secretary of State for Consular Affairs; and Mr.
Vance McMahan to be the U.S. Representative on the Economic and
Social Council of the United Nations, with the rank of
Ambassador.
I want to congratulate all of you on your nominations and
express the gratitude of the Senate for your willingness to
engage in public service on behalf of our Nation.
Ambassador Burns, you've been nominated for what is, in
effect, the third-ranking position in the State Department--the
Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs. Like Secretary
of State Rice and Deputy Secretary of State Negroponte, you're
responsible for not just one region or one functional area, but
the broad sweep of U.S. foreign policy. While this position is
always important, if confirmed, you will be assuming it in an
especially important time. Regardless of who is elected
President this fall, you may be the senior official at the
State Department during the transition period, and even perhaps
during the first weeks of the new administration.
And I know you have some big shoes to fill. Your
predecessor as Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs,
Ambassador Nick Burns, played a key role on leading foreign
policy challenges, including the United States-led initiative
to halt Iran's nuclear activities that violate a series of U.N.
Security Council resolutions, and the efforts to hammer out a
civil--or, I'm sorry--a civilian nuclear cooperation agreement
with India. I'll be interested to hear your views on how you
intend to approach the upcoming presidential transition as the
senior career officer at the State Department and which foreign
policy challenges you intend to focus upon when you assume your
new position.
I'm also happy to learn, today, that you've got some roots
in Scranton, PA. We always appreciate that.
Ambassador Jacobs, you have been nominated to assume the
leadership of the State Department's Consular Affairs Bureau,
which, unfortunately, has been in the news, of late, for the
wrong reasons. Last summer, we witnessed thousands of Americans
having to postpone or cancel their trips abroad due to lengthy
delays in receiving their passports. Unfortunately, the State
Department had badly miscalculated the level of demand for U.S.
passports in the wake of new rules established under the
Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative.
While passport processing times have now returned to
normal, many of us in the Congress are concerned about a repeat
of this scenario next year, when new regulations come into
effect requiring all Americans transiting our borders by land
or sea to have U.S. passports or passport cards. I look forward
to your views on how the State Department plans to assess
likely demand, and the steps it is taking to get ready.
More recently, we learned the disturbing news that State
Department employees and contractors illegally accessed the
passport files of the three remaining presidential candidates.
Perhaps of greater concern, there was a significant lag before
these unauthorized disclosures were reported to senior
Department officials and the three candidates themselves. I
understand that the State Department inspector general is
conducting an investigation, and I look forward to hearing the
status of that investigation and the steps the Department is
taking to better protect the privacy and integrity of passport
files for all Americans.
Finally, Ambassador Jacobs, I want to raise an issue raised
by a number of our constituents in Pennsylvania. Many families,
including those in Pennsylvania, have encountered lengthy
delays and uncertainty in the processing of adopting children
from foreign nations, especially Vietnam and Guatemala. While I
understand the critical need to follow careful rules and
regulations, especially to deter intolerable kidnapping and
selling of infants for adoption, too many families have often
been left in the dark regarding individual cases.
I strongly urge the Department of State and your Bureau to
recommit to frequent communications with both congressional
casework staff and the general public so that affected families
receive regular updates on their adoption cases and suffer less
unneeded stress.
Our final nominee before us today, Mr. McMahan, has been
nominated for the position of United States Representative to
the United Nations Economic and Social Council, or ECOSOC--
``ecosock,'' for those of us who focus on acronyms. The ECOSOC
is a U.N. body that addresses international economic, social,
and cultural issues and is currently undergoing significant
reform efforts. However, I was disappointed when ECOSOC, last
year, voted to deny--to deny--the Jewish National Fund of the
United States general consultative status at the body, a status
that roughly 2,800 other nongovernmental organizations already
enjoy.
Such actions, which appear to stem from an anti-Israel
bias, only serve to undermine the trust of the American people
in the evenhandedness of the United Nations as a whole. I look
forward to your views on how to make ECOSOC a more effective
and nondiscriminatory organization.
With Americans dying in combat in foreign lands and our
international prestige at an all-time low, our Nation demands
capable representatives to advocate for our interests overseas.
I look forward to hearing your views on how you intend to serve
as representatives of our great Nation.
And at this moment I think we'll go to our nominees. We may
be joined by other members of this committee. We'll turn to our
nominees for their opening statements. And I'd encourage you to
keep your remarks brief, as we always say, no longer than 5
minutes each, if you can hold to that, so we can move to
questions. And if you're summarizing your statement, the text
of your full statement will be included in the hearing record.
And I also know this is a proud moment for each of you, and
also for your families, and maybe friends, as well, so I'd
encourage you to introduce family and friends who are present
today when you deliver your opening statement.
And at this moment I think we'll start, first of all, with
Ambassador Burns.
STATEMENT OF WILLIAM J. BURNS, NOMINEE TO BE UNDER SECRETARY OF
STATE FOR POLITICAL AFFAIRS
Ambassador Burns. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. It
truly is an honor to appear before you today as President
Bush's nominee to become Under Secretary of State for Political
Affairs.
I am grateful to the President and to Secretary Rice for
their confidence in me and in our diplomat service, in which I
am proud to have served for the last 26 years. If confirmed, I
will do my best to live up to their trust and to work closely
with you and all of your colleagues on this committee, as I
have throughout my career.
With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I'd like to begin by
expressing deep appreciation to my family--to my wife, Lisa,
and daughter, Sarah, who are still in Moscow, and my daughter,
Lizzy, now in the midst of her final exams at Duke University.
As in so many Foreign Service families around the world, their
love and sacrifice are a very large part of why I am here
today. I can never repay them adequately.
This is the fourth time, Mr. Chairman, that I've appeared
before this committee for confirmation. I approach this new
challenge with considerable humility, with great respect for
Nick Burns, Mark Grossman, Tom Pickering, and all those who
have come before me, with an abiding commitment to public
service, with faith in the power of clear-eyed diplomacy in the
pursuit of American interests and human freedoms, and with few
illusions about the complicated world around us.
It is a world with no shortage of troubles, but also plenty
of opportunities for creative and determined American
leadership. It is a world which faces the spreading dangers of
weapons of mass destruction, new and more malignant forms of
terrorism, unresolved regional and sectarian conflicts, failed
and failing states, global economic dislocation, and
transnational health, energy, illegal narcotics, and
environmental concerns. It is a world in which American vision
and leadership are essential in crafting relations with
emergent and resurgent great powers, in deepening their stake
in global institutions and a stable international system. It is
a world in which other people and other societies will always
have their own realities, not always hospitable to ours. That
doesn't mean we have to accept those perspectives, or agree
with them, or indulge them, but it does mean that understanding
them is the starting point for sensible policy. It is a world
in which a little modesty in the pursuit of American interests
is often a good thing, and in which there's still no substitute
for setting careful priorities and connecting means to ends.
But, it is also a world in which the power of our example
and our generosity of spirit can open the door to profound
advances, as President Bush has shown in his historic
initiative against HIV/AIDS in Africa. It is a world in which
our leadership should serve as a catalyst for making common
cause with others. Nowhere is that more true today than in the
broader Middle East, where it is hugely important to build on
the Annapolis Conference and realize the promise of a two-state
solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and where we must
strengthen regional and international support for a better
future for Afghanistan and Iraq.
It is a world, as Secretary Rice has said, in which America
has no permanent enemies and in which tough-minded engagement
of our adversaries, such as North Korea and Iran, is a mark of
strength and confidence, not weakness. And it is a world, as
Secretary Gates has argued, in which the many instruments of
American soft power ought to be expanded alongside the tools of
hard power.
Mr. Chairman, I look forward, if confirmed, to assisting
Secretary Rice and Deputy Secretary Negroponte in coordinating
our diplomacy across the major regions of the globe and toward
the alliances and international organizations which are so
important to U.S. national security. I will draw, as best I
can, on my experience in Russia and the Middle East, two
regions of the world which are rarely dull, but always central
to American interests. I will work hard, with my friends and
colleagues in other agencies, to promote an effective policy
process. And I will also wholeheartedly support Secretary
Rice's efforts, building on the world of Colin Powell, to
transform and strengthen America's diplomatic capabilities for
the new century before us.
Taking care of our people, of the members of the Foreign
and Civil Services and the Foreign Service nationals who serve
our country with such dedication and courage in so many hard
places around the world, is not only the right thing to do, but
also a powerful contribution to America's best interests.
Thank you, again, Mr. Chairman, for your consideration. I
know the period ahead is an important one, with a political
transition looming in our country in a world which doesn't stop
for our political processes. I'll do all I can, if confirmed,
to work with all of you to help meet the formidable challenges
before us.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Burns appears at the
end of this hearing transcript.]
Senator Casey. Thank you, sir.
I wanted to note the presence of our distinguished ranking
member, Senator Lugar, who joins us, as well, and I appreciate
his presence here at the hearing.
Ambassador Jacobs.
STATEMENT OF JANICE L. JACOBS, NOMINEE TO BE ASSISTANT
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR CONSULAR AFFAIRS
Ambassador Jacobs. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Lugar, it's a distinct
honor to appear before you today.
I would like to express my sincere appreciation to
President Bush and Secretary Rice for nominating me to be
Assistant Secretary of State for Consular Affairs.
I would also like to introduce and give special thanks to
my husband, Ken Friedman, who is here with me today.
Consular work is fundamentally about service to our
mission, to our citizens, and to the security of our Nation. As
a career consular officer for 28 years, I have gained a broad
perspective of the many and varied consular challenges our
country faces. In leadership positions, as Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Visa Services and Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary for Consular Affairs, I have worked on the full range
of consular issues, implementing changes that have transformed
the security and efficiency of consular work across the range
of our activities.
As Deputy Chief of Mission in Santo Domingo, and as
Ambassador to Senegal and Guinea-Bissau, I have seen,
firsthand, the outstanding work that all consular personnel--
officers, locally engaged employees, eligible family members--
do at our posts overseas. If confirmed, I will consider it my
great privilege to lead the Bureau of Consular Affairs in
protecting our Nation's security and providing the highest-
quality services to our citizens.
One of those services is providing American citizens with
reliable, secure passports. The Bureau took immediate action
when we learned, recently, that the passport records of
Presidential candidates had been improperly accessed by Bureau
employees. As Acting Assistant Secretary, and under the
guidance of the Under Secretary for Management, we informed the
candidates, reminded all Bureau employees of their legal
obligation to safeguard the privacy of passport records, and
requested the Office of the Inspector General to begin an
investigation, which is ongoing. We are exploring further
measures to protect the privacy of American citizens and
strengthen the integrity of the passport process.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will be vigilant in ensuring
that the American public's trust in the Bureau is well placed
and that the personal information they provide to us is kept
safe.
CA has greatly improved the efficiency of passport
processing. Despite demand that now runs 7 percent above last
year's record 18.4 million passport issuances, I'm pleased to
report that there is no backlog of passport applications. We
are meeting higher demand by hiring hundreds of new staff,
establishing new passport agencies, expanding existing
facilities, and producing a passport card to meet the needs of
our citizens on the northern and southern borders. If
confirmed, I will ensure that we continue to provide reliable
passport services to our citizens.
In discharging our visa responsibilities, consular officers
sit literally on the front lines on the global war on terror,
contributing to national security. They strengthen our borders
by detecting and deterring the entry of those who seek to break
our laws. They strengthen our society by helping reunite
American families through legal immigration. Since 9/11, the
Department's challenge has been to enhance the security of our
borders while keeping America's doors open to the world. Our
commitment to the ``Secure Borders, Open Doors,'' joint vision
of Secretaries Rice and Chertoff has transformed visa
processing and enabled us, for example, to issue an all-time
record of 651,000 student and scholar visas last year. If
confirmed, I will continue this commitment to improve the
security and efficiency of visa processing and ensure that
America continues to welcome legitimate international visitors.
Of course, our primary responsibility is to serve and
protect American citizens overseas. We provide our citizens
with services around the cycle of life. We register births,
replace lost passports, help people vote, and comfort families
when Americans are sick, in jail, or have died. Consular
officers touch people's lives.
We devote special effort to protecting children. On April
1st, we implemented the Hague Convention on Intercountry
Adoption to provide better protections and transparency for
children and families in intercountry adoptions. If confirmed,
I will work tirelessly to ensure CA continues our outstanding
record of service to our citizens.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will look forward to working
with the Secretary to ensure consular support for America's
foreign policy objectives. If confirmed, I will continue to
work with the committee to ensure that the world's finest
consular corps continues to meet its obligations to our
citizens and to our Nation.
Thank you for the privilege of appearing before you today,
and I would be happy to answer any of your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Jacobs appears at the
end of this hearing transcript.]
Senator Casey. Thank you, Ambassador.
Mr. McMahan.
STATEMENT OF T. VANCE McMAHAN, NOMINEE TO BE REPRESENTATIVE OF
THE UNITED STATES ON THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUNCIL OF THE
UNITED NATIONS, WITH THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR AND AN ALTERNATE
REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES TO THE SESSIONS OF THE
GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE UNITED NATIONS, DURING HIS TENURE OF
SERVICE AS REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UNITED STATES ON THE ECONOMIC
AND SOCIAL COUNCIL OF THE UNITED NATIONS
Mr. McMahan. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator Lugar,
members of the committee. I'm honored to appear before you
today as the President's nominee to serve as the U.S.
Representative to the United Nations Economic and Social
Council. I'm deeply grateful to President Bush and Secretary
Rice for their confidence in me.
I hope that my legal background in the field of banking and
finance, as well as my extensive experience in government and
work on a number of public policy issues, from education to
healthcare to global competitiveness, will contribute to my
effectiveness in this position.
I strongly believe the United States role as a force for
good in the world, that, working with global community, we can
help free people from hunger and disease, poverty and
illiteracy, tyranny and violence, allowing them to realize
their full potential as human beings.
The United States has led an effort to bring new ideas and
fresh approaches in a number of areas, including the economic
policy debate at the United Nations. Our approach, in line with
the Monterrey Consensus on Financing for Development,
emphasizes the importance of sustainable economic growth in
development policy, linking new aid from developed nations to
real reform in developing ones.
Our guiding principle is based on building partnerships.
It's a balanced approach which promotes a central role of
national governments in their own development and the
importance of international investment, trade, and credit
markets, and expanding economic opportunities for the world's
poor. If confirmed, I will continue to advance our view that
foreign assistance, in the context of good governance and sound
domestic policy, can play a catalytic role, but it cannot
substitute for open international trade and the ability to
attract private capital.
The Economic and Social Council, ECOSOC, is at the center
of these activities, and, through its resolutions, functional
commissions, and regional commissions, is an important venue to
promote key U.S. interests. The United States, as an ECOSOC
member, has worked closely with our member states to integrate
our shared views into U.N. policies on the role of economic
growth and national development strategies that can bring real
change to the lives of many.
Through the work of ECOSOC and its subsidiary bodies, we
are also pursuing the global goals, in the Millennium
Declaration, of reducing poverty and hunger, improving health
and education, and combating major diseases. Achieving these
goals will require greater focus on, and innovative approaches
to, sustainable development in the fragile and failing states
where many of the so-called ``bottom billion'' live, those who
have been left behind as the rest of the developing world has
moved ahead. The extreme poverty and instability in these
states affects the entire global community. If confirmed, this
will be one of the most important items on my agenda.
In addition to its important work on economic growth and
development, ECOSOC also plays a critical part in the promotion
of human rights and social justice. Unfortunately, the Geneva-
based Human Rights Council, which, in 2006, replaced the former
Commission on Human Rights, has been a grave disappointment in
this regard. To date, that body and many of its members remain
unwilling to meet the council's mandate of addressing gross and
systematic violations of human rights. Until the council
improves, we will not legitimize it with our formal
participation. If confirmed, I will continue to press for the
council to approach its work with the seriousness that the
United States and the international community expect, and to
eliminate the selective bias that we've observed in its work so
far.
I would also continue to work with our partners to push for
action by the General Assembly's Third Committee to hold
accountable violators of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
In addition, I would also work to build on existing initiatives
of the United States in the General Assembly and other fora to
fight human trafficking, to improve the status of women, and
increase their political participation and economic influence
around the world.
I would also like to emphasize our strong commitment to the
promotion of democracy. The United Nations Democracy Fund,
created by Secretary General Annan in 2005, plays an important
role in strengthening democratic institutions at the level of
civil society. The fund is already supporting 122 projects in
110 countries, and, if confirmed, I will look forward to
continuing our work as members of the Advisory Board to further
the goals of the fund.
Finally, I would like to underscore that I believe our work
at the U.N. will only succeed insofar as the U.N. as an
institution succeeds. The United States is spearheading the
U.N. Transparency and Accountability Initiative to improve the
organization's efficiency across the entire U.N. system. The
U.N.'s daily impact on the well-being of so many around the
world makes it vital that the entire U.N. system join this
initiative to safeguard the U.N.'s resources and its
credibility.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you again for
the opportunity to testify today and for considering my
nomination. If confirmed, I intend to work closely with members
of the committee and the committee staff to advance U.S.
efforts at the U.N. to promote international peace and
security, sustainable economic development, and respect for
human dignity.
I'd be happy to respond to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. McMahan appears at the end
of this hearing transcript.]
Senator Casey. Thank you, Mr. McMahan. I appreciate it.
And we appreciate the presence of the ranking member,
Senator Lugar, and he'll start our questioning.
Senator Lugar. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Burns, it's a privilege to have you before the
committee once again and to have an opportunity to thank you
and commend you for remarkable service in Russia and, before
that, in the Middle East--many people are not as well aware of
your achievements in that sector--in addition.
I was pleased just to note, over your right shoulder,
former Ambassador Jim Collins, who is here today, and it is
wonderful to have Jim Collins in the audience, likewise, an old
comrade in spirit regarding Russia.
Let me just ask--turning, a moment, to a near neighbor of
Russia--about recent Georgian actions. Without attempting to
characterize the motivation for movement in those two parts of
Georgia in which Russia continues to play an active role, what
do you perceive is the motivation? Is this coercion of Georgia
or, really, an attack upon NATO in the discussion of Georgian
membership or--give us some feel for where that is headed.
Ambassador Burns. Thank you very much, Senator Lugar.
As you know, the United States has made very clear our
support for Georgia's territorial integrity and our strong
concern about some actions, which the Russian Government has
recently taken, which undermine Georgia's territorial
integrity. Part of the calculation on the part of the Russian
Government may have to do with its clear opposition to the
further enlargement of NATO along its own borders. I think, in
terms of our response, it's very important for us to do all we
can to make common cause with our European partners and to
stress, in a strong and steady fashion, that ours is a
collective concern. As one small indication of that, in Moscow
in the next couple of days we're going to be approaching the
Russian Foreign Ministry again--not separately, but
collectively, along with the Germans and some of our other key
European partners in the so-called Friends of Georgia--again,
to underscore our concern.
Senator Lugar. Well, I appreciate that response. I am
certain he reached out in directions to friends, wherever he
can find them, but I received an urgent call from President
Saakashvili last Thursday, in which he was most hopeful that
our administration would speak out; likewise, individual
Members of Congress. Senator Biden and I drafted an op-ed
piece, which appeared in the Washington Times yesterday, trying
to affirm the importance of Georgia, and, likewise, the
importance of its territorial integrity and its aspirations to
us. So, I appreciate your statement today, and we look forward
to the administration's vigorous pursuit of that idea.
Let me just ask, for a moment, about the START treaty. We
had an opportunity to discuss this privately earlier today,
but, just for the record, is the administration now committed
to trying to reach agreement with regard to a START treaty
verification regime before that expires next year? What are the
sticking points? What do you foresee, really, to be the course
of activity of the United States and Russia with regard to the
START situation?
Ambassador Burns. Well, sir, President Bush reaffirmed,
when he met with President Putin in Sochi earlier this month,
the U.S. commitment to a legally binding post-START agreement,
and I think the administration feels a sense of urgency about
this, not only because of the importance of a post-START
agreement for relations between the United States and Russia
and for our bilateral interests in strategic stability, but
also, I think, because Russia and the United States have both
unique capabilities and unique responsibilities in the nuclear
field, and I think the successful conclusion of a legally
binding post-START agreement would send a powerful signal to
the rest of the world of our responsible exercise of that
leadership in managing our own remaining nuclear arsenals. And
at a moment when the danger of the spread of nuclear weapons is
as serious as it's ever been in human history, I think that
kind of United States-Russian leadership is very important.
Senator Lugar. How vigorous do you perceive our leadership
in the remainder of this current Presidential term?
Ambassador Burns. Well, President Bush was very clear when
he met with President Putin and President-elect Medvedev in
Sochi, and also in the Strategic Framework Declaration that was
released by the two presidents afterward, about our commitment
to trying to conclude a legally binding post-START agreement.
As you know, Ambassador Boyden Gray has a new assignment;
namely, to go out and visit with countries about energy
issues--Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, Turkey, a good
number of other countries in which the need for the flow of oil
and natural gas to the rest of the world--it's a portfolio that
increases the flow from something that is more exclusively
Russian to much more worldlike, on behalf of our European
allies, as well as our own country. How can we work with the
Russians or others for them to understand this, in addition to
these countries that Ambassador Gray will be visiting? How
coordinated is the administration's point of view in taking a
look at potential hazards to our European allies, quite apart
from the need for us to work in developing relations with other
countries through personal visitation?
Ambassador Burns. Well, Senator Lugar, I can think of two
or three steps which are very important for us to take.
The first is to recall the set of principles which were
agreed at the G-8 Summit in St. Petersburg that was hosted by
Russia in the summer of 2006, principles which emphasized the
importance of diversity, of diversification of sources, of
transit routes, principles which emphasized the importance of
sanctity of contracts, as well as transparency in the way in
which the global energy market works. And so, I think it's very
important, at the upcoming G-8 Summit, in our own diplomatic
efforts with our partners in the European Union and directly
with Russia, to strengthen adherence to those principles.
Second, I think it is also very important, just as you
discussed with Ambassador Gray, for the United States to engage
in the most active diplomatic efforts possible throughout
Central Asia, because active personal diplomacy, it seems to
me, is extremely important in the pursuit of those principles
from the St. Petersburg G-8 Summit, especially diversification.
And finally, it is important to engage Russia. It is,
today, the world's largest producer of hydrocarbons, of oil and
gas. It is, by any definition, a major player in the global
energy market. There are some overlapping interests with
regard, for example, to energy efficiency, especially as Russia
moves to the liberalization of its domestic gas prices; that's
going to become a more important goal for Russia itself, and
there are things we can learn from each other on that. So,
engaging the Russians is also an important element of any
successful strategy.
Senator Lugar. Mr. Chairman, this concludes the questions I
have for Ambassador Burns, so I would either relinquish or
carry on, as your instruction.
Senator Casey. Go ahead and carry on.
Senator Lugar. Let me, first of all, introduce a statement
for the record by Senator Hagel, our colleague.
Senator Casey. Without objection.
[The information previously referred to appears at the end
of this hearing in the ``Additional Material Submitted for the
Record'' section.]
Senator Lugar. Now, let me now turn to questions for
Secretary Jacobs.
Many of us have been contacted by constituents specifically
regarding adoptions in Vietnam, Guatemala, and Romania. I know
these issues have come to your attention. But, what can you
tell us about the situation in these and other countries of
concern? And how has our formal adoption of the Hague
Convention on Intercountry Adoptions changed our situation in
these or other countries?
Ambassador Jacobs. Thank you, Senator Lugar.
First of all, let me say--in my statement, I talked about
how CA touches people's lives. And, I think, on the issue of
intercountry adoptions, perhaps there's no issue that is more
emotional for everyone involved--for the adoptive parents,
certainly. We are looking out for the interests of the adopted
child and the biological parents, as well. The State Department
has long supported intercountry adoptions as a viable option
for children in need of placement in a permanent home. And, as
we have done that, we have also supported two principles: one
of transparency, another is the practice of ethical standards
and procedures in carrying out the adoptions in the adoption
process itself.
Our recent accession to the Hague Convention, on April 1st,
we think really reaffirms our commitment to those principles.
We are strong supporters of the Hague's processes and abilities
to introduce more transparency into the system and to really
have the protections necessary for all parties involved in the
adoption process.
With regard to the countries that you mentioned, Guatemala
is a member of the Hague. They actually joined in 2003, but
they did not pass the implementing legislation necessary to
create the infrastructure necessary to do processing until
December of last year. And so, they are still going through
what we went through, quite frankly, for a number of years, in
setting up the rules and the infrastructure in order to allow
adoptions under Hague standards.
We, as a Hague country now, have to wait until they have
their infrastructure in place before we can do new adoptions;
however, there are cases that were in process before December
31, which we are working on, and we are working very closely
with the Guatemalan Government and others to see how we can do
those on a case-by-case basis.
In Vietnam, the situation is a little more troubling.
Vietnam is not a member of the Hague. It is something that we
strongly encourage the Vietnamese Government to do. We and the
Government of Vietnam actually stopped adoptions in 2002
because of serious irregularities. We signed a memorandum of
agreement with them in 2005 that allowed adoptions to begin
again, and we saw a resurgence. We processed about 800
adoptions out of Vietnam last year. However, over the course of
time, our embassy in Hanoi has discovered a number of troubling
practices, suggesting corruption, perhaps baby-buying, baby-
selling, things that we really cannot condone. We have raised
our concerns with the Vietnamese Government. We have told them
that we are not going to be able to renew the current agreement
in its current form because there has been little progress on
some of the things that we were looking for in that agreement:
transparency--transparency in the fees that are paid is
especially important. And so, the Vietnamese Government
announced, just today, that, in fact, we are not going to be
able to renew the memorandum.
So, our plan is to continue to work with the government to
try to address some of these concerns, the fraudulent patterns
that we've noticed, and perhaps, once we have been able to work
those out, to sign another agreement. In the meantime, cases
that are already entrained--we will be working on those on a
case-by-case basis, up until the time that the MOA expires in
September.
We do certainly want to work with the families. We have a
60-day standard that we have in place, where we try to answer
families with any questions or concerns. And I know that people
in the Bureau are in frequent contact with the families. If I'm
confirmed, I commit to you that we will continue that close
interaction with the families.
Senator Lugar. How about Romania?
Ambassador Jacobs. Romania is another situation where the
government itself has decided to limit adoptions, and we are in
the process of talking to them, as well.
Senator Lugar. Let me just indicate that I'm certain all
committee members are pleased with your report that the wait
times for passport applications have not only dramatically
dropped, and you're back to normal. As you've stated, there's
not a perceptible backlog. Can you, just for the sake of the
record, remind each of us of the cost of a U.S. passport, as
well as the new passport card that can be used for Mexico and
Canada? And, likewise, how much does it cost to apply for a
U.S. visa to enter this country? Are there cost problems there
that you perceive, with regard to foreign students and/or other
entry persons to the United States, that deserve your attention
or congressional attention?
Ambassador Jacobs. Thank you, Senator.
The current cost for a first-time passport applicant is
$100; and for a renewal, is $75. The passport card--I have a
sample of it, actually, here--we've talked a lot about this new
card that we're getting ready to start printing in June--will
be in full production by July. If you are renewing--if you have
a passport book, and you are getting a card, it's only $20. If
you are simply buying the card itself, it's $45 for adults, $35
for children.
All of our costs, of course, are based on what it costs us
to provide the service. The Bureau of Consular Affairs is fee-
based; and so, we do carry out periodic cost-of-service studies
in order to tell us what it is costing us to provide the
services that we do.
We know, on the student visas, that there is a lot of
concern about trying to keep the price as low as possible in
order to encourage foreign students. We are very happy to see
that the number of foreign students is increasing; in fact, the
overall number of foreign-student enrollment in the United
States went up by 3 percent last year. I mentioned the number
of visas that we actually issued. We're very happy about that.
We are doing a cost-of-service study right now. The current
fee for, not just students, but for nonimmigrant visas--
applicants around the world--is $131. We had to raise that in
January, primarily because of a new fee that the FBI is
charging us in order to check the fingerprints that we collect
on applicants against the FBI database. We are doing this cost-
of-service study now. It is possible that that fee may change
once that study is completed, later in the fall. I don't know
how that's going to come out. But, I certainly remember, sir,
sitting before you in previous hearings, and you raised
concerns about that fee, and I can commit to you that we will
try to keep it to cover just our costs, and try to keep it at a
reasonable level.
Senator Lugar. I think you made an excellent explanation of
how you arrive at it, and I hope the study can lead to a more
favorable result. The fact that there are 3 percent more
students, as opposed to the trend the last time we met--and the
committee has been concerned with this, really, for 5 years, as
we saw, really, a caving-in of the numbers, and now some
resurgence, which is very promising. And, of course, the more
volatile hearings of the committee on the subject were with
regard to the long lists of constituents who were calling all
of our offices in a state of emergency, or worse. The fact that
that has been relieved is further a godsend for all of us, and
we appreciate work that has accompanied that.
Let me just ask, How is the status of passport production
components going along--specifically, the microchip security
issue? And why is it that no American companies are capable of
manufacturing the chip domestically, as I understand it? Why do
we have the chips made overseas? And are there security
implications involved in that production?
Ambassador Jacobs. Thank you, sir.
First of all, I want to assure you and the American public
that the State Department is committed to providing the most
secure document possible in compliance with ICAO standards that
allows international travel. Back when we decided to do our
electronic passport, in 2003, we did a request for information;
and, at that time, it was apparent to us that there were not
going to be any U.S. suppliers who could provide the type of
chip that we were looking for. And so, we did turn to overseas
companies, primarily European, to produce both the chip and the
antenna that goes into the electronic passport. Those
components, though, are all sent by secure delivery to the GPO
here in the United States, and the passport itself is assembled
in secure facilities here in the United States. The components
themselves are commercially available. They are used in other
documents, such as DHS's Trusted Travel Card and credit and
debit cards. And when they are sent to the GPO, they are
actually locked, so there's no way to enter information on them
or fool around with them in any way.
And so, once, the chips and the antenna that are put
together--just really actually glued on a piece of plastic
overseas, and it's that piece of plastic that gets sent to the
GPO. It is only when we receive the books that the personal
data is put on the chip, and it's locked down so it cannot be
tampered with or changed in any way.
The GPO, at some point, will be recompeting the contract,
and if, at that time, there are American suppliers who can
provide the chip in the quantity that we need, then I'm sure
that that will be taken under consideration. But, let me just
say that, at the time, there really were no U.S. suppliers.
Senator Lugar. You've gone backward and forward on the
security situation, convinced yourselves and others that this
is okay? In other words, we're not going to come back to the
committee with people indicating that some devious practice,
something is known in the United States that we did not want to
have known?
Ambassador Jacobs. No, sir. Our whole process has been
looked at by NIST and others who have really looked at the
process and also the security features of the document and the
passport card themselves, which have been looked at by a number
of scientists and the forensic document lab at DHS. And we are
quite confident that it is secure.
Senator Lugar. Finally, I'd just note that, really, through
your data, that the visas are rising in requests from China and
from India. Not surprising, given the economic activity,
students, everybody. Are we prepared to meet this rising
demand? This, hopefully, will not cause a crisis at the desks,
but you've sensed the demand. And maybe there are other demand
situations you also have sensed. Can you give us reassurances
in that area?
Ambassador Jacobs. Yes, sir. Certainly, one of the biggest
challenges that Consular Affairs faces right now is this
growing demand; and it's not just on the visa side, but across
the board, in all the services that we provide. But, you
correctly point out that in China, India, Brazil, Mexico--
really those are the big-four countries for us, where we're
seeing double-digit growth every year right now--we are very
focused on the problem, the challenge of trying to meet that
demand. And I can assure you that, if I'm confirmed, that we
will do the planning necessary so that we have the resources in
place to address those challenges.
Senator Lugar. May I continue?
Senator Casey. Sure.
Senator Lugar. All right.
Let me ask Mr. McMahan--you've already addressed the
problems of the Human Rights Council in Geneva, as we perceive
it. And why does this persist, at least in your judgment?
Clearly, the United States has been offering suggestions. You
even suggested our lack of participation, if things don't shape
up. What are the fundamental causes of this malaise that
spreads over this Geneva situation?
Mr. McMahan. Thank you for that question, Senator.
I know we've been very disappointed, as you said, in the
failure of the Council to address gross violations of human
rights, and we've been working closely with our allies to try
to improve the Council. But, at this point, we feel like we
have more leverage from the outside, and that actually joining
the Council, as some people have urged, would actually
legitimize it, and the Council has not earned that, at this
point. I think we'll continue to work with our allies to try to
change the Council, to try to make it more effective and fair.
What I think we could also do is work with the Third
Committee at the United Nations, where we've had more success
in passing country-specific resolutions. Last year, we passed
resolutions on Belarus, Iran, and North Korea, and Burma.
So, while we will continue to work to improve the Human
Rights Council, we'll also continue to work through the Third
Committee at the General Assembly to make sure our concerns in
the human rights area are addressed.
Senator Lugar. For the sake of information and the hearing
record, try to differentiate the Third Committee, as opposed to
the Human Rights Council, or the relationship between the two,
and why one might work, apparently, more effectively, and the
other, Third, is not.
Mr. McMahan. To the best of my knowledge, the Human Rights
Council is a separate council, and the membership blocs there
can prevent--well, so far, effective response on the more
egregious human rights violations. Working through the Third
Committee--it's part of the General Assembly, a broader group
of member states--we feel like we can form more effective
coalitions to address----
Senator Lugar. So, it's a broader membership.
Mr. McMahan.--Right.
Senator Lugar. You have a larger constituency in the Third
Committee.
Mr. McMahan. Correct. Yes, sir.
Senator Lugar. Please discuss, for just a moment, the
current relationship between the Economic and Social Council
and the Peacebuilding Commission, which seeks to ensure that
recently recovering fragile states not lapse into chaos. What
bearing does this have on our agenda? Of what assistance is it
to us, or what assistance can we give to that effort?
Mr. McMahan. Thank you, Senator.
If confirmed, this would be an important issue for me, in
the sense I believe that we need to focus on the fragile and
failing states. There's a--quite a bit of discussion on the
Millennium Development pact goals to reduce poverty and hunger,
to improve health and education, to combat diseases. And we
think that those challenges are particularly acute in those
failing states. And to the extent that we can build
infrastructure, institutions of good governance, sound economic
policies, and aid civil society, provide civilian expertise,
and increase capacity, then we will have better success in
addressing those fundamental challenges.
So, I look forward, if confirmed, when I'm up there, to
evaluating the effectiveness of that organization, and working
with you and your staff to see if it can meet those goals.
Senator Lugar. Well, I appreciate the responses of each of
the witnesses.
And let me just pay tribute, again, to our distinguished
chairman, Senator Casey, for stepping forward to chair the
hearing. It's very important that the nominations have a very
timely action in the committee and the Senate, because each of
the roles that you play, for the very reasons we've been
discussing this afternoon, are tremendously important to our
country and to international organizations. So, thank you very
much for stepping forward. I appreciate very much my chairman's
indulging these questions, ad seriatim.
Thank you.
Senator Casey. Senator Lugar, I want to thank you. I've
learned a great deal from you in my time--short time in the
Senate, and I'm--we're honored to have you here.
I want to just start, Ambassador Burns, with you, with
regard to Iran. We hear an awful lot about Iran in the news, as
we have for many years. I guess, if you're an American who is
not following the news closely every day, or not following
every development in our relationship with a lot of countries,
but especially Iran, you might miss some things. I guess from
your vantage point, as someone who's had broad experience, not
only most recently in Russia, but your experience in the Middle
East and your experience in diplomacy, generally, what do you
think is our central challenge when it comes to Iran? If you
can please do two things. One is, identify the threat, as best
you can articulate it, and then, the challenge that that threat
presents to us.
Ambassador Burns. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
I think, first, it's important to understand that the
challenge that Iran poses is a challenge to the international
community, and that the problem that we face today with regard
to Iran is not just about the United States and Iran. I think
we, like other members of the international community, have
serious concerns about Iranian behavior, the behavior of this
Iranian regime across a wide range of issues, whether it's the
support for extremist militias in Iraq or whether it's Iran's
continuing efforts to develop a nuclear weapons program. I
would say those are the--are among the principal challenges we
face today.
I think it's very important, as we've been trying to do, to
make common cause with others, with other countries who share
those concerns and trying to deal with Iranian behavior. We
have dealt directly with the Iranians in the past over
Afghanistan, we deal directly with Iran today with regard to
our concerns over Iraq, and we may have another meeting in the
coming weeks which will be an opportunity for us to emphasize
the seriousness of our concerns about support for extremist
militias. Because it seems to me, in Iraq, that the issue is
not whether or not Iran has interests; Iraq is a big neighbor
which has a complicated history with Iran. The issue is how it
pursues those interests and whether or not it's pursuing those
interests in a way which destabilizes Iraq or contributes to
stability in Iraq.
With regard to the nuclear issue, we've worked hard in
recent years with the other Permanent Members of the U.N.
Security Council, as well as Germany, to try and sharpen, for
Iran, international concern about its nuclear weapons program,
about the--of its nuclear program, the importance of Iran
meeting its obligations to the International Atomic Energy
Agency, as well as to the U.N. Security Council, where Iran is
still in defiance of three U.N. Security Council resolutions,
as well as the IAEA. And I think we need to continue to pursue
that kind of strong, steady, diplomatic approach with regard to
Iran, because the nuclear issue, I think, remains one of the
most serious challenges that we face anyplace in the world
today.
Senator Casey. And when you look at the--upon your
confirmation, when you look at the next 9 months, the remainder
of this administration, what do you see as the game plan? What
do you see as the strategy for the administration over the next
9 months? Because I think there are those who would say--in
fact, I think your predecessor said that the Iranian problem
will remain for the next administration, at least with regard
to--if not beyond--the nuclear threat. But, what do you--how do
you see the next 9 months playing out, in terms of--if you were
able to choreograph, as none of us can--but, if you were able
to choreograph the positive set of developments for the next 9
months, how would you see that?
Ambassador Burns. Well, Mr. Chairman, I think, as I said,
our aim is to try and find a diplomatic resolution to the
Iranian nuclear challenge. And what we've tried to do with our
partners in that effort is to sharpen the choice for the
Iranian regime, to make clear what's possible if Iran meets its
obligations to the U.N. Security Council, to the IAEA, if it
agrees to suspend enrichment and reprocessing activity. What's
possible is a suspension of the existing U.N. Security Council
sanctions, as well as a direct engagement at--even at the
ministerial level, with the United States and our other
partners to talk about a range of issues. But, at the same
time, it's important, as we did in the most recent Security
Council resolution, to reinforce the point that there are
consequences for noncompliance, as well, with the requirements
of the international community.
I think the sanctions which have been implemented so far
have begun to have some impact on the Iranians; there are 35 or
40 major banks which don't do business with the Iranian
Government anymore, it has become a little bit more difficult
for the Iranians to finance projects, there's greater scrutiny
of materials and cargo that passes toward Iran, and of
individuals who have been connected with a nuclear program
before. And so, we need to reinforce that track of our efforts,
as well.
But, as I said before, Mr. Chairman, I have no illusions. I
mean, this is a very complicated problem, but it's one which is
going to require a really determined diplomatic effort.
Senator Casey. And I would argue that there needs to be a
strategy to this. We know we have to deter their ambitions, we
know that the effects--the positive effects, from our vantage
point, that financial sanctions can have. I think what a lot of
Americans are confused by, or sometimes misled by, often
because of what some public officials say, but also because of
the way these issues are covered--they see Mr. Ahmadinejad make
incendiary statements, but they also, at times, have seen our
government say some things that sometimes aren't consistent
with what the diplomatic strategy should be--and often, it is.
I don't think it helped when the President used the phrase
``World War III,'' although I would agree with a lot of the
strategies that have been employed with regard to sanctions,
with regard to developing an international--or a response by
the international community to the threat. So, I think language
is important.
But, how do you see--when our Government talks about
leaving options on the table, how do you see that playing out
in the next 9 months? I think there's a sense that this
administration might skip over or not fully discharge every
option on the table before it gets to a military option. How do
you view that? And how do you view that threat from our
Government? Do you view it as credible, or do you view it as
something that's been dissipated by recent events?
Ambassador Burns. Mr. Chairman, I think the President and
Secretary Rice have been very clear about our determination to
pursue a diplomatic approach, as complicated as that is. And
that remains our policy. It's prudent not to take options off
the table, but our focus right now is very much on the
diplomatic effort on which we've been engaged for some years
now. It's often frustrating, but I think it's very important to
pursue that with all the vigor that we can.
Senator Casey. How do you see--in your recent experience in
Russia--the significant role that Russia is playing in a lot of
our foreign policy challenges, not the least of which is the
challenge posed by Iran, and we know that Russia recently
initiated fuel shipments to the Bushehr nuclear power plant in
Iran. How do you see the impact of that kind of relationship,
generally; but, in particular, that particular economic
relationship with the shipment of fuel?
Ambassador Burns. Mr. Chairman, the Bushehr Project and the
recent shipment, I think, actually can provide an opportunity
to drive home to the Iranians that the nuclear issue is not
about their right to pursue civilian nuclear power, and that if
the Iranians are simply interested in having a civilian nuclear
plant, they have no need to enrich fuel on their own or to
master the fuel cycle on their own, because the Russians,
through the Bushehr Project, are providing fuel for the plant,
and then have very carefully arranged for the spent fuel to be
returned to Russia, which strikes us as being a sensible
approach, not just in Iran, but, more widely, with regard to
the challenge of making civilian nuclear power available to
developing countries and to countries around the world, but to
do it in a way which guards against the dangers of weapons
proliferation. So, I think Bushehr, about which, in years past,
we have had quite legitimate concerns, has evolved into a
project which can be an opportunity to sharpen the reality
that, if the Iranians are only interested in developing
civilian nuclear power, they don't have a need to enrich fuel
at this stage, because Bushehr doesn't require them to do that.
Senator Casey. So, you see it as more helpful than harmful.
Ambassador Burns. I think it can be. Yes, sir.
Senator Casey. I wanted to ask you--and I know we want to
move to our other witnesses, as well, but I wanted to ask you
also about Russia, your most recent assignment.
We've seen a lot of changes. Most recently, President Putin
has presided over a lot of developments. Just by way of a quick
summary: cracking down on civil society groups and democratic
reformers--in a sense, creating almost a de facto one-party
state, employing energy resources to intimidate and coerce
neighbors into engaging in bellicose rhetoric against proposed
U.S. missile defense deployments; and finally, suspending
compliance with the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty,
something that I raised months ago. What's your sense of the--
of our relationship, in the context of those developments? And
also--just broadly, in terms of the past or history--recent
past--and also in the context of a new President, Mr. Medvedev,
who we're learning a little bit about, but we don't yet know,
(a) what kind of leadership style he'll bring, and (b) whether
or not he'll be unduly influenced by Mr. Putin.
Ambassador Burns. Mr. Chairman, we have a big, complicated
relationship with Russia which combines elements of cooperation
in some very important areas with elements of competition and
conflict. And I think those are going to be the contours of our
relationship for some time to come. You rightly listed a number
of areas where we've had real differences with the Russian
Government, whether it's as a result of the overcentralization
of power at home in Russia, differences over missile defense,
differences of NATO's enlargement, but, at the same time, I
think, when you look at nuclear cooperation, what we can do
together to set a good example for the rest of the world to
work against the proliferation of nuclear weapons, when you
look at our increasing economic ties, when you look at ways in
which we can work well together in resolving some regional
conflicts around the world, I think you also see those parts of
the relationship in which we really do need to invest. It's not
a relationship that we have the luxury of ignoring, because
Russia is not only, as I said before, the world's largest
producer of hydrocarbons today, it's the only nuclear power in
the world comparable to the United States, it's a Permanent
Member of the U.N. Security Council, it's a huge country which
connects Europe to Asia and sits astride the broader Middle
East. So, by any of those calculations, it's a relationship
that requires our careful attention, to be plainspoken where we
have differences, but, at the same time, to try to expand areas
of common ground.
In Mr. Medvedev's presidency, I think a lot of the focus
for Russia itself is going to be on addressing the
opportunities it has before it. You know, you've had very rapid
economic growth--7-percent annual growth over the course of the
last 8 or 9 years--enormous economic potential. But, the
question now, I think, for Russia is, So, what are you going to
do with that moment of opportunity? And I think there are areas
in our relationship where we can help reinforce the potential
for Russia to take advantage of those opportunities in a way
which integrates it into the global economy and into the global
system and makes it a more responsible international player.
That's going to take time, but I think it's worth working on,
on our part.
Senator Casey. How do you see--if you can comment on this--
that relationship between those two individuals? Are we likely
to see, in the near future, a declaration of independence by
the new President, or do you think it's going to be a more
intertwined or dependent relationship?
Ambassador Burns. Mr. Chairman, it's--if there's one thing
I've learned over the years about Russia, it's to be humble in
making predictions. So, it's--Russia doesn't have a great deal
of experience with dual-leadership kind of arrangements.
Assuming that President Putin becomes the next Russian Prime
Minister--from everything I can see, the personal relationship
between President Putin and President-elect Medvedev is a
strong one. But, this is going to be a challenging period for
Russia, and a lot rides on it, in terms of how Russia addresses
some of those challenges that I described before, in its own
self-interest. So, it's going to be fascinating to watch.
Senator Casey. I'll jump ahead, and then I want to have
Senator Lugar continue.
Ambassador Jacobs, I wanted to ask you about two passport
matters, both of which you've heard a good bit about. One, in
the instance where we had a breakdown, where people weren't
getting their passports in a timely fashion, and the other
involving a much smaller group--in this case, three Americans
who just happened to be running for President. I wanted you to
comment on both--(a) why you think there was such a breakdown
in both instances, and (b) what's being done about it now--if
you can update us on both.
Ambassador Jacobs. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
With regard to your first question about the passport surge
of last year, we had predicted a certain number of passports--
we had commissioned a study that told us that there would be
around 16 million people applying for passports--when, in fact,
in the end, we wound up issuing about 18\1/2\ million. What we
did not expect was the very rapid response to the new
information about Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative
deadlines. As a result of that, starting last December and then
for about a 3-month period, we had around 5 million
applications that came in. And as you can expect with that kind
of demand, we found ourselves with long backlogs. Our normal
processing time is around 4 weeks. We went all the way up to 12
weeks.
The Department, through a number of resources, went into
action to address the situation. We used people in the Bureau
of Consular Affairs. We also used other people in the
Department who, thankfully, helped us out. We used our officers
overseas to help us adjudicate renewal applications at our
overseas posts, and set up task forces and use volunteers. We
managed to get back to our normal processing times by Labor Day
last fall, which we're very happy about.
I'm very happy to tell you that the situation today is very
different. We, in fact, are implementing a long-term strategy
to provide the staffing levels and infrastructure that we need
to handle what we consider to be a permanent rise in passport
demand. In fact, we will probably do anywhere between 19 and 21
million passports this year. We could do as many as 30 million
next year, and as high as 36 million in 2010.
We have hired hundreds of new passport specialists to help
us adjudicate applications. We are expanding some of our
current facilities. We are building new printing facilities
that will be able to handle up to 10 million passport books and
cards a year. And I am clearly confident that we are going to
be able to handle the demand that I just described to you.
If I'm confirmed, I commit to you that I will stay on top
of this. We, in fact, have put together a so-called ``battle
plan'' with trip wires; whereby, as soon as certain numbers are
reached, we have a ready reserve force trained and ready to
come in and help us out. Again, we can use our overseas posts
to help us with renewals of passport applications. And so, I
believe we are going to avoid a repeat of what happened before,
and I think that we will be able to provide the American public
the service that they deserve.
On the issue of the passport breaches, the unauthorized
access of the three remaining Presidential candidates, I can
tell you that as soon as senior management was informed about
these breaches, we launched into action. I went to the Under
Secretary for Management, Pat Kennedy; we talked about it; we
informed the candidates about the situation; we asked the
inspector general to conduct a full investigation of what
happened, and that investigation is ongoing. And we formed a
working group, made up of senior people and other people from
around the Department, to look at our current procedures and
processes, to make sure that we have adequate safeguards in
place.
We know that we have the American public's trust to guard
the information that is given us in connection with passports,
and we certainly want to adhere to that and to meet that
expectation.
We will be putting new procedures in place. We will wait
for the inspection or the investigation results to come out to
know exactly, perhaps, the extent of the problem, but we are
ready to move against people who have made these unauthorized
accesses into files, and we will be taking necessary steps. Our
ultimate goal is to provide every passport file with equal
protections.
Senator Casey. And when you say that--I'm paraphrasing--
that ``actions will be taken,'' or--can you identify any
changes, any systemic changes that have already been
implemented?
Ambassador Jacobs. Yes, sir. We have started doing random
checks, audits of people who are working on passport files. We
have a warning that goes on the screen as soon as you log into
the system. We have reinforced that warning, made it very clear
about the penalties involved with looking at files without a
reason to do so, and we are looking now at our systems itself
to see how we might be able to provide more tiered access to
passport files.
Senator Casey. Do you think there were--in terms of the
number of files that were accessed--do you know the numbers?
Ambassador Jacobs. What we have in place, sir, is a flag
system; and for people who are on the flag list, as soon as
anyone accesses that file, there's an e-mail notification that
goes to an office where this is monitored. And so, we know
about all of those, and we have followed up on those. The
inspector general is actually looking at a random list of
passport files, and we'll have a better idea about the number
of people who have looked at files after that study is
completed.
Senator Casey. Well, we'll see what--once that is
completed. Do you have any sense of the timing or duration of
that investigation?
Ambassador Jacobs. I expect the results will be coming out
in the next few weeks.
Senator Casey. I want to let Senator Lugar continue, and
I'll jump back in.
Senator Lugar. Mr. Chairman, I have no further questions.
Senator Casey. Mr. McMahan, I wanted to ask you a few
questions and focus principally upon something that I had a
strong interest in that I was greatly disappointed about. It
was the application of the Jewish National Fund of the United
States for general consultative status with the--or, I should
say, at the U.N. Economic and Social Council. And I know the
vote was 8 to 7; and, for the life of me, I can't understand
why that wouldn't have passed. And if you can shed some light
on why it--why that wasn't able--why they weren't able to be
given that consultative status, and (b) whether or not you
think that could change in the near future if we had another
vote.
Mr. McMahan. Thank you for that question, Senator.
I wasn't there, so I can't speak to the intricacies of that
particular vote, but I did see the concern expressed by your
office on that issue. As you know, it's important to grant
consultive status, and we certainly seek to find those
organizations that are sympathetic to our democratic values to
be granted consultive status. There are over 3,000
organizations that currently have that status, and it's
important to nongovernmental organizations, because, not only
can they attend meetings of the United Nations, its various
bodies, but they can testify as a witness.
So, I think that--if confirmed, and once I'm working in New
York, I will seek to grant NGO status to those organizations
that are sympathetic to our democratic values, and I think we
have to work hard to make sure that those organizations that
are providing needed services, like humanitarian services, are
not denied consultive status for political or, in this case,
anti--possible anti-Israeli reasons.
Senator Casey. And what's your game plan with regard to
that? How do you use your influence? And, by extension, how do
you see the influence of the United States Government to make
sure that this kind of discrimination doesn't persist?
Mr. McMahan. I think it's important to work with your
allies where you find them, to make sure that organizations
that are applying for this important consultive status are not
denied for reasons that really have nothing to do with the core
function of the organization. And that's something that I'd
like to work with your office on and make a priority when and
if I get to New York.Senator Casey. Thank you.
And I wanted to go back to Ambassador Burns, on Iran, for a
second. We've had a good deal of discussion in the last 6
months or more about the recent NIE that some people here in
Washington, in both parties, interpreted as, ``Everything's
okay, don't worry.'' I didn't interpret it that way, against--I
think, sometimes in conflict with my own party. But, what's
your sense, if you can tell us--and I know you're transferring
to a different area of responsibility--but, what's your sense
right of the current situation as it pertains to the NIE saying
that Iran may not have had in place the mechanics to develop a
nuclear weapon, but there were, in fact, some elements of it?
The uranium enrichment, for example. Where do you see that
right now? What's your sense of where Iran is?
We've had recent information, where President Ahmadinejad
announced his intention, at least, to add 6,000 new centrifuges
to the already existing 3,000 at the one facility, in Natanz.
But, what's your sense of that, in the context of this debate
about what--what was the meaning and what was the value or the
content of the NIE conclusions?
Ambassador Burns. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I think, as you pointed out, the NIE really addressed only
one of the, sort of, three essential ingredients in the pursuit
of a weapons program, and that is the issue of weaponization
itself. But, what it did not address are two areas which are at
least as important, and that has to do with the production of
the fuel that you need for a weapons program and the
development of advanced missile systems or means or delivery.
In both of those areas, it's clear that the Iranians are
working as hard as they can to move as fast as they can.
Now, it is also true, historically, that oftentimes the
Iranian leadership will exaggerate--seems to exaggerate the
pace at which it's moving in some of those areas. But, I think
the trend line is clearly a very troubling one, not only, as I
said before, Mr. Chairman, for the United States, but for the
international community, because the reality remains that Iran
has not met its obligations to the International Atomic Energy
Agency, to the U.N. Security Council. And so, it seems to me
that the totality of Iran's nuclear efforts remains a source of
very serious concern for us, notwithstanding the NIE, or at
least some people's interpretation of it.
Senator Casey. Senator Lugar. Nothing more?
Senator Lugar. No, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Casey. Let me just--
Well, with that, I wanted to, first of all, commend and
thank our nominees for, not only your presence here today and
your--the questions that you answered, but, in a broader sense,
your willingness to serve the United States Government and the
American people.
And I know that, for committee members who weren't here,
the record will be open for 2 days to submit additional
questions for the record, and I'd ask each nominee to respond
in a prompt manner to those questions.
But, if there's no further business to come before the
committee, we stand adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 5:10 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Prepared Statement of Chuck Hagel,
U.S. Senator From Nebraska
Mr. Chairman, thank you for convening today's nomination hearing of
the Senate Foreign Relations committee. One of the nominees, Ambassador
William J. Burns, is the President's choice to be the Under Secretary
of State for Political Affairs at the Department of State--one of the
most important positions in our country's diplomatic service. The Under
Secretary for Political Affairs is the most senior Foreign Service post
in the U.S. Government and carries with it immense responsibility,
requiring an experienced and steady hand.
Ambassador Burns is one of America's most able diplomats and I am
proud to strongly support his nomination to this position.
Today, the world faces one of the most dangerous and
transformational times in our history. The world faces defining
challenges . . . great instability in the Middle East, genocide in
Africa, tensions with Russia and China, a resurgence of turmoil in the
Balkans, growing unrest and transnational threats in Latin America, a
global food crisis, and mounting anti-Americanism throughout the world.
Bill Burns has dedicated his career to public service, and he has
done so with excellence and honor, earning widespread respect both here
and around the world. I have had the opportunity of working with Bill
for many years. He brings a strong record of diplomatic experience to
this important position, having served as the U.S. Ambassador to
Russia, Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs,
Ambassador to Jordan, and . . . as acting Under Secretary of State for
Political Affairs . . . the position for which he is being considered
today.
In the challenging times that we face, there are also historic
opportunities for the United States across the world . . .
opportunities that will extend well beyond 2008. A principle task for
the administration must be to make every effort to set the stage for
the next administration to address the pressing challenges of the 21st
century. I believe that Ambassador Burns will meet this responsibility.
I am proud to support the nomination of Ambassador William Burns to be
Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs.
I want to thank Bill's family--his wife, Lisa, and his two
daughters, Elizabeth and Sarah--whose support, as we all know, is
essential to succeeding in a demanding job such as this.
The outgoing Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, Nick
Burns, deserves the committee's recognition and appreciation for his
lifetime of diplomatic service. Nick served this country well as Under
Secretary over the last 3 years. I wish him much continued success in
his future endeavors.
The committee looks forward to hearing the testimony of Ambassador
Burns, as well as that of the other nominees, Janice Jacobs to be
Assistant Secretary of State for Consular Affairs and Vance McMahan to
be the U.S. Representative on the Economic and Social Council of the
United Nations. I believe that both these nominees are qualified and
deserve speedy consideration by the committee. I wish all three of
these professionals continued success and look forward to working with
them at this critical time in our history.
Thank you.
______
Prepared Statement of William J. Burns, Nominee to be
Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is an honor to appear
before you today as President Bush's nominee to become Under Secretary
of State for Political Affairs. I am grateful to the President and to
Secretary Rice for their confidence in me, and in our diplomatic
service, in which I am proud to have served for the last 26 years. If
confirmed, I will do my best to live up to their trust, and to work
closely with all of you on this committee, as I have throughout my
career.
With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like to begin by
expressing deep appreciation to my family--my wife, Lisa, and daughter,
Sarah, who are still in Moscow, and my daughter, Lizzy, now in the
midst of her exams at Duke University. As in so many Foreign Service
families around the world, their love and sacrifice are a very large
part of why I am here today. I can never repay them adequately.
This is the fourth time, Mr. Chairman, that I have appeared before
this committee for confirmation. I approach this new challenge with
considerable humility; with great respect for Nick Burns, Marc
Grossman, Tom Pickering, and all those who have come before me; with an
abiding commitment to public service; with faith in the power of clear-
eyed diplomacy in the pursuit of American interests and human freedoms;
and with few illusions about the complicated world around us.
It is a world with no shortage of troubles, but also plenty of
opportunities for creative and determined American leadership. It is a
world which faces the spreading dangers of weapons of mass destruction;
new and more malignant forms of terrorism; unresolved regional and
sectarian conflicts; failed and failing states; global economic
dislocation; and transnational health, energy, illegal narcotics, and
environmental concerns. It is a world in which American vision and
leadership are essential in crafting relations with emergent and
resurgent Great Powers, and deepening their stake in global
institutions and a stable international system.
It is a world in which other people and other societies will always
have their own realities, not always hospitable to ours. That doesn't
mean we have to accept those perspectives or agree with them or indulge
them, but it does mean that understanding them is the starting point
for sensible policy. It is a world in which a little modesty in the
pursuit of American interests is often a good thing, and in which
there's still no substitute for setting careful priorities, and
connecting means to ends.
But it is also a world in which the power of our example and our
generosity of spirit can open the door to profound advances, as
President Bush has shown in his historic initiative against HIV-AIDS in
Africa. It is a world in which our leadership should serve as a
catalyst for making common cause with others. Nowhere is that more true
today than in the broader Middle East, where it is hugely important to
build on the Annapolis Conference and realize the promise of a two-
state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and where we must
strengthen regional and international support for a better future for
Afghanistan and Iraq.
It is a world, as Secretary Rice has said, in which America has no
permanent enemies, and in which tough-minded engagement of our
adversaries, such as North Korea and Iran, is a mark of strength and
confidence, not weakness. And it is a world, as Secretary Gates has
argued, in which the many instruments of American ``soft power'' ought
to be expanded alongside the tools of hard power.
Mr. Chairman, I look forward, if confirmed, to assisting Secretary
Rice and Deputy Secretary Negroponte in coordinating our diplomacy
across the major regions of the globe, and towards the alliances and
international organizations which are so important to U.S. national
security. I will draw, as best I can, on my experience in Russia and
the Middle East, two regions of the world which are rarely dull but
always central to American interests. I will work hard with my friends
and colleagues in other agencies to promote an effective policy
process. And I will also wholeheartedly support Secretary Rice's
efforts, building on the work of Colin Powell, to transform and
strengthen America's diplomatic capabilities for the new century before
us. Taking care of our people--of the members of the Foreign and Civil
Services and the Foreign Service Nationals who serve our country with
such dedication and courage in so many hard places around the world--is
not only the right thing to do, but also a powerful contribution to
America's best interests.
Thank you again, Mr. Chairman, for your consideration. I know the
period ahead is an important one, with a political transition looming
in our country, in a world which doesn't stop for our political
processes. I'll do all I can, if confirmed, to work with all of you to
help meet the formidable challenges before us.
______
Prepared Statement of Janice L. Jacobs, Nominee to be
Assistant Secretary of State for Consular Affairs
Mr. Chairman and members of the Foreign Relations Committee, it is
a distinct honor to appear before you today. I would like to express my
sincere appreciation to President Bush for nominating me to be
Assistant Secretary of State for Consular Affairs. I am grateful to the
President and Secretary Rice for the confidence and trust they have
placed in me in selecting me for this position. I would also like to
introduce and give special thanks to my husband, Ken Friedman, who is
here with me today.
As a career consular officer for 28 years, I have had the privilege
of serving the United States in places as varied as Mexico, France, and
Nigeria, with people I have come to know as the world's finest consular
corps.
Consular work is fundamentally about service--to our mission, to
our citizens, and to the security of our Nation. If confirmed, I will
consider it my great privilege to lead the Bureau of Consular Affairs
in meeting our current and future challenges and provide the highest
quality services to our citizens.
In the course of my career, I have gained a perspective on the
challenges our country faces. As Deputy Assistant Secretary for Visa
Services and Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Consular Affairs,
I worked on the full range of consular issues and have seen how the
Bureau of Consular Affairs has prepared for and responded to those
issues.
As Deputy Chief of Mission in Santo Domingo and as Ambassador to
Senegal and Guinea-Bissau, I know the outstanding work that all
consular personnel overseas--officers, locally engaged employees,
eligible family members--do to protect American citizens and America's
borders.
I was there in the immediate aftermath of September 11, 2001, when
we instituted new practices and implemented new legislation to improve
visa security. I was there when we implemented procedures to address
the post-9/11 decline in visa applications--measures that led to
record-high student and exchange visitor visa issuances last year. I
was there when the Departments of State and Homeland Security launched
the Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative to implement Congressional
legislation requiring Americans to present passports when crossing our
borders. I was there as we drafted regulations to increase protections
for children and implement the Hague Convention on Intercountry
Adoptions.
key consular challenges
The mission of the Bureau of Consular Affairs (CA) is to protect
the lives and interests of American citizens abroad and to strengthen
the security of U.S. borders through the vigilant adjudication of visas
and passports. CA is keenly aware of its direct and tangible role in
the overarching mission of the Department of State to ``create a more
secure, democratic, and prosperous world for the benefit of the
American people and the international community.''
CA faces compelling challenges across the range of our activities
and continues to rely on a tradition of innovation and a dedication to
excellence to meet these challenges.
Providing American Citizens With Secure, Reliable Passports
CA is charged with adjudicating applications for one of the most
valuable travel documents in the world: the U.S. passport. We are
responsible for issuing passports in a manner that ensures that the
application process is accessible to all Americans, and that only those
entitled to the privileges and benefits of U.S. citizenship receive
one.
Integrity of the process and the product is an essential ingredient
of this responsibility. Americans who apply for passports need to know
that the information they provide in a passport application will be
appropriately safeguarded. They need to know that the document is
secure, and that they will receive their passports in a timely manner.
The American public entrusts the Bureau of Consular Affairs with
millions of personal records. As a service organization, CA is
determined to ensure that trust is well-placed.
Over the past several months we have learned of cases in which
passport records of current presidential candidates were accessed for
other than official business. While the Department has no indication
that the incidents were motivated by other than imprudent curiosity, no
one is more aware than I of the impact that such actions have on the
public trust placed in us.
We took immediate action from the moment these incidents were
reported. As soon as I was notified, in my role as Acting Assistant
Secretary, of the incidents of improper access on March 20, 2008, I
conferred with the Under Secretary for Management. We then informed the
Presidential candidates and their staffs of the incidents and our
response. We asked the Office of the Inspector General to begin an
investigation of the incidents; that investigation is ongoing. I also
sent a notice to all consular employees and other agency partners to
remind them of their legal obligation to safeguard the privacy of
passport applications and passport holders.
The Department of State's passport database tracking system
includes an invisible flag on individual passport records of high-
profile individuals. When such records are accessed, an alert is
automatically sent to two headquarters managers. Based on the alert, a
manager contacts the individual who accessed the record for an
explanation, and informs the supervisor and other senior managers for
appropriate action.
Three individuals have been terminated, to date, for improperly
accessing passport application records. While our safeguards for
detecting improper access to passport records worked as intended, the
experience demonstrated that there were areas where we could improve.
On March 24, we formed a working group with representatives of all
key bureaus to conduct a comprehensive review of internal management
and controls procedures for passport processing and develop initiatives
to strengthen the security of the passport process. Our goal is a more
secure system that will provide equal and effective safeguards to all
passport applicants' records, and in which all Americans can have
confidence that their data will be appropriately safeguarded.
If confirmed, I am determined that we will reach that goal, and
continue to be responsible stewards of the information with which we
are entrusted.
Meeting Passport Demand
Preserving the integrity of the passport process is essential given
that we are adjudicating more passport applications than ever before.
In fiscal year 2007, the Department issued 18.4 million passports--a 52
percent increase over fiscal year 2006 and an 80 percent increase over
fiscal year 2005. Thus far in fiscal year 2008, there is a 7 percent
increase in passport demand over the same time period in fiscal year
2007.
Last year's record-setting growth in demand for passports resulted
in unusually long delays in passport application processing. In
response, and with the committee's support, CA expanded hours at all
agencies; stood up domestic task forces; deployed consular officers,
Presidential Management Fellows, retirees, and other personnel from
throughout the Department to domestic passport agencies; piloted
electronic adjudication of renewal cases at overseas posts; and hired
over 400 additional personnel. This concerted effort succeeded, and the
Department returned to an average of 4 to 6 weeks' turnaround for
passport applications by September 30.
CA has made tremendous progress since last spring and summer. Our
efforts to staff, expand, and equip the domestic passport agencies and
centers are paying off in much improved service to our customers this
year. Today, I am pleased to report that there is no backlog of
passport applications. Current processing times are well within our
established customer service standards of 4 weeks for routine
applications and 2 weeks for expedited applications.
Implementation of WHTI has created a permanent increase in passport
demand, and the Department believes it will continue to grow.
Approximately 88 million Americans--about 28 percent of all citizens--
currently have passports. CA's initial workload projections for fiscal
year 2008 indicated demand for U.S. passports could reach as high as
26-29 million in 2008, 30 million in fiscal year 2009, 36 million in
fiscal year 2010. Although the Department continues to prepare for that
possibility, current workload indicates that fiscal year 2008 demand
may be more in the range of 20-21 million passports. The Department
attributes this decline to Congressional action mandating
implementation of the final phase of the land and sea rule of WHTI no
earlier than June 1, 2009. This legislation passed subsequent to the
most recent demand study. The Department fully expects demand to
increase as the June 1, 2009 implementation date approaches.
The Department is implementing a long-term strategy to provide the
staffing levels and infrastructure necessary to meet the increased
passport demand. CA has hired hundreds of additional passport
adjudicators and support staff and continues to recruit aggressively.
CA has established a reserve corps of passport adjudicators to
supplement its full-time Passport Services staff, providing the ability
to react quickly to demand surges. We have also developed the
capability to adjudicate passport applications remotely at select
consulates overseas, leveraging the expertise of our consular officers
abroad.
To increase production capacity, in March 2007 the Department
opened a mega-processing center in Hot Springs, AR (APC). The APC
differs from our other passport centers in that it focuses solely on
printing and mailing passports and has the capacity to produce 10
million travel documents per year. The centralization of passport
printing and mailing frees up space and personnel at our existing
passport agencies to focus on the critical areas of customer service,
fraud detection and prevention, and adjudication, thus processing more
passport applications. Using APC as a model, the Department will open a
second printing and mailing facility in Tucson in May. This facility,
like the one in Arkansas, will have the capacity to produce over 10
million travel documents per year.
In addition to its 18 passport facilities, the Department will open
three new passport agencies in Detroit, Dallas, and Minneapolis to
serve border communities by providing personal, direct passport
services to customers with immediate travel needs. These agencies will
have the capability to issue passport books and cards on site to
qualifying applicants. The Department is also expanding existing
agencies in Seattle, Chicago, Houston, Miami, and New Orleans, and
doubling the size and processing capacity of the National Passport
Center in Portsmouth, New Hampshire.
Production of U.S. passports is secure. The U.S e-Passport is
assembled by the Government Printing Office (GPO) at its secure
facilities in the United States with components and an inlay
manufactured in Asia, as well as European manufactured electronic
components. GPO receives blank, locked chips connected to a
commercially available antenna via secure delivery from an overseas
supplier. The use of foreign-source chips does not pose significant
security issues since the chips themselves are commercially available,
and are used for other government and commercial purposes such as
trusted traveler and first responder cards issued by the Department of
Homeland Security (DHS), as well as credit and debit cards.
In response to the expressed desire for a more portable and less
expensive document than the traditional passport book on the part of
American citizens who live in border communities, the Department will
begin issuing a wallet-sized passport card in June, with full
production beginning in July. The passport card will facilitate entry
and expedite document processing at United States land and sea ports-
of-entry when arriving from Canada, Mexico, the Caribbean region, and
Bermuda. The card may not be used to travel by air. It will otherwise
carry the rights and privileges of the U.S. passport book and will be
adjudicated to the exact same standards. The passport card is designed
for the specific needs of border resident communities and is not a
globally interoperable travel document as is the traditional passport
book.
Taken together, the enhancements the Department proposes in the
production and distribution of U.S. passports will represent the most
significant advancement in passport delivery in U.S. history. These
combined efforts will ensure the delivery to the American public of one
of the most secure and valuable documents on the planet.
Visa Issues
In discharging our visa responsibilities, consular officers sit
literally on the front lines of the global war on terror, contributing
to national security. They strengthen our borders by detecting and
deterring the entry of those who seek to break our laws. They
strengthen our society by helping reunite American families through
legal immigration.
The events of September 11, 2001 redefined our approach to visa
work. In the aftermath of that terrible day, our challenge was to move
swiftly and decisively to implement several significant changes to visa
processing practices--some mandated by law, others by regulation or
other agency direction--more or less simultaneously. We have worked
hard to increase visa security measures, completely changing the
business model for processing visas and vastly improving our
communication with other agencies.
Our latest list of security enhancements to the visa process runs
to more than 10 pages. Many of these changes reflect innovative uses of
technology to detect and prevent fraud in visa applications. We are
also working closely with our colleagues in the Department's Diplomatic
Security Service to ensure vigorous criminal prosecution of visa and
passport fraud. Our close coordination and exchange of information with
the Department of Homeland Security is also a vital part of our shared
border-security mission.
Security is and always will be our top priority in visa operations.
At the same time, however, we have never forgotten that welcoming
legitimate international visitors is an equally important element of
national security. We firmly believe that the goals of security and
openness are not contradictory, and we are determined to meet both. Our
approach is guided by the January 2006 Joint Vision of Secretaries Rice
and Chertoff for Secure Borders and Open Doors in the Information Age.
The drop in visa demand experienced immediately after 9/11 has been
reversed, and our metrics are up across the board. For example, in
fiscal year 2007 overall nonimmigrant visa demand climbed 10 percent to
8.5 million. We issued 650,000 student and scholar visas, surpassing
pre-9/11 figures for the first time. This is due to the changes we have
implemented, changed global economic conditions, but also to the
relentless outreach we have conducted with industry, academic groups,
and foreign audiences around the world to deliver the message that
America's welcome mat is out for legitimate foreign travelers.
Our challenge now is to continue to improve service and security
while meeting demand that is rising worldwide, and particularly in key
countries such as India, Brazil, and China. We have developed a 2-year
plan that integrates technology with innovative process changes.
We have implemented a number of enhancements as part of this plan.
All nonimmigrant visa applicants use an electronic visa application
form. We have implemented electronic interagency clearance of security
advisory opinions. All visa-issuing posts collect 10 fingerprints, the
biometric standard selected by the U.S. Government to ensure consistent
screening of foreign nationals entering the United States. We
established a worldwide goal of 30 days for an NIV appointment
(exclusive of respective programs already in place to expedite student
and business applications), and are meeting this goal at over 80
percent of our posts.
The next phase will be the rollout of a completely online visa
application process--which will consolidate existing forms and permit
applicants to submit data directly before visiting a consular section.
We are currently piloting this process at our posts in Nuevo Laredo and
Monterrey, Mexico, and hope to pilot it in a non-Mexico post this
summer. We hope that this process will be available for posts worldwide
to use later this year.
The online application system can be used in tandem with an offsite
data collection (ODC) process, where data entry, photo capture, and
fingerprint collection can be done at an offsite facility, thereby
removing much of the administrative tasks burdening most consular
sections. Nuevo Laredo and Monterrey are using the ODC process, which
we plan to expand to other Mexican posts in preparation for the
increase in renewal applications for border crossing cards.
This year we will also begin to develop an online form for
immigrant visa applications, as well as a secure electronic way to
manage immigrant visa medical forms.
By fiscal year 2009, we expect to have in place a system that
results in significantly more data reaching consular officers prior to
an applicant's personal appearance for interview, allowing consular
officers to identify high-risk applicants early, and permit more rapid
processing of readily approvable cases.
Protecting American Citizens Overseas
Of course, our primary responsibility is to serve and protect the
approximately 4 million Americans who reside overseas and 30 million
who travel abroad each year. We continue to improve the quality and the
access to reliable information for travelers through our Consular
Information Program and our Web site, travel.state.gov--which received
343 million page views last year. Toll-free call centers are available
to answer questions about the full range of consular services. Our
Internet-based registration system has over one million registrations,
and has proven invaluable as a means to communicate directly with
Americans abroad during crises.
Yet despite new technologies, consular work continues to be about
touching individual lives as we provide services around the cycle of
life. Last year, for example, we registered 55,000 babies as American
citizens, visited 7,377 jailed American citizens, assisted families of
7,092 Americans who died overseas, and helped thousands of others with
information, notarials, welfare and whereabouts, and other services.
When called upon to assist Americans abroad during crises--such as
the South Asian tsunami in 2004, Hurricane Wilma in 2005, or Lebanon in
2006--our crisis management team launches into action, managing task
forces staffed by consular personnel and volunteers from other bureaus,
and providing affected posts with human and technological support. We
developed Web-based crisis software that allows us to track emergency
cases involving American citizens and to communicate with concerned
family members--we used it to track 120 Americans evacuated from Chad
and 200 Americans who requested embassy assistance in Cameroon this
year, for example. We conduct regular crisis management exercises, and
plan for anticipated increases in demand for services--we will deploy
additional personnel to assist our posts in China to be able to swiftly
and effectively assist American citizens during the upcoming Beijing
Olympics.
Consular sections help American citizens overseas to exercise their
fundamental right to vote. We work closely with the Department of
Defense's Federal Voting Assistance Program to provide absentee voting
information to diplomatic, official, and private American citizens
abroad. We have reached out to a large number of groups, scheduled a
record number of voting workshops at posts abroad, arranged with
courier companies to transport absentee ballots, coordinated with the
Department's diplomatic pouch management to speed transmission of
ballot requests and voted ballots, and publicized information widely to
ensure that American citizens will be able to participate in this
year's elections.
Children's Issues
As it is in every area, our workload in children's issues--
intercountry adoptions and international parental child abduction is
growing as well. Our Office of Children's Issues was founded in 1994
with four people. We now have over 40 officers handling adoption,
abduction, and abduction prevention cases.
In our work on intercountry adoptions, we are guided by a simple
yet vital principle: that the best interests of children be respected
in every intercountry adoption.
Americans adopted over 19,000 children from overseas in 2007. The
Department of State will continue to assist American parents and
strongly support intercountry adoption as an option for children in
need of permanent family placement, and continue to encourage
transparency and ethical practice as safeguards against fraud and abuse
in intercountry adoptions.
This is why the Department has strongly supported U.S. membership
in the Hague Convention on Intercountry Adoption. I am proud to say
that on April 1, the Convention entered into force for the United
States. This was a major milestone. The Department must continue its
outreach to key stakeholders on the impact of the Convention, and to
continue to develop the procedures and capacity to fulfill our
responsibilities as Central Authority for the Convention. If confirmed,
I look forward to solidifying U.S. implementation of this important
treaty.
The Hague Convention, and the safeguards it promotes, is the best
protection against fraud and abuse in intercountry adoptions. If
confirmed, I will continue to use our best efforts to encourage the
establishment of meaningful safeguards in countries where we see
problems, offering assistance and support as they work to establish
transparent and ethical adoption programs. I will continue robust
efforts to encourage non-Hague countries to accede to the Convention,
and to adopt Hague-compliant procedures to the greatest extent
possible, in the case of those that have not yet decided to join the
Convention.
International parental child abduction is one of the most agonizing
situations a parent or child can face. We will never stop pushing on
these issues, because the pushing--even if it takes years--yields
results. We have helped 161 children return to their parents in the
first 6 months of fiscal year 2008. After years of dedicated efforts to
resolve a series of sad and difficult cases, we are heartened that
Saudi Arabia has adopted a policy that when a Saudi marries a foreigner
he must sign a statement guaranteeing that the foreign spouse and any
children will be free to depart the Kingdom without condition. If
confirmed, I will continue this vital work.
We are focused on assimilating the incoming case work that used to
be done by the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children
(NCMEC). As of April 1, OCS/CI is now handling all international
parental child abduction cases involving the United States--some 1,260
cases, involving 1,600 children.
In countries that are party to the Hague Abduction Convention, we
will continue to work with Central Authorities to encourage returns. In
countries not party to the Hague Abduction Convention, we will continue
to look for creative, lawful ways to resolve these cases.
I know that adoption and abduction cases are emotional issues that
touch children and parents at the most personal level. If confirmed, I
will work with this committee to do all we can to assist children and
families.
Training and Leadership
The Bureau's procedures and processes have changed dramatically. We
have similarly improved how we prepare consular staff. CA provides
robust training in fraud detection and prevention skills. Our Consular
Training Division at the Foreign Service Institute has added training
in how to assist victims of crime, countering international parental
child abduction, interviewing techniques, and procedures for
intercountry adoptions under the Hague Convention.
CA is dedicated not only to preparing outstanding consular
officers, but outstanding leaders in the Department and U.S. Government
service. With input from consular staff at 87 posts, we developed 10
Consular Leadership Tenets, a set of shared principles of what we in CA
believe leadership looks, acts, and feels like. We have integrated
leadership training into every course offered in the Consular Training
Division at the Foreign Service Institute. A Consular Leadership
Development Committee continues to explore ways and develop tools to
help consular staff at all levels to model leadership in their work
environment.
If confirmed, I look forward to continuing to promote training and
leadership development in CA, to ensure that America benefits from the
best-prepared consular professionals.
conclusion
Mr. Chairman, the Bureau of Consular Affairs continues to face
compelling challenges across the range of our activities. We are
fortunate to have talented staff and creative ideas for meeting them.
We have developed detailed strategies and have moved aggressively to
implement them.
If confirmed, I will look forward to working with the Secretary to
ensure consular support for America's foreign policy objectives. If
confirmed, I will continue to keep you informed of our resource needs,
and work with you to ensure that the world's finest consular corps will
continue to meet its obligations to our citizens and to our Nation.
Thank you.
______
Prepared Statement of T. Vance McMahan, Nominee to be Representative of
the United States on the Economic and Social Council of the United
Nations, With the Rank of Ambassador and an Alternate Representative of
the United States to the Sessions of the General Assembly of the United
Nations, During His Tenure of Service as Representative of the United
States on the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today as the President's nominee to serve as the U.S.
Representative to the United Nations Economic and Social Council. I am
deeply grateful to President Bush and Secretary Rice for their
confidence in me.
I hope that my legal background in the field of banking and
finance, as well as my extensive experience in government and work on a
number of public policy issues, from education to health care to global
competitiveness, will contribute to my effectiveness in this position.
I strongly believe in the United States role as a force for good in the
world and that, working with the global community, we can help free
people from hunger and disease, poverty and illiteracy, tyranny and
violence--allowing them to realize their full potential as human
beings.
If confirmed, I will do my best to represent the values of this
great country at the U.N. and build upon efforts to promote reform and
increased effectiveness and accountability across the U.N. system. Our
success is critical to people around the world whose day-to-day
livelihoods depend on an effective United Nations.
The United States has led an effort to bring new ideas and fresh
approaches in a number of areas including the economic policy debate at
the U.N. Our approach, in line with the Monterrey Consensus on
financing for development, emphasizes the importance of sustainable
economic growth in development policy, linking new aid from developed
nations to real reform in developing ones. Our guiding principle is
based on building partnerships. It is a balanced approach, which
promotes the central role of national governments in their own
development, and the importance of international investment, trade, and
credit markets in expanding economic opportunities for the world's
poor. If confirmed, I will continue to advance our view that foreign
assistance, in the context of good governance and sound domestic
policy, can play a catalytic role, but it cannot substitute for open
international trade and ability to attract private capital. Achieving
sustainable economic growth will also help achieve the fundamental
principles of the U.N.--peace, human rights, social progress, and a
better quality of life.
The Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) is at the center of these
activities, and through its resolutions, functional commissions, and
regional commissions, is an important venue to promote key U.S.
interests. The United States, as an ECOSOC member, has worked closely
with other member states to integrate our shared views into U.N.
policies on the role of economic growth and national development
strategies that can bring real change to the lives of many. Through the
work of ECOSOC and its subsidiary bodies, we are also pursuing the
global goals in the Millennium Declaration of reducing poverty and
hunger, improving health and education, and combating major diseases.
Achieving these goals will require greater focus on and innovative
approaches to sustainable development in fragile and failing states,
where many of the so-called ``bottom billion'' live, those who have
been left behind as the rest of the developing world has moved ahead.
The extreme poverty and instability in these states affects the entire
global community. If confirmed, this will be one of the most important
items on my agenda. Greater prosperity for all builds stronger
institutions, better governments, peaceful societies, and a safer world
in which the United States can thrive.
In addition to its important work on economic growth and
development, ECOSOC also plays a critical part in the promotion of
human rights and social justice. Unfortunately, the Geneva-based Human
Rights Council, which in 2006 replaced the former Commission on Human
Rights, has been a grave disappointment in that regard. To date, that
body and many of its members remain unwilling to meet the council's
mandate of addressing gross and systematic violations of human rights.
Until the council improves, we will not legitimize it with our formal
participation. If confirmed, I would continue to press for the council
to approach its work with the seriousness that the United States and
the international community expect; and to eliminate the selective bias
that we have observed in its work so far. I would also continue to work
with our partners to push for action by the General Assembly's Third
Committee to hold accountable violators of human rights and fundamental
freedoms. In addition, I would also work to build on existing
initiatives of the United States in the General Assembly and other fora
to fight human trafficking and improve the status of women and increase
their political participation and economic influence around the world.
I would also like to emphasize our strong commitment to the
promotion of democracy. The United Nations Democracy Fund (UNDEF),
created by Secretary-General Annan in 2005, plays an important role in
strengthening democratic institutions at the level of civil society.
The fund is already supporting 122 projects in 110 countries and, if
confirmed, I would look forward to continuing our work as members of
the advisory board to further the goals of the fund.
Finally, I would like to underscore that I believe our work at the
U.N. will only succeed in so far as the U.N. as an institution
succeeds. The United States is spearheading the U.N. Transparency and
Accountability Initiative (UNTAI) to improve the organization's
efficiency across the entire U.N. system. The U.N.'s daily impact on
the well-being of so many around the world makes it vital that the
entire ITN system join the UNTAI effort to safeguard the U.N.'s
resources and its credibility.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you again for the
opportunity to testify today and for considering my nomination. If
confirmed, I intend to work closely with members and committee staff to
advance U.S. efforts at the U.N. to promote international peace and
security, sustainable economic development and respect for human
dignity. I would be happy to respond to your questions.
______
Responses of William J. Burns to Questions Submitted
by Senator Russell D. Feingold
Question. Based on your long experience in government, how
important is it that our collection of intelligence and unclassified
information is truly global and that we don't continue to allocate what
the Intelligence Community has called disproportionate resources to
current crises, rather than to strategic challenges and emerging
threats around the world?
Answer. The Intelligence Community always has to strike the right
balance between current and longer term intelligence requirements. It
needs to anticipate developments 10 or more years into the future and
still have crucial intelligence that informs our approach to today's
crises and negotiations. Secretaries of State have long looked to the
Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR) to help meet both those
needs. In response, INR has continuously refined its analytic focus. In
late 2001, for example, INR determined its daily intelligence summary
duplicated other IC products and discontinued it in favor of devoting
more time and resources to providing the Secretary with longer range
analysis. INR has and will continue to refine and rebalance its
analytic efforts in line with our Secretaries' requirements and
intelligence reform.
Question. I am gravely concerned that we do not have strategic
collection plans that address all the ways that the United States
Government gets information about the world, not just from the
intelligence community but from diplomatic reporting and open sources,
and that, in turn, we have failed to allocate budgetary resources in a
strategic fashion. This kind of strategic planning and resourcing
should presumably be the job of the interagency process, but in many
cases it appears broken, ineffective, or simply nonexistent. Do you
agree, first, that the U.S. Government's need for information about the
world is met through a combination of intelligence and nonclassified
information gathering, and, second, that interagency strategies are
vital for collecting this information?
Answer. Yes, I agree on both points. At State, both on the policy
and intelligence side, we have always argued that good information is
good information, regardless of its source. For example, few in the
intelligence community would deny the high value diplomatic reporting
provides, despite its relatively low level of classification. In recent
years, the Internet has magnified the value of open source reporting.
For example, State's Bureau of Intelligence and Research has a
Humanitarian Information Unit that relies entirely on unclassified open
sources, including overhead photography, to support humanitarian and
disaster relief. We are likely to turn increasingly toward open sources
as more and more information becomes available online, and traditional
intelligence collection systems are retargeted to meet our highest
priority challenges like international terrorism and proliferation.
Fully exploiting open source material clearly demands interagency
cooperation and approaches. At State, we welcome the DNI's creation of
the Open Source Center and increased funding for open source collection
and exploitation. On an equally important level, INR has increased its
investment in language training, sometimes with ODNI support, to
improve its ability to exploit the very rich environment of the
Internet. We also continue to cooperate with the DNI to develop
strategies and priorities to collect information.
Question. How would you see your role--and the role of the State
Department more generally--in implementing and coordinating initiatives
such as public diplomacy, democracy promotion, and foreign assistance
when both State and the Defense Department, as well as other agencies,
are involved? This is something we see frequently on the African
continent so I am particularly interested to hear your thoughts
regarding that region of the world.
Answer. The Secretary of State has specific and distinct
authorities on foreign assistance and in the conduct of foreign policy.
Under the Foreign Assistance Act and the Arms Export Control Act, the
Secretary, under the direction of the President, is responsible for the
continuous supervision and general direction of economic assistance,
military assistance, and military education and training programs.
Under current authorities the Secretary of State has approval authority
over 87 percent of the entire Foreign Operations request (fiscal year
2009). If confirmed, as Under Secretary for Political Affairs I would
coordinate closely with the Director of U.S. Foreign Assistance and
partner with counterparts at DOD and other U.S. Government agencies to
balance the U.S. presence and efforts internationally and to ensure a
comprehensive, integrated, and deconflicted implementation of foreign
policy and foreign assistance, including in Africa.
The establishment of a dual-hatted Director of U.S. Foreign
Assistance and USAID Administrator has led to continued improvement in
the interagency coordination of activities such as public diplomacy,
democracy promotion, foreign assistance, and budget planning. For
fiscal year 2008, for example, with the establishment of common
objectives, a common program lexicon, and common budget and program
planning processes, State (including PEPFAR) and USAID were able to
improve coordination, with steps taken toward greater MCC and DOD
coordination. For fiscal year 2009, MCC and DOD were formally added as
participants in State and USAID's budget and program planning process,
in addition to their coordination in the field.
The evidence of such coordination is illustrated by a number of
examples: In Ghana, for instance, USAID is focusing its programming on
enhancing the capacity of local government, which is responsible for
implementing MCC compact activities in economic growth. In Honduras,
USAID programming focuses on trade and investment capacity building and
private sector competitiveness, in order to complement MCC compact
investments in infrastructure and agricultural diversification.
In addition, a number of joint Department of State and Department
of Defense initiatives are being successfully implemented. DOD's
section 1206 authority has been used, with the concurrence of the
Secretary of State, to provide vital train and equip assistance to
foreign countries to strengthen their capabilities in counterterrorism
and in engaging in stability operations with U.S. Armed Forces. Section
1207 authority has been relied upon to provide DOD resources in support
of State Department reconstruction, security, and stabilization
programs.
A number of additional activities are ongoing for this year that we
hope will further improve coordination. A strong interagency country
strategy development process is being planned for specific pilot
countries. The 3-to-5-year strategic plan will be developed by the
field, under the leadership of ambassadors, and is explicitly targeted
to include full interagency, other donor, and where appropriate, host
government participation. As with last year, the annual operational
plan process will provide additional opportunities for the interagency
in the field to develop comprehensive program plans, working together
to ensure coordination.
Question. As you know, there has been a lot of discussion recently
regarding the concerns about how underfunded and underresourced the
State Department is. How much of an increase in both human and
financial resources would you recommend, and what are the budgetary
implications? What do you think is needed to partner with the Defense
Department in order to anticipate crises and properly address complex
emergencies?
Answer. We are doing all that we can to meet the challenges of
staffing more than 265 missions worldwide and effectively carry out the
Department's critical foreign policy mission. Despite our best efforts,
however, the Department's staffing needs exceed our current resources.
Not only has our mission grown, but the number of language-designated
positions in ``critical needs'' languages such as Arabic and Chinese,
some of which require 2 years of training to reach a basic professional
level of proficiency, has increased 170 percent since 2001. In
addition, the number of State Department positions overseas that are
designated ``unaccompanied'' or ``limited accompanied'' for reasons of
hardship or danger has quadrupled since 2001, from less than 200 in
2001 to more than 850 today.
Workforce planning studies done by the Department, as well as
recent reports from GAO, the Foreign Affairs Council, CSIS, and other
groups, have acknowledged that the Department's funded personnel intake
has not kept pace with our expanding responsibilities. We have
requested additional positions for each of the past 3 years, but
Congress has not approved any new positions outside of consular and
security positions since 2004. As a result, the Department has been
unable to overcome midlevel deficits due to hiring shortages in the
1990s and has been forced to leave some positions vacant to ensure our
highest priority positions are filled with qualified personnel.
The Department's fiscal year 2009 budget request includes 1,543 new
positions (1,095 from State Operations Appropriations and 448 MRV-fee
funded positions) at a cost of $325,398,000. The Department's request
for 520 new hire positions funded by Diplomatic and Consular Programs
(D&CP) appropriations includes 300 positions to expand language
training for Foreign Service generalists and specialists and 20
positions to improve public diplomacy efforts within the framework of
the National Strategy for Public Diplomacy and Strategic Communication.
The other 200 new positions funded by D&CP appropriations are
required to allow the Department to increase collaboration with DOD and
other national security agencies to more effectively plan for and
respond to national security challenges. We have requested 75 new
positions to allow for increased participation of Foreign Service
personnel in military training and joint exercises, 50 new Foreign
Policy Advisor (POLAD) positions to provide invaluable support to
commanders who operate in an increasingly complex world where U.S.
military and diplomatic objectives intersect, and 75 new positions to
facilitate the interagency cooperation and exchanges called for under
the National Security Professionals Initiative (E.O. 13434).
In addition to the 520 new D&CP positions, the fiscal year 2009
budget includes 200 positions for worldwide security protection; 10
positions for embassy construction, security, and maintenance; 19
positions for educational and cultural exchanges; and 448 fee-funded
positions under the Border Security Program. We have also requested 351
positions to support the Civilian Stabilization Initiative, which will
permit the Department to partner effectively with the military to
stabilize countries in crisis. The fiscal year 2009 budget also
includes $92.1 million to hire 300 Foreign Service officers for the
United States Agency for International Development--above attrition--in
fiscal year 2009, a 30 percent increase in AID's Foreign Service
workforce.
In addition to funding these new positions, the State Department
operations request for fiscal year 2009 includes $395 million for
public diplomacy to allow us to utilize new and emerging technologies
to communicate America's views, values, and policies. New initiatives
to be undertaken with this funding include the new Web site for foreign
audiences America.gov and the inception of the digital outreach team
that will engage audiences on the Internet in Arabic, Farsi, and Urdu.
Our request for an investment of $414 million in information technology
in fiscal year 2009 will support anytime, anywhere connectivity for our
diplomats around the globe and facilitate greater collaboration among
the more than 40 civilian agencies with overseas operations as well as
DOD.
Question. I'd like to ask you about Iran and what you think the
critical next steps are regarding this extremely difficult
relationship. How should the United States go about addressing Iran's
role in Iraq, its support for Hezbollah, and nuclear issues? If
confirmed, what course do you intend to chart during the remainder of
this administration?
Answer. We are deeply concerned by Iran's actions, including its
destabilizing influence in the region, its sponsorship of terrorism,
and its pursuit of technology that would give Iran a nuclear weapons
capability.
iran-iraq
As pledged by the President, our forces, in cooperation with our
Iraqi and Coalition partners, are destroying Iranian-supported lethal
networks, recovering large weapons caches, and disrupting cross-border
arms trade. In the past few years, we have learned a great deal about
these networks and their Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force
(Qods Force) sponsors, particularly from individuals captured and
detained by our forces. This knowledge has allowed us to improve our
methods for tracking and disrupting their operations.
President Bush noted on April 10, that the Iranian regime has a
choice to make: It can choose to live in peace with its neighbors,
enjoying strong economic, religious, and cultural ties, or it can
continue to arm, fund, and train illegal militant groups, which are
terrorizing the Iraqi people and turning them against Iran. If Iran
continues down the current path, Iran's leaders should know that we
will take active measures to protect our interests, and our troops, and
our Iraqi partners.
hizballah
Iranian influence is of great concern in Lebanon where Iran, Syria,
and Hizballah are undermining the legitimate institutions of the
government and seeking to create a state within a state in Lebanon. We
continue to see evidence that Hizballah, with support from Syria and
Iran's Qods Force, is rearming in Lebanon in violation of UNSCR 1701.
Hizballah's own statements claiming it has rearmed since the 2006
summer war also imply serious breaches of the arms embargo. Hizballah
also continues to support other terrorist groups, including and Hamas
in the Palestinian territories and provides aid to militant groups in
Iraq.
We will continue to take all necessary measures to prevent
Hizballah from taking hostile action in Lebanon and abroad, as well as
prevent the organization from assisting groups seeking to destabilize
or derail the Middle East peace process. We are working closely with
partners in the region to halt weapons flows and other Iranian support
to prevent Hizballah from building its capabilities.
nuclear issue
The Iranian regime's continued defiance of its UNSC and IAEA
obligations warrants a strong international response. We are utilizing
multilateral diplomacy to those ends. We remain committed to a
diplomatic solution to the Iranian nuclear problem while taking no
option off the table. The P5+1 has endorsed a dual-track policy toward
Iran since June 2006 in which we have both pursued sanctions at the
United Nations Security Council and offered Iran a generous package of
incentives were Iran to take the steps necessary to restore
international confidence in the exclusively peaceful nature of its
nuclear program.
The demands upon Iran include the suspension of uranium enrichment-
related and other proliferation-sensitive nuclear activities, full
cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and
Iran's implementation of the Additional Protocol to its IAEA Safeguards
Agreement, which would provide greater transparency into Iran's nuclear
program. We are very pleased that in March 2008, the U.N. Security
Council (UNSC) acted for a third time to impose legally binding chapter
VII sanctions on Iran for its failure to comply with the council's
demands (UNSCR 1803). The council's actions, and the high level of
support for this third sanctions resolution, reflect the international
community's continuing and profound concerns regarding Iran's nuclear
program.
At the time UNSCR 1803 passed, Foreign Ministers agreed to revisit
our inducements for cooperation to Iran. P5+1 Political Directors met
in Shanghai April 16 and Foreign Ministers on May 2 in London where
they worked to update the incentives package, originally offered in
June 2006, that will be conveyed to the Government of Iran. This
updated package of incentives, which we expect to be finalized soon, is
an important step in the P5+1 approach to addressing Iran's nuclear
program.
Moving forward, we will focus our efforts and attention on the
robust implementation of the provisions of UNSCRs 1737, 1747, and 1803
to clarify to Iran's leaders the consequences of its continued
noncompliance, while also keeping open the door to direct negotiations.
On next steps, the resolution includes a request for a report from the
IAEA Director General within 90 days (on or about June 3) on whether
Iran has complied with its obligations. If the report shows that Iran
has not complied, the council has expressed its intention to adopt
further measures to persuade Iran to comply.
Already there are several important areas where we see our
multilateral, diplomatic pressure strategy is having an impact. In
implementing the U.N. Security Council resolutions, many countries have
expanded scrutiny of cargo shipments, hampering Tehran's ability to
acquire materials to advance their development of nuclear and missile
programs. On the financial front, the cost of doing business for the
Iranian regime has increased. Iran's credit risk rating has gone up,
and many banks have stopped issuing letters of credit to companies
seeking to do business with Iran. Major international banks--including
Deutsche Bank, Dresdner Bank, and Commerzbank--have scaled back or
completely severed their Iran-related business. This has resulted in
the Iranian regime having increasing difficulty utilizing the
international financial system for their proliferation or terrorist
financing activities.
______
Responses of William J. Burns to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. On April 16, the P5+1 (the United States, the United
Kingdom, France, China, Russia, and Germany) met in Shanghai to discuss
the next diplomatic steps on Iran's nuclear program.
(a) What were the concrete achievements of the Shanghai meeting?
Some reports say that there is consideration of offering a fresh set of
incentives to Iran--what is being contemplated?
(b) What are the prospects for a meaningful international consensus
to increase diplomatic and economic pressure on Iran?
(c) Given your experiences in Moscow, how far do you assess the
Russians are willing to go in pressuring Iran and under what
circumstances?
Answer. The international consensus that Iran should not be
permitted to acquire nuclear weapons is, in our view, strong and
sustained. The P5+1 has endorsed a dual-track policy toward Iran since
June 2006 in which we have pursued both sanctions at the United Nations
Security Council and offered a generous package of incentives to Iran
in exchange for taking steps necessary to restore international
confidence in the exclusively peaceful nature of its nuclear program.
Foremost of these steps is the suspension of uranium enrichment-
related, reprocessing, and other proliferation-sensitive nuclear
activities, full cooperation with the International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA), and Iran's implementation of the Additional Protocol to
its IAEA Safeguards Agreement, which would provide greater transparency
into Iran's nuclear program.
The United Nations Security Council has adopted three resolutions
imposing chapter VII sanctions on Iran. There was not a single negative
vote cast for these resolutions and two were adopted unanimously
(Indonesia abstained on UNSCR 1803); this demonstrates the will and
resolve of the international community to take steps necessary,
including imposing sanctions, to prompt Iran to choose the path of
negotiations rather than continued confrontation.
To buttress our dual track strategy, P5+1 Foreign Ministers issued
a statement on March 3, 2008, alongside the adoption of U.N. Security
Council resolution 1803 committing to update the original incentive
package offered to the Government of Iran in June 2006. The P5+1
Political Directors met on April 16 in Shanghai and Foreign Ministers
in London on May 2 to finalize the updated incentives package, an
important step in our way forward on the basis of the P5+1's dual track
approach.
Each of our P5+1 partners, including Russia, has committed to the
dual track strategy. Through their work within the P5+1 and votes at
the UNSC, the Russians have shown that they are serious in pursuing our
shared strategic objective of preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear
weapons capability. We will continue to work with our Russian partners
to increase the pressure on Iran bilaterally and within all appropriate
multilateral fora.
Question. The third Iraq ministerial neighbors' conference was held
in Kuwait on April 21 and 22.
(a) What were the concrete achievements of the Kuwait conference?
(b) Please provide the committee with a copy of the statement that
emerged from the conference.
(c) Working groups have been set up in three areas--border
security, energy, and refugees. What has been accomplished by these
working groups to date?
(d) Is there any consideration to including Iraqi political issues
(for example, political reconciliation, ethnic and sectarian tensions,
the disposition of Iraqi federalism) within the ambit of future
neighbors' conferences?
(e) Are there plans to establish a secretariat for the neighbors'
conference? When will the next meeting be held?
Answer. (a) The support of Iraq's neighbors remains key to
achieving the goal of a sovereign, democratic, and prosperous Iraq that
is at peace with itself and with its neighbors. The third Expanded
Neighbors Ministerial held in Kuwait on April 22 provided participants
the opportunity to express that support and for Prime Minister Maliki
to speak directly to Iraq's neighbors about the progress that the
Government of Iraq has made and about what more Iraq needs its
neighbors to do. The group also approved the Terms of Reference of the
Ad Hoc Support Mechanism, a joint Iraqi-U.N. body intended to help keep
the Neighbors Process on track by handling administrative and
organizational tasks. The Organization of the Islamic Conference
announced the opening of its office in Baghdad, and all participants,
including Iran and Syria, signed on to the final communique, which
included a pledge to adhere to the principle of noninterference in
Iraq's internal affairs.
(b) A copy of the final communique issued at the conclusion of the
April 22 Ministerial is attached.
(c) The Neighbors working groups on border security, energy, and
refugees have served as useful fora for Iraq and its neighbors to
discuss issues of mutual concern. The Border Security Working Group,
cochaired by Iraq and Syria, met August 8-9, 2007 and April 13, 2008 in
Damascus. The Energy Working Group, cochaired by Iraq and Turkey, met
June 28-29, 2007 and March 2, 2008 in Istanbul, Turkey. The Refugee
Working Group, cochaired by Iraq and Jordan, met on July 26, 2007 and
March 18, 2008, in Amman, Jordan. Each working group prepared a list of
recommendations to be followed up on at later meetings. The Neighbors
Support Mechanism is intended to improve follow-up on the efforts of
the working groups by assisting with substantive, technical, and
organizational issues.
(d) The Expanded Neighbors process has focused on (1) supporting
the Iraqi Government and (2) issues that are of common concern to all
participants and most appropriately addressed in a multilateral
setting--refugees, border security, energy, and other similar issues.
Internal Iraqi political issues are inevitably raised, but participants
generally are careful to adhere to the principle of noninterference in
Iraq's internal affairs. In the final communique at Kuwait, the
participants committed both to supporting the efforts of the Iraqi
Government in broadening the political process and reinforcing
political dialog and national reconciliation, and to adhere to the
principle of noninterference.
In lieu of a Secretariat, the participants in the Expanded
Neighbors process have created an ad hoc Support Mechanism. The Support
Mechanism is located in the Iraqi MFA in Baghdad and actively assisted
by the United Nations on substantive, technical, and organizational
issues. The Support Mechanism is intended to liaise with member states
on preparations for upcoming meetings, prepare draft agendas, maintain
records of decisions reached, and carry out other administrative tasks
necessary to ensure that the process continues to be successful.
Participants expressed their desire to hold the fourth Expanded
Neighbors Ministerial in Baghdad. A date has not yet been set.
______
Final Communique of the Expanded Ministerial Conference of the
Neighboring Countries of Iraq, Egypt, and Bahrain and the Permanent
Members of the U.N. Security Council and the G-8
kuwait, 22nd of april 2008
Upon the invitation of the State of Kuwait and the Republic of
Iraq, the Foreign Ministers of the Neighbouring Countries of Iraq,
Egypt, Bahrain, UAE, Oman, and the Permanent Members of the U.N.
Security Council and the G-8 held a meeting in Kuwait on the 22nd of
April, 2008. The United Nations, the Organization of the Islamic
Conference, the League of Arab States, the Gulf Cooperation Council and
the European Union also took part in the meeting. The meeting was
designed to contribute concretely to the Iraqi Government's efforts to
restore permanent peace, stability, and prosperity through invigoration
of the existing national reconciliation dialog, in combating terrorism,
strengthening the rule of law, and widening participation in the
political process. The meeting aimed to provide ongoing strong and
effective support to both the Government and people of Iraq. The
meeting also served the purpose of the participant countries to
reiterate their commitment to Iraq's territorial integrity, unity, full
sovereignty and independence, and noninterference in its internal
affairs. The meeting affirmed its continuous implementation of the
obligation that it has committed to undertake in this regard.
The participants agreed to:
1. Reaffirm the respect of national unity, independence, full
sovereignty, territorial integrity, Arab and Islamic Identity of Iraq;
commit to the preservation of Iraq's internationally recognized
borders, and pledge to adhere to a comprehensive and consistent
commitment to the principle of noninterference in Iraq's internal
affairs; stressing the right of the Iraqi people to freely determine
their political system and political future and control their natural
and financial resources;
2. Affirm the full support for Iraq and its people and the efforts
of the constitutionally elected Iraqi Government and Council of
Representatives; to achieve the goals of the Iraqi people in a speedy
and effective manner for a free, prosperous, stable, united, democratic
and federal Iraq that ensures the fundamental and equal rights of the
Iraqi people to peacefully participate in the ongoing political
process;
3. Reconfirm the commitment of the International Community and
Iraq's neighbors to promote peace, stability, and security in Iraq
which shall reflect positively on the security and stability of the
region and the interests of its people and the international community
as a whole;
4. Welcome the establishment of the Ad-Hoc Support Mechanism formed
by the Iraqi Government within the Iraqi Ministry of Foreign Affairs as
adopted in the Expanded Iraq Neighbours Ministerial Conference held in
Istanbul on November 3, 2007; also approve the Terms of Reference of
the Ad Hoc Support Mechanism, and call upon all concerned countries and
organizations to cooperate with its work;
5. The conference reviewed and adopted the recommendations of the
three working groups (the Energy Working Group, the Refugee Working
Group, and the Security Cooperation and Coordination Working Group) as
attached to this final communique; affirmed the importance of their
implementation by all concerned states; and looked forward to the three
committees convening their next sessions--on security in Damascus,
energy in Istanbul, and displaced persons in Amman--as soon as
possible;
6. Support the efforts of the Iraqi Government in broadening the
political process, strengthening the elected institutions, reinforcing
political dialog and national reconciliation, assisting vulnerable
groups including the internally and externally displaced persons, and
promoting the protection of human right and judicial and legal reform;
7. Encourage all Iraqis to engage in comprehensive political dialog
and national reconciliation for the sake of Iraq's stability, unity,
and its sustainable development;
8. Stress the importance to achieve Iraqi national reconciliation
and accord, praising the role of the Iraqi Government in this regard,
and calling on the League of Arab States to continue its efforts in
coordination and cooperation with the Iraqi Government and concerned
parties;
9. Applaud the continuous effort by the Iraqi Government to
confront those who foment violence throughout Iraq; commend the role of
the Iraqi armed and security forces in confronting and deterring the
recent threats posed by armed groups; and welcome the Government's
commitment to disarm and dismantle all militias and extragovernmental
armed groups, enforcing the rule of law, and ensuring the state's
monopoly on armed forces;
10. Stress the principle of the Iraqi national identity and invite
all components of the Iraqi people to work for the enhancement of the
National Unity, regardless of their political trends and ethnic and
sectarian affiliations; and seek to employ the historical multicultural
heritage as a means of unification not division;
11. Call upon international and regional concerned organizations
(UNESCO, ALECSO, ISESCO, and IRCICA) to contribute to the preservation
and revitalization of the historical heritage of Iraq, that has been
destroyed or damaged due to the war; and welcome active support from
the neighbours and international community for their effort, and to
help the Iraqi people to retrieve their stolen heritage;
12. Acknowledge the determined endeavors of the Syrian, Jordanian,
and Egyptian Governments in generously hosting Iraqis; recognize the
obligations of Iraq and the international community in supporting host
countries to address the resulting burdens on their services,
infrastructure, and resources and to create conditions conducive to a
voluntary, safe, and dignified return;
13. Acknowledge the importance of the International Compact with
Iraq for the political reconciliation and reconstruction of this
country, and its commitment to assist the Government of Iraq through
political and economic reform, capacity building and providing
conditions for sustainable development; in this context, recognize the
role and potential of neighbouring countries in the construction of
Iraq, welcome the decision of the Paris Club, and invite all the
creditors to Iraq to follow its example, in a way that contributes in
reducing Iraqi debts; welcome the willingness of the Government of
Sweden to host the next session of the International Compact with Iraq;
and welcome the contribution of Iraq's neighbours and regional states
in the development of economic progress in Iraq;
14. Affirm the efforts of the United Nations and commend UNAMI's
important role in providing support, consultation, assistance, and
coordination with the Iraqi Government according to the Security
Council Resolution 1770 of (2007), and other relevant Security Council
resolutions; welcome the active assistance of UNAMI to the
establishment of the Ad Hoc support mechanism and to its activities to
support and develop regional dialog on Iraq;
15. Encourage and urge all states, in particular the neighbours of
Iraq, to open or reopen their diplomatic missions, and enhance those
existing by raising the level of representation, and expedite the
sending of their ambassadors to Iraq, which will contribute in the
improvement and development of bilateral relations; welcome the opening
of the Office of the Organization of the Islamic Conference in Baghdad
as an encouraging development that will enable the Organization to
follow up its initiatives more actively, including its Mecca
Declaration initiative; welcome states who decided to reopen their
embassies in Baghdad; and urge the Government of Iraq to expedite its
appointment of ambassadors to neighbouring countries and others;
16. Condemn the aggression and war crimes of the former regime of
Iraq against peoples of Iraq, Islamic Republic of Iran,and the State of
Kuwait; condemn the killing of Kuwaiti war prisoners and nationals of
other countries at the hands of the former regime in Iraq, and the
former Iraqi regime's coverage of these crimes for over 10 years, which
is considered a violation of international humanitarian law; and
welcome the steps being taken by Iraq to take the perpetrators of these
crimes to courts, and also welcome the appointment of Ambassador
Gennady Tarasov as U.N. high-level coordinator and commend the efforts
of his predecessor, the late Ambassador Yuli Voronstov, and his
achievements during his work in this humanitarian issue; invite all
concerned parties to continue their cooperation with the International
Red Cross Committee to uncover the fate of the rest of the missing
Kuwaiti citizens and others;
17. Condemn all acts of terrorism in all its forms in Iraq, call
for the immediate cessation of all such acts, support the Iraqi
Government's increasing efforts in combating terrorism including all
efforts to prevent Iraqi territory from being used as a base for
terrorism against neighbouring countries and vice versa; and takes note
of the bilateral arrangements concluded between Iraq and neighbouring
countries regarding the fight against terrorism, in this regard,
support Iraqi Government efforts to strengthen the capabilities of its
armed and security forces to assume full security responsibility in the
country;
18. Reaffirm the obligations of all states, in accordance with
international law, relevant international agreements, U.N. Security
Council Resolutions 1546 (2004) and 1618 (2005), and other relevant
Security Council resolutions, to combat terrorist activities and
prevent the use by terrorists of their territory for supplying,
organizing, and launching terrorist operations, and help Iraq to expel
the terrorist organizations out of its territories;
19. Support the joint efforts of Iraq and its neighbouring
countries to prevent the transit of terrorists and illegal arms to and
from Iraq; reemphasize the importance of strengthening cooperation
between Iraq and its neighbouring countries to control their common
borders and prevent all kinds of illicit trafficking, including
financial and logistical support for terrorists and terrorist
organizations; and refuse instigation of violence and terror;
20. Reconfirm the decisions of the Neighbouring Countries Interior
Ministerial Meetings and welcome the outcome of the last meeting which
took place in Kuwait on October 23, 2007, and call for the cooperation
with its secretariat based in Iraq; and
21. Welcome the convening of the Arab Inter-Parliamentary Union
Conference which took place in the city of Irbil in Iraq on 11 March,
2008.
The participants expressed their appreciation to the State of
Kuwait for hosting the conference, and expressed their desire and hope
to hold the Fourth Expanded Ministerial Meeting in Baghdad.
______
Responses of Janice L. Jacobs to Questions Submitted by
Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. Taiwan meets or exceeds nearly every criteria established
by the Visa Waiver Program (VWP). Specifically, it:
Offers visa-free travel privileges to U.S. citizens;
Has issued machine-readable passports (MRPs) since 1995;
Has completed a program to incorporate biometric identifiers
into passports in 2007, and plans to issue E-passport starting
in the second half of 2008;
Reports the lost and stolen passports to the U.S. Government
on a weekly basis; and
Had an average 3 percent refusal rate for nonimmigrant visa
applications to the United States in past years--lower than
several countries now being considered for Visa Waiver Program
participation.
I also understand that the Department of Homeland Security (DHS)
has signed Memoranda of Understanding (MOU) regarding the VWP and
related enhanced security measures with 8 of 13 ``roadmap countries''
that were selected with the nomination of the Department of State
(DOS). The MOU is the first step before those countries are included
into the VWP, and DHS will not consider any new aspirant country
without the nomination of the DOS.
Taiwan is not a roadmap country, and DHS has no MOU with Taiwan.
Nonetheless, I understand that Taiwan has volunteered to cooperate with
the United States Government to implement the measures contained in the
above-mentioned MOUs, such as air passenger data sharing, air marshals,
and airport security upgrades, to enhance overall travel security.
If confirmed, would you endorse a review by DHS of Taiwan's VWP
eligibility as soon as reasonably possible?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work with DHS on evaluating Taiwan for
VWP candidacy. DHS has expressed a willingness to work with all who
meet the technical requirements for the Visa Waiver Program once they
have established a mechanism to evaluate all additional potential
roadmap countries, of which Taiwan is one. DHS and State currently lack
the resources and procedures to consider any nonroadmap countries at
this time. In addition, any potential security barriers to Taiwan's
participation in the VWP would be identified during a DHS-led
comprehensive evaluation to determine the impact of the country's
designation on United States security, law enforcement, and immigration
security interests.
Question. If Taiwan is willing to sign a document with DHS to
cooperate on enhanced security measures (as described in the memoranda
signed by the roadmap countries), would you encourage DHS to conclude
an MOU with Taiwan, leading eventually to Taiwan's inclusion in the VWP
when eligible?
Answer. On a general level, we do note that Taiwan has taken a
number of steps to improve travel document and border security and we
welcome further improvements in these areas. These steps have been
taken in line with international trends and best practices as part of a
general program to improve passport and immigration practices and
without reference to the U.S. Visa Waiver Program. Some of the factors
you mention such as offering visa waiver tourist travel for up to 90
days admission to U.S. citizens and issuance of machine-readable
passports are met by a large numbers of countries, most of which are
not under consideration for Visa Waiver Program candidacy. Taiwan does
not yet issue e-passports, though they are required for VWP candidacy.
Our information indicates they do not share information on the theft or
loss of blank passports with the United States at this time. The VWP
law requires sharing of data not only on blank passports, but also on
personalized passports. Taiwan's visa refusal rate was above 3 percent
in the last fiscal year.
State and DHS are currently working with nations who have engaged
the U.S. Government for the past several years in discussing these
issues. We continue to work on confidence building measures with those
countries. There is no plan at this time to expand the roadmap process
but it may be possible to discuss similar confidence building measures
with countries beyond the roadmap as improvements in international
travel security are in our collective interest. On a technical and
legal level, the conditions do not presently exist for nominating
additional countries for VWP participation based on a waiver of the 3
percent visa refusal rate. To use this waiver the Secretary of Homeland
Security must certify to Congress that the preconditions set in law
have been met. Although dialog and negotiation continue with those
countries already engaged in the roadmap process, I am unaware of plans
to deal with additional countries on the same footing until sometime
after DHS is in a position to exercise the waiver of the 3 percent visa
refusal rate for the countries currently in the pipeline. The prospect
of dialog, however, remains open.
Question. What are your top three priorities for this position?
Answer. The mission of the Bureau of Consular Affairs (CA) is to
protect the lives and interests of American citizens abroad and to
strengthen the security of U.S. borders through the vigilant
adjudication of visas and passports. My top priorities relate directly
to this mission.
Our number one priority is to ensure that the Bureau of Consular
Affairs continues to provide outstanding services to protect the lives
and interests of American citizens overseas. We will use our Web site,
www.travel.state.gov, and revised Consular Information Program to
provide timely, accurate information to American citizens. We conduct
crisis management exercises and plan for anticipated increases in
demand for services, for example by deploying additional personnel
later this year to assist our posts in China during the upcoming
Beijing Olympics. Now that we have implemented the Hague Convention on
Intercountry Adoptions, we will work with the American adoption
community to adjust to the changes, and work with the international
community to encourage more countries to join the Convention to expand
the Convention's protections for children and parents worldwide.
I will work to ensure the Department provides secure, reliable
passport services to American citizens. The Department took immediate
action when we learned that some passport records had been improperly
accessed, and are reviewing management controls in order to strengthen
procedures and to ensure a more secure system that will provide equal
and effective safeguards to all passport applicants' records. Although
passport demand is currently four percent higher than last year's
record-setting pace of 18.4 million passport issuances, there is no
passport backlog and processing times are less than our 4-week
standard. We are hiring hundreds of employees, opening new facilities,
expanding existing passport agencies, and preparing to issue a new
passport card in order to meet the American public's demand for
reliable travel documents.
My third key priority is to fulfill the ``Secure Borders, Open
Doors'' Joint Vision of Secretaries Rice and Chertoff. Since September
11, 2001, the Bureau of Consular Affairs has implemented changes in
procedures, technology, and information-sharing to enhance the security
of our Nation's borders while keeping America's doors open to the
legitimate travel we encourage and value. The changes have transformed
the visa process, and helped reverse a decline in visa applications
that began after 9/11. We issued an all-time record of 651,000 student
and scholar visas last year, for example, and visa demand is growing by
double digits in key countries such as China, India, Brazil, and
Mexico. Our challenge is to meet that demand as we make further
enhancements to the security and efficiency of visa processing.
Question. What management skills and experiences qualify you for
this position?
Answer. As a career consular officer for 28 years, I have had the
privilege of serving the United States in places as varied as Mexico,
France, and Nigeria, and gained a broad perspective on the consular
challenges our country faces. As a consular manager, a DCM, an
ambassador and a senior executive in the Department I have managed
thousands of people, millions of dollars in resources, and a broad
spectrum of policies for my entire career. I have been involved in
strategic and budget planning. I have made the difficult personnel
decisions that are the hallmark of a DCM's responsibilities. I fought
the budget and human resource battles during the Department's leanest
years.
The Bureau of Consular Affairs comprises nearly 10,000 employees--
Foreign and Civil Service, locally engaged staff, contractors and
others--working in 219 posts overseas, in Washington, and at 18
passport agencies and two visa processing centers around the United
States. The Bureau managed a $2 billion budget last year.
As Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Consular Affairs, I
helped lead this bureau of diverse, talented employees. I worked on the
full range of consular issues and have seen how the Bureau of Consular
Affairs has prepared for and responded to those issues.
As Deputy Assistant Secretary for Visa Services from 2002 to 2005,
I was part of the team that negotiated the Memorandum of Understanding
between the Department of State and the new Department of Homeland
Security that clarified the agencies' respective roles and
responsibilities in visa policy. I was the change manager in the
immediate aftermath of September 11, 2001, when we instituted new
practices and implemented new legislation to improve visa security, and
when we implemented procedures to address the post-9/11 decline in visa
applications. I reached out to stakeholders in the academic,
scientific, industry, and government communities to explain our actions
and obtain support for our initiatives.
As Deputy Chief of Mission in Santo Domingo and as Ambassador to
Senegal and Guinea-Bissau, I managed all aspects of our missions,
ensuring that the consular dimension was represented in mission work on
the global war on terror, countering human trafficking, and other
foreign policy objectives. I also know the outstanding work that all
consular personnel in what I have come to regard as the world's finest
consular corps do to protect American citizens and America's borders.
Question. With regard to the unauthorized accession of the passport
application files of Senators Clinton, McCain, and Obama, please answer
the following questions:
(a) When did you first become aware of this matter? What steps did
you take when you were informed of this matter?
Answer. We took immediate action from the moment these incidents
were reported. I was notified, in my role as Acting Assistant
Secretary, of the incidents of improper access on March 20, 2008. I
immediately conferred with the Under Secretary for Management. We
informed the presidential candidates and their staffs of the incidents
and our response. We asked the Office of the Inspector General to begin
an investigation of the incidents; that investigation is ongoing. I
also sent a notice to all consular employees reminding them of their
legal obligation to safeguard the privacy of passport applications and
passport holders.
The Department of State's passport database tracking system
includes an invisible flag on individual passport records of high-
profile individuals. As the system worked when this incident occurred,
an alert was automatically sent to two headquarters managers. Based on
the alert, one of those managers contacted the individual who accessed
the record via e-mail for an explanation, and copied the supervisor for
appropriate action as well as other managers for informational
purposes.
Three individuals have been terminated to date for improperly
accessing passport application records. While our safeguards for
detecting improper access to passport records worked as intended, the
experience demonstrated that there were areas where we could improve.
On March 24, we formed a working group with representatives of all
key bureaus to conduct a comprehensive review of internal management
and controls procedures for passport processing and to develop
initiatives to strengthen the security of the passport process. Our
goal is a more secure system that will provide equal and effective
safeguards to all passport applicants' records, and in which all
Americans can have confidence that their data will be appropriately
safeguarded.
Question. (b) Given that unauthorized access of these files first
occurred last summer and winter, why do you believe employees in
passport services waited until mid-March to report this matter to you
or other senior level managers?
Answer. Due to the quick resolution of the cases through the
immediate termination of two contract employees and reprimand of the
contract third employee (who was subsequently terminated), and the
well-founded belief that these cases were motivated by imprudent
curiosity, information on these cases was not passed to high level
management. Since these events, we have developed and implemented
written procedures for reporting incidents of unauthorized access. The
new procedures include notifying the appropriate high level management
members on every e-mail sent regarding a suspected incident of
unauthorized access.
Question. (c) Do you think it is likely there were additional
improper or unauthorized accessions of passport application files?
Answer. The Department of State's Inspector General is currently
investigating the extent to which passport records may have been
subject to unauthorized access. We are awaiting the OIG's final
determination.
Question. (d) What systemic changes do you intend to implement to
prevent a recurrence of such unauthorized accessions of passport files,
and what is your timetable for implementing them?
Answer. On March 24, we formed a working group with representatives
of all key Department bureaus to conduct a comprehensive review of
internal management and controls procedures for passport processing,
develop initiatives to strengthen the security of the passport process,
design a comprehensive management plan to mitigate any unauthorized
access of passport records/applicant personal data, and develop well-
defined reporting procedures should an authorized access occur. Our
fundamental goal is a more secure system that will provide equal and
effective safeguards to all passport applicants' records, and in which
all Americans can have confidence that their data will be appropriately
safeguarded.
The Department has implemented several short-term measures
including adding more than 1,000 names of high-profile individuals into
the passport records monitoring system, initiating random audits of the
passport records database, and implementing revised standard operating
procedures for reporting incidents of unauthorized access.
Over the next 90 days, the Department's Vulnerabilities Working
Group will focus on the following initiatives:
Standard operating procedures and criteria on updating,
auditing, and maintaining the Monitor List.
Simple technology enhancements to the Monitor List program
and the Passport Information Electronic Records System (PIERS).
Study of best practices at other agencies and businesses.
Vulnerability assessments on all databases and tools.
Track/create historical file of incidents of unauthorized
access.
Finalize random audit program.
Standardize disciplinary procedures for unauthorized access.
Review of organizational structure, duties, and
responsibilities for monitoring of unauthorized access.
Question. How many contractors or contract employees were employed
as of October 1, 2007? How does that compare to 5 years ago
(approximate figures are sufficient to answer this question)? Do you
believe the Bureau of Consular Affairs has become too reliant on
contractors or contract employees to perform its key functions?
Answer. As of October 1, 2007, the Bureau of Consular Affairs
employed 4,083 contractors. Of that number, 1,605 were dedicated to
passport services, 868 to IT development and support, 526 to visa
services, 210 at our Kentucky Consular Center performing a range of
services, 836 passport call center employees at the National Passport
Information Center, and 38 assisted with American Citizen Services and
administrative functions. The total number is approximately double what
it was 5 years ago.
I do not believe the Bureau of Consular Affairs has become too
reliant on contractors or contract employees to perform its key
functions. All key policy and management positions are filled by U.S.
Government employees, all ``core government functions,'' such as
adjudicating passport and visa applications, are performed by permanent
United States Government employees. Contract employees tend to perform
administrative and clerical tasks that, while invaluable to
accomplishing our mission, are under the direction and oversight of
Government employees. Hiring contractors allows a certain amount of
flexibility to respond quickly to changing needs, whether a surge or a
decline in demand for services.
Question. The Hague Convention on Intercountry Adoption entered
into force on April 1. Of the U.S. agencies that have applied for
accreditation, how many await a decision by the Council on
Accreditation? By what means is the Department overseeing the
accreditation process? How transparent is this process intended to be?
Answer. As of April 30, 325 adoption service providers have applied
to the Council on Accreditation for Hague Convention accreditation or
approval. According to the records of the Council on Accreditation, 65
applicants are in process at this time. Applications are now submitted
and completed on a rolling basis.
Title II of the Intercountry Adoption Act of 2000 gives the
Department-designated accrediting entities (AEs) the responsibility for
accreditation or approval and oversight of adoption service providers
working on Hague Convention cases (IAA, Sec. 202(b)). The Department is
required to monitor the performance by each AE and its compliance with
the Convention, the IAA and other relevant laws and regulations (IAA,
Sec. 204(a)).
As required by the IAA, the Department drafted and published
regulations setting the standards and procedures to be used by the
accrediting entities for the accreditation of agencies and the approval
of persons to provide adoption services in the United States in
Convention cases (IAA, Sec. 203(a)(1)). The Bureau of Consular Affairs'
Office of Children's Issues, which performs the day to day
responsibilities of the U.S. Central Authority for the Convention, is
in daily contact with the designated accrediting entities, the Council
on Accreditation and the Colorado Department of Human Services. We
provide clarification of standards and procedures. We also collect and
convey to the AEs information on applicants received through our Hague
Complaint registry, from our posts abroad and from other sources. We
request and receive regular updates on the accreditation process. We
participate in telephone conferences and Webinars with both AEs, and
make regular visits to COA in New York.
The process should be as transparent as possible. We have urged
both AEs to focus on transparency and to communicate specific issues to
applicant agencies. With regard to issues related to specific
applications, we ask agencies to contact their AE directly. We are
aware that this initial accreditation phase has been a difficult
process for some; COA received more than 300 applications, almost
double the number anticipated. The workload has been difficult. We
believe that the accreditation process will improve as the AEs become
more familiar with the process and applications and renewals are
staggered over time.
Hague accreditation should be seen as the United States Government
``stamp of approval'' for U.S. adoption service providers providing
adoption services in a Convention case. In light of this, we have asked
the AEs to take the time necessary to review each applicant to ensure
that it is in substantial compliance with applicable standards. It is
important to ensure that adoption service providers that have been
found to be not in compliance with mandatory standards are not
accredited until they have established credibility and a track record
of compliance. The Department is committed to the integrity of the
process established by the IAA.
Question. Under the Homeland Security Act of 2002, which created
the Department of Homeland Security, responsibility for regulatory
authority involving the Immigration and Nationality Act rests with the
Department of Homeland Security (DHS), but State Department consular
officers in embassies and consulates around the world implement those
policies, although DHS also has offices overseas for the purpose of
immigrant visa work. It has been over 5 years since the creation of
DHS, and both State and DHS have been given many new security mandates.
You have seen it from the perspective of an ambassador and a senior
officer in the Bureau of Consular Affairs. How is the relationship
working between your bureau and DHS? What measures need to be taken--by
you or your counterparts at DHS--to strengthen the relationship?
Answer. With the creation of the Department of Homeland Security
(DHS), State and DHS now have shared responsibilities with regard to
visas and border security. I was part of the team that negotiated a
Memorandum of Understanding that established the respective roles and
responsibilities of the two departments in visa policy. Over the past 5
years, we have developed a cooperative relationship with DHS on many
fronts--the Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative, implementing the
Hague Convention on Intercountry Adoptions, and refugees, to name a
few.
In January 2006, Secretaries Rice and Chertoff launched an
initiative to strengthen border security while facilitating
international travel for legitimate visitors. As part of the Rice-
Chertoff ``Secure Borders, Open Doors'' Joint Vision, State and DHS
work closely to:
Renew America's welcome to foreign travelers with improved
technology and efficiency. This includes further improving visa
processing and creating ``model ports of entry'' that foster a
more welcoming environment for foreign visitors.
Develop secure travel documents for the 21st century,
including our electronic passports and a secure, inexpensive
alternative--the passport card--to meet the needs of border
communities.
Improve interagency and international coordination and
information sharing to enable smarter screening of
international travelers.
State works closely with DHS on the deployment of the Visa Security
Program, the goal of which is to push out the boundaries of the United
States and to ensure that only qualified applicants receive visas.
Posts in more than 10 countries currently have Visa Security Units, and
we plan to open other units later this year. The DHS/ICE Special Agents
serving in the Visa Security Units have established positive working
relationships with consular officers, for example by providing DHS
training for consular officers in interviewing techniques, fraudulent
document awareness, and terrorist travel tradecraft.
The creation of DHS was the largest restructuring of the executive
branch since the Department of Defense was established in 1947-1949.
While there are still some growing pains, we are committed to working
with our partners in DHS to ensure that we together deliver to the
American people the border security program they deserve.
Question. After the attacks of 9/11, we understandably took a
number of steps to tighten security, including in the issuance of
visas. There has been concern expressed by a number of voices--
universities, businesses, and the tourist industry--that the changes
went too far. There are competing pressures on consular officers--to
help secure the border, but to do so in a manner that does not disrupt
legitimate commerce, education and tourism. The administration's own
rhetoric--``secure borders, open doors''--reflects this dichotomy. How
does the Department balance these competing pressures? How do you train
and guide these officers who make hundreds of visa decisions every day?
Answer. ``Secure borders, open doors'' is based on the principle
that protecting our borders and welcoming legitimate travelers are not
contradictory and can often be complementary and we can achieve both.
In the aftermath of September 11, 2001, our challenge was to implement
significant changes to visa practices more or less simultaneously. We
worked hard to increase visa security measures, completely change the
business model for processing visas, and vastly improve our
communication with other agencies.
As we implemented changes to the visa process in the early post-9/
11 years, there was a decline in visa application numbers and the
number of visitors to the United States. There were many reasons for
the decline, including some--such as the SARS crisis and changes in the
world economy--that were beyond our control. But it's also true that
there were delays in the processing of some visa applications.
That is an outdated picture that is far from the current reality.
We have invested in systems, staffing, training, and coordination with
our U.S. Government partners to ensure that America's welcome to
foreign visitors begins with a secure, transparent, and accessible visa
process. We have instituted appointment systems, modern queuing
systems, Web sites and consular information lines. We reach out to
students and businesses to explain the visa process and we allocate
extra appointments for time-sensitive visas. In most countries, we have
reduced wait times for visa appointments. We use technology and
training to work smarter, to move qualified applicants faster and
identify cases of concern earlier.
The results are impressive and visa interviews have never been more
secure. In fiscal year 2007 we issued over 6.4 million nonimmigrant
visas. That is the highest figure since 9/11. We issued 651,000 student
and exchange visitor visas last year, up 10.2 percent compared to the
same period last year. That is an all-time high, and surpasses the
figures from before 9/11. Since 9/11, we have seen visa demand grow in
every region of the world. In China, for example, the number of
nonimmigrant visa applications went from 320,000 in fiscal year 2003,
to 544,000 in fiscal year 2007, an increase of 70 percent; in India,
during that same period, the numbers went from 400,000 to 725,000, an
increase of more than 80 percent. Department of Commerce figures
released last December indicate international arrivals were up about 10
percent in 2007.
We have invested heavily in ensuring that our interviewing officers
have the training and tools to make excellent decisions. Diplomats are
well suited to visa adjudication. Making decisions about visa
eligibility under immigration law obviously requires knowledge of the
laws and procedures, but just as importantly, the adjudicator must
apply those laws to each applicant, keeping in mind the applicant's
qualifications, the country's political and economic conditions and
cultural background. The interviewing officer must be able to
communicate clearly and effectively in the applicant's language, both
to assess eligibility and to communicate the decision.
Entry level Foreign Service officers, all of whom are required to
have at least one consular tour, are chosen through one of the most
competitive selection processes in either the U.S. Government or
private sector. They enter the Foreign Service from a wide variety of
backgrounds and bring with them an entire spectrum of skills and
abilities. All consular officers must pass a rigorous 31-day basic
consular training course before arriving at post. This training covers
the legal and procedural aspects of consular work, reinforced with over
35 mock interviews where each officer must interview an applicant for a
visa, make a decision based on immigration law, and communicate that
decision clearly to the applicant. As part of this training, our new
officers also receive a 4-day course on consular interviewing
techniques where they are taught the best way to build rapport, gather
information, and make a decision. The course includes briefings and
hands-on analysis of documents to help officers distinguish between
genuine supporting documentation and those that have been altered or
counterfeited. Classified sessions at the CIA cover terrorist travel
trends and terrorist indicators.
We also provide numerous technological and management safeguards
throughout the visa process. Every applicant undergoes security checks
before a visa can be issued. Our system automatically runs a name-based
check in a database with more than 20 million entries. These entries
include State Department information, FBI files, immigration
violations, and intelligence from other agencies. We also collect 10-
print fingerprints from almost all applicants, which are checked
against our database to detect imposters, criminals, and terrorist, as
well as the DHS fingerprint database, and are verified by DHS at the
port of entry. Certain categories of applicants also are screened in a
facial recognition program, which checks their photo against our
consular database. Applicants may undergo additional security screening
if they are from certain countries, have technical expertise of concern
to the United States or if our database indicates a match. In addition,
supervisors are required to review a randomly selected group of the
issuances and refusals of each officer, which always include any
issuances over a permanent ineligibility category, to ensure decisions
were made within the law.
The Department recognizes that potential terrorists may not
necessarily be detectable through documents. Some may attempt to
travel, or apply for visas, using genuine passports without any
terrorist indicators. However, such an applicant is vulnerable to
betraying signs of deception or revealing a back story that is
inconsistent during a face-to-face interview with a consular officer,
resulting in a determination of ineligibility or paving the way for a
more detailed follow-up interview that often unmasks mala fide visa
seekers.
The Department uses a variety of additional training courses beyond
the basic consular course to keep consular officers current and to
enhance their ability to conduct effective interviews and detect,
intercept, and disrupt terrorist travel. We know that our officers are
on the front lines of diplomacy as well as national security, and we
feel both are equally important.
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, MAY 1, 2008
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Beecroft, Robert Stephen, to be Ambassador to Jordan
Cunningham, James, to be Ambassador to Israel
Hoagland, Richard, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Kazakhstan
LeBaron, Joseph Evan, to be Ambassador to Qatar
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:40 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. John F. Kerry
presiding.
Present: Senators Kerry, Lugar, Coleman, and Voinovich.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN F. KERRY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Kerry. Thank you very much for coming to order.
This hearing on the four important nominations for
ambassadorships is now open, and I apologize for starting a few
minutes late. Thank you for being here.
I should apologize also for the hiatus of 2 days. We had an
emergency in terms of scheduling, and I really appreciate
everybody's understanding. I presume you understood.
[Laughter.]
I am delighted to be here with my ranking colleague,
Senator Coleman, and we both welcome you, and Senator Voinovich
also.
It is really excellent, the best moments of sitting on this
committee when we get to have confirmation hearings is when we
get a group of professionals in front of us who have
distinguished careers. And each and every one of you brings
that to the table.
This is just a process by which we can examine your
thoughts about the countries and regions that you are being
charged with the responsibilities for, and we will certainly
try to expedite these nominations as rapidly as we can. I am
confident that will be pretty rapid in the next days.
So, having taken the edge off all of your testimony, I
gather a number of you have family here. Let me just make a few
opening comments, and then we would love to have you introduce
your family. And then we look forward to your statements.
First of all, we have James Cunningham, the nominee to be
ambassador to Israel, whose distinguished career includes
postings in Italy, the United States mission to NATO, the U.N.,
and most recently, as consul general in Hong Kong.
Robert Stephen Beecroft, the nominee to be ambassador to
Jordan, served in the State Department as executive assistant
to Secretaries Rice and Powell. Before that, he was posted to
Syria and Saudi Arabia and brings extensive experience in the
region.
Ambassador Joseph Evan LeBaron, nominee to be ambassador to
Qatar, comes to us after serving as ambassador of Mauritania
and has had several other postings in the region, including
Istanbul, Amman, Ankara, and Doha.
Ambassador Richard Hoagland, the nominee to be ambassador
to the Republic of Kazakhstan, has previously served as
ambassador to Tajikistan. And before that, Ambassador Hoagland
served in Russia, Uzbekistan, Pakistan twice, and in
Afghanistan.
These are all significant positions that you have been
nominated for. Our relationships with each of these countries--
Israel, Jordan, Qatar, and Kazakhstan--offer enormous
opportunities and very real challenges. I just met a moment ago
with Wali Khan from Pakistan, who led a successful effort to
win seats in the FATA area in Pakistan and beat back the
religious parties, which was a surprise to a lot of people. So
it is a very interesting development.
And yesterday, I met with the foreign minister from Jordan,
where we have a terrific relationship and a lot of ongoing
issues, obviously.
Over the past six decades, there is no one on this
committee who needs to be reminded of the special nature of our
relationship with Israel, based on any number of different
values--shared history, culture, political, and strategic
interests. And those connections extend well beyond our
governments, as we know.
In my numerous trips there in the last 24 years, I have had
the pleasure of gaining an even deeper respect and affection
for that relationship, and I think it is known throughout the
world that the United States is never going to waver in that
commitment.
But Israel faces grave threats. Hezbollah is stronger.
Hamas is stronger in many ways and has complicated the issues
of the peace process. And so, there are tens of thousands of
people in Israel, southern Israel, living under constant threat
of rocket attack. And I might say I think were it us or any
other country under similar circumstances, they might not have
exercised as much restraint as the leadership in Israel has.
Needless to say, it is vitally important at this moment to
continue forward in the peace process and to work toward that
agreement. We all understand the goal--two States living side-
by-side in peace and security. Getting there is the hard part.
We came so close at Taba a few years ago. The framework, I
think most people who study it understand, it is the getting
from A to that framework that is critical.
I might add that in the visits I have made there, it is my
judgment that the administration has too long been sitting on
the sidelines in that effort. That began to change for the
better with the Annapolis conference.
But I can remember meeting with President Abbas in Ramallah
3 years ago, when he was first elected, and listening to him
express his knowledge that he knew what we needed to do--what
he needed to do, which was disarm Hamas. But then he asked me
the pregnant question, ``You tell me how I am supposed to do
that,'' and pointed to the lack of radios, cars, police, basic
Politics 101, when measured against Hamas and their ability to
deliver in the street.
So I think that there is much time to make up for here, and
last week we met with President Abbas when he was here. And I
think it is important for the administration and Congress to
work together to forward that.
Next door, the United States has a very strong and growing
partnership with Jordan, undoubtedly one of our most important
allies in the Middle East. And Jordan's contributions in the
fight against terrorism in Iraq and the Middle East peace
process have really been quite extraordinary.
King Abdullah was an early and visionary voice in warning
of the dangers of three civil wars in Iraq, Lebanon, and the
Palestinian territories. He has been indefatigable in his
support of the post Annapolis negotiations, consistently
encouraging the President and the Israelis and the Palestinians
with a sense of urgency, and we are grateful for that and have
enormous respect for those efforts.
And Jordan's efforts to bolster the Abbas government are
key to countering the influence of Hamas in laying any
groundwork for a lasting peace. So continuing that relationship
is one of our principal goals.
The war in Iraq, I might add, has exacted a very heavy toll
on Jordan, and all of us are concerned about some 400,000,
500,000 Iraqis living in Jordan. The foreign minister and the
ambassador this week underscored their request for $500 million
in additional supplemental funds, which includes assistance for
displaced Iraqis in Jordan, and I look forward to hearing from
Mr. Beecroft sort of where we are heading on that.
The United States also counts on Qatar as an important
partner in counterterrorism efforts and host to major United
States military facilities. So we look forward to hearing how
we are coordinating our security cooperation, and what could be
done to strengthen regional organizations like the Gulf
Cooperation Council.
At the same time, there have been some concerns the Qatari
citizens may have provided support to al-Qaeda. Fatah officials
affiliated with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas publicly
asserted that the Qataris have provided financial assistance to
Hamas.
In 2003, the Qataris approved a new constitution giving
women the right to vote and run for office through elections
for the advisory council, but they have still not been held.
Despite those and other reforms, the State Department found
that ``serious problems'' remained in Qatar's human rights
record, and Qatar is 1 of only 16 Tier 3 human trafficking
countries, meaning that it has neither implemented minimal
trafficking standards nor made significant efforts to do so.
And I hope you can discuss today sort of what we can expect
with respect to those issues.
And finally, Kazakhstan is a key partner--Sacha Baron Cohen
notwithstanding--a key partner on issues including combating
extremism, proliferation, and human trafficking. And it is also
obviously a very important petroleum producer. Very persistent
concerns linger over the human rights issues, including the
government's treatment of prisoners, arbitrary arrests,
limitations on freedoms of speech, assembly, and association.
It is always tricky in a country in that part of the world
when there are those kinds of interests--those kinds of issues
balanced against a set of interests that are compelling in
their strategic importance to us. And working through those
things is the art of diplomacy, and we look forward to hearing
thoughts about how that will work, particularly given the fact
that Kazakhstan is slated to take over the chairmanship of the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in 2010.
So, Ambassador Hoagland, we look forward to hearing from
you about the promised improvements in those areas, and we can
have a good conversation today.
So let me turn it over to Senator Coleman. When he is
finished, I hope each of you will make an opening statement. I
know you are all well schooled by the State Department. We
listen to a 5-minute or so opening. Your full testimony will be
placed in the record as if stated in full, and we look forward
to a good conversation.
STATEMENT OF HON. NORM COLEMAN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MINNESOTA
Senator Coleman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, I have a more in-depth opening statement. I
would like to have that put in the record.
Senator Kerry. Without objection, that is in the record.
Senator Coleman. I appreciate that.
Your opening statement touched on so many of the salient
points. We do have before us a group of professionals with
distinguished careers. It makes our job much easier. This would
be a good opportunity to visit with them and kind of lay out
some of the concerns, issues of great concern, and get their
perspective.
I would note to Ambassador Hoagland, who came before this
committee as a nominee to ambassador of Romania and I was not
able to support moving that forward, it had nothing to do with
the distinguished career and service of the ambassador, and I
really look forward to moving this nomination forward.
I do appreciate all of the gentlemen here. I really
appreciate the quality of your service, and you are willing to
take on some tough challenges. All of these nominees are
nominees to countries which are important to this country. They
have been friends. They have been allies. They are of strategic
importance in an area of the world in which there is great
danger today.
Earlier today, I participated in a Holocaust memorial
service. It is the 70th anniversary of Kristallnacht, and our
relationship with Israel transcends current-day issues. It goes
way beyond that.
These are, I think, the most challenging times. The threat
of Iran getting a nuclear weapon, how do we handle that?
Rockets being launched on an almost daily basis into Israel
from Gaza. How do we move forward in other areas without
resolving that? So there are areas of deep concern.
King Abdullah in Jordan has been an incredible leader, a
unifying force in, again, an area that is of the greatest
importance to us. And Jordan now is facing, as the chairman has
noted, challenges--Iraqi refugees. Jordan in the past has dealt
with Palestinian refugees, now Iraqi refugees, and what have we
learned? And we have an interest in the stability and the
economic security of Jordan. And so, I would be--look forward
to visiting with the ambassador about that.
And in terms of Qatar, a military partner, a leader in
counterterrorism. Also, by the way, the home of Al Jazeera, and
questions to be raised there in terms of what is their role and
what is Qatar's role? And there have been, I have noticed, some
developments vis-a-vis Al Jazeera and Saudi Arabia, which is
kind of a lessening of some of the conflict there. And are
there things that we can learn from that or things that can be
done to work with our ally?
And then, finally, in terms of Kazakhstan, this is a key
partner in Nunn-Lugar cooperation in threat reduction. They are
a key partner in reducing the threat of proliferation of
nuclear weapons. I think that is the single-biggest threat, the
threat of somebody getting a bomb and a nuclear bomb and using
it. It transcends any of the dangers that we have faced in the
past. There isn't margin of error for wrong choices.
And so, we have before us distinguished professionals who
are nominees to be ambassadors to important friends and allies
in an area where the margin of error for the wrong choice and
the wrong policy and the wrong judgment is very, very thin. And
the consequences of wrong choices are pretty overwhelming.
So there is a great responsibility. I simply end where I
started in thanking these gentlemen for their commitment to
service, for their distinguished careers, and I look forward to
moving these nominations forward, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. Thank you very much, Senator Coleman.
Why don't we begin? We will just sort of run down one side
to the other. I think it is just easy. So do you want to begin?
STATEMENT OF ROBERT STEPHEN BEECROFT, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR
TO THE HASHEMITE KINGDOM OF JORDAN
Mr. Beecroft. Sure, happy to, sir.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is an honor to
appear before you today as President Bush's nominee to serve as
ambassador to Jordan. I am grateful to the President and to
Secretary Rice for the confidence they have placed in me. If
confirmed, I will do my best to live up to their trust and to
work as closely as possible with this committee to carry out my
responsibilities.
With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like to begin
by expressing appreciation for my family. My wife, Anne, my
children, Blythe, Warren, Sterling, and Grace, are here with me
today. It is my family's support and sacrifice that has, more
than anything else, helped me to carry out my responsibilities
as a Foreign Service officer.
Mr. Chairman, we have no closer friend or ally in the Arab
world than Jordan. In the Middle East and around the world,
Jordan work closely and constructively with us to promote peace
and security and to fight terrorism. At home, it is engaged
with the sometimes difficult and complicated task of reform, a
process that we actively support and encourage.
There is no more telling example of Jordan's positive
efforts in the region than its close cooperation with us to
help realize a two-State solution to the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict. As one of only two Arab states to sign a peace accord
with Israel, Jordan is committed to the roadmap and is tangibly
supporting the process, including by providing such things as
police training for Palestinian security forces.
With Iraq, Jordan is actively involved on the humanitarian
front, taking in hundreds of thousands of Iraqi refugees. It
has increasingly taken steps to ensure the dignity and well
being of those refugees, opening its schools and hospitals to
them, working with the international community to provide
assistance, and facilitating our own refugee admissions
program.
Jordan is also working with us and the Iraqi Government to
increase security. It has, for example, hosted over 54,000
Iraqi police officers for training.
Outside its immediate region, Jordan was at the forefront
of publicly supporting our efforts in Afghanistan, where it has
deployed a field hospital and a demining unit. Jordan has also
become a leading troop contributor to U.N. peacekeeping
operations worldwide, having sent military and police personnel
to places such as Haiti, Cote D'Ivoire, and Darfur.
Jordan has also begun pursuing reform at home. For example,
in 2006, the government rolled out a 10-year roadmap for
economic and political development. It then took a step forward
by allowing Jordanian monitors to observe its 2007
parliamentary elections.
Through our assistance programs, we are supporting Jordan's
reform agenda. We are, however, also engaged with its
government and its people to encourage broader democratic
development. Our efforts include work to expand citizen
participation in the country's political and economic systems,
strengthen independent media, the judicial system, and the
rights of women and laborers, and increase religious tolerance.
If confirmed, I will work diligently with the Jordanian
Government and people to pursue our democratic reform,
development, and security goals and to strengthen the bilateral
relationship. I will also work to ensure that all of our
assistance effectively and efficiently advances those goals.
I appreciate and value this committee's oversight of our
mission in Jordan. If confirmed, I look forward to welcoming
the committee's members and staff to Amman. Your presence and
interest are a vital element in ensuring that we remain
productively and successfully engaged for the Government and
the people of Jordan.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Beecroft follows:]
Prepared Statement of Robert Stephen Beecroft
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is an honor to appear
before you today as President Bush's nominee to serve as ambassador to
Jordan. I am grateful to the President and Secretary Rice for the
confidence they have placed in me. If confirmed, I will do my best to
live up to their trust and to work as closely as possible with this
committee to carry out my responsibilities.
With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like to begin by
expressing appreciation for my family. My wife, Anne, and my daughters,
Blythe and Grace, are here with me today. My two sons are unable to be
here because of school obligations. It is my family's support and
sacrifice that has, more than anything, helped me carry out my
responsibilities as a Foreign Service officer.
Mr. Chairman, we have no closer friend or ally in the Arab world
than Jordan. In the Middle East and around the world, Jordan works
closely and constructively with us to promote peace and security and to
fight terrorism. At home, it is engaged with the sometimes difficult
and complicated task of reform, a process that we actively support and
encourage.
There is no more telling example of Jordan's positive efforts in
the region than its close cooperation with us to help realize a two-
state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. As one of only two
Arab states to sign a peace accord with Israel, Jordan is committed to
the roadmap and is tangibly supporting the process, including by
providing police training for Palestinian security forces.
With Iraq, Jordan is actively involved on the humanitarian front,
taking in hundreds of thousands of Iraqi refugees. It has increasingly
taken steps to ensure the dignity and well-being of those refugees,
opening its schools and hospitals to them, working with the
international community to provide assistance, and facilitating our own
refugee admissions program. Jordan is also working with us and the
Iraqi Government to increase security. It has, for example, hosted over
54,000 Iraqi police officers for training.
Outside its immediate region, Jordan was at the forefront in
publicly supporting our efforts in Afghanistan, where it has deployed a
field hospital and a demining unit. Jordan has also become a leading
troop contributor to U.N. peacekeeping operations worldwide, having
sent military and police personnel to Haiti, Cote d'Ivoire, and Darfur,
among other places.
Jordan has also begun pursuing reform at home. For example, in
2006, the government rolled out a 10-year roadmap for economic and
political development. It then took a step forward by allowing
Jordanian monitors to observe its 2007 parliamentary elections. Through
our assistance programs, we are supporting Jordan's reform agenda. We
are, however, also engaged with its government and its people to
encourage broader democratic development. Our efforts include work to
expand citizen participation in the country's political and economic
systems; strengthen independent media, the judicial system, and the
rights of women and laborers; and increase religious tolerance.
If confirmed, I will work diligently with the Jordanian Government
and people to pursue our democratic reform, development, and security
goals and to strengthen the bilateral relationship. I will also work to
ensure that all of our assistance effectively and efficiently advances
those goals.
I appreciate and value this committee's oversight of our mission in
Jordan. If confirmed, I look forward to welcoming the committee's
members and staff to Amman. Your presence and interest are a vital
element in ensuring that we remain productively and successfully
engaged with the Government and people of Jordan.
Thank you.
Senator Kerry. Thank you very much, Mr. Beecroft.
We have been joined by the ranking member of the full
committee. Senator Lugar, do you have any opening comment you
want to make?
Thank you very much.
We will turn then to your testimony, Mr. Cunningham. I
begin by noting you had the good sense to be born in Allentown,
PA. My wife is thrilled. [Laughter.]
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES B. CUNNINGHAM, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR
TO THE STATE OF ISRAEL
Ambassador Cunningham. Thank you for that, Mr. Chairman,
members of the committee.
It is an honor to appear before you as President Bush's
nominee to become the United States next ambassador to Israel.
I thank the President and Secretary Rice for the trust they
have placed in me, and I look forward, if confirmed by the
Senate, to working very closely with this committee and with
the Congress.
Unfortunately, my wife, Leslie, and our two daughters, Emma
and Abigail, could not be here today. But I do want to thank
them, and particularly my wife, for their support.
Mr. Chairman, I am truly honored, as I may have the
opportunity to serve our Nation in Israel at this particular
time. We have always had a special relationship with Israel,
stretching back to its founding 60 years ago. Over those six
decades, we have forged a bond based on historic, personal, and
cultural ties, on mutual interest and shared values, and on a
record of together confronting difficult issues.
We have a vibrant and growing economic relationship, which
I look forward to building on. Israel has been a close partner
in combating terrorism and extremist violence, especially over
the past 7 years. And the United States has always been a
stalwart advocate of Israel's security, a result of the
exceptional support Israel enjoys in this country. That will, I
am confident, continue to be the case. Our interests in Israel
are strategic and enduring.
This past August, the United States and Israel signed a
memorandum of understanding that will underpin our security
relationship through 2018. The arrangement calls for $30
billion to be provided over 10 years, subject to congressional
approval of the yearly appropriation. This will allow Israel to
maintain its qualitative military edge and to strengthen its
ability to defend against terrorism.
A strong partnership with a secure Israel is at the core of
our goals in the Middle East. The President has now undertaken
a new initiative to promote progress along the roadmap and the
realization of his vision of a two-State solution. At
Annapolis, President Bush and Secretary Rice brought together
Prime Minister Olmert, Palestinian President Abbas, Foreign
Minister Livni, Prime Minister Fayyad, and leaders from nearly
50 other nations.
The decision by Prime Minister Olmert and President Abbas
to launch negotiations on core permanent status issues with the
aim of agreement by the end of this year is a significant
achievement. The parties are meeting regularly, and there is
underway now a structured process.
While this process will not be easy, there is now a way
ahead to reach an agreement that will break the history of
conflict between Israel and the Palestinians and pave the way
for two states to live side-by-side in peace and security.
The President traveled to Israel and the Palestinian
territories in January. Secretary Rice will be there again this
week for the latest in what have become nearly monthly trips to
the region. Just last week, both King Abdullah and President
Abbas were in Washington. We continue our efforts through the
quartet and through the mandates of General Dayton, General
Jones, and General Fraser to solve problems and monitor the
parties' adherence to roadmap commitments.
If I am confirmed, my highest priority will be to
contribute to the strongest possible relationship with Israel
and to help make the goal of peace and stability among the
peoples of Israel and their neighbors a reality.
Mr. Chairman, for more than 30 years, I have tried to
advance America's interests, to enhance America's security, and
to promote our bilateral and multilateral relationships. I have
spent much of that time working with regions in conflict,
societies in transition, and people trying to move beyond their
histories in search of a better future.
In 5 years as ambassador to the U.N. in New York, I learned
a great deal about the dynamics and pain of this troubled
region so vital to U.S. interests. I think no one
underestimates the difficulty of reaching the goals we have set
for ourselves.
I am both a realist and an optimist, and I am thrilled that
the President and Secretary Rice have offered me the prospect
of being part of this historic endeavor. If confirmed, I will
do everything I can to support their efforts.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Cunningham follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. James. B. Cunningham, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the State of Israel
Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee, it is an
honor to appear before you as President Bush's nominee to become the
United States next ambassador to Israel. I thank the President and
Secretary Rice for the trust they have placed in me. I look forward, if
confirmed by the Senate, to working closely with the Congress to
advance our interests in the region. I will welcome frequent
opportunities to consult with you, and I encourage you to visit often.
I would like to begin by noting that unfortunately, my wife,
Leslie, and our two daughters, Emma and Abigail, could not be here
today. I want to thank them, and particularly my wife, for their
support, and for the important contributions they themselves have made
to the pursuit of America's interests over the course of my career.
Mr. Chairman, I am truly honored that I may have the opportunity to
serve our Nation in Israel at this particular time in history. We have
always had close and special relationship with Israel, stretching back
to Israel's founding 60 years ago. Over those six decades, as our
friendship with Israel has grown stronger, we have forged a bond based
on historic, personal, and cultural ties, on mutual interests and
shared values, and on a record of together confronting difficult issues
of consequence to both our nations. Over the course of our
relationship, and especially over the last 7 years, Israel has been a
close partner in combating terrorism. And the United States has always
been a stalwart advocate of Israel's security, a result of the
exceptional support Israel enjoys in this country--among the American
public, from the 11 American administrations that have held office
since Israel's founding, and from Congress. That will, I am confident,
continue to be the case. Our interests in Israel are strategic, and
enduring.
This past August, the United States and Israel signed a memorandum
of understanding that will underpin our security relationship through
2018. The arrangement calls for $30 billion to be provided over 10
years, subject to Congressional approval of yearly appropriations. This
will allow Israel to maintain its qualitative military edge and to
strengthen its ability to defend itself against terrorism. This is
essential for Israel to maintain its vibrant, successful, and
entrepreneurial society.
A strong partnership with a secure Israel is at the core of our
goals in the Middle East. The President has now undertaken a new
initiative to promote progress along the roadmap and the realization of
the President's vision of a two-state solution. At Annapolis this past
November, President Bush brought together Prime Minister Olmert,
Palestinian President Abbas, Foreign Minister Livni, Prime Minister
Fayyad, and leaders from nearly 50 other nations. The decision by Prime
Minister Olmert and President Abbas to launch negotiations on core,
permanent status issues, with the aim of reaching an agreement by the
end of this year, is a significant achievement. The parties are meeting
regularly and a structured process is now underway. While this process
will not be easy, there is now a way ahead to reach an agreement that
will break the history of conflict between Israel and the Palestinians
and pave the way for two states to live side-by-side in peace and
security.
The priority the administration attaches to this effort is clear.
The President traveled to Israel and the Palestinian territories in
January and recently announced his intention to return in May.
Secretary Rice will be there again this week for the latest in what
have become nearly monthly trips to the region. Just last week both
King Abdullah and President Abbas were in Washington. We continue our
efforts through the quartet and through the mandates of General Dayton,
General Jones, and General Fraser to solve problems and monitor the
parties' adherence to roadmap commitments. If I am confirmed, I assure
you that my highest priority will be to contribute to the strongest
possible relationship with Israel, and to help make the goal of peace
and security between the people of Israel and their neighbors a
reality.
I would also like to mention our economic relationship with Israel.
2007 was a monumental year for Israel's economy, which maintained its
robust expansion of the past 4 years in achieving annual growth rates
over 5 percent. Unemployment was at its lowest level in a decade and
the government deficit has not been lower since the mid-1980s. 2007 was
also a critical year in United States-Israel economic relations. Trade
between our countries increased by 12 percent and United States tourism
in Israel reached the highest level ever. I look forward to building
further upon these very positive trends in our economic relationship
with Israel.
Mr. Chairman, on a personal basis, for more than 30 years I have
tried to advance America's interests, to enhance America's security,
and to promote our bilateral and multilateral relationships. I spent
significant portions of that time working with regions in conflict,
societies in transition, and people trying to go beyond their histories
in search of a better future. In 5 years as ambassador to the U.N. in
New York, I learned a great deal about the dynamics and pain of this
troubled region, so vital to U.S. interests. I do not think anyone
underestimates the difficulty of reaching the goals we have set. I am
both a realist, and an optimist, thrilled that the President and
Secretary Rice have offered me the prospect of being part of this
historic endeavor. If confirmed, I will do everything I can to support
their efforts.
Senator Kerry. Thank you very much, sir.
Ambassador Hoagland.
STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD E. HOAGLAND, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR
TO THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN
Ambassador Hoagland. Mr. Chairman, members of the
committee, thank you for this opportunity to appear before you
today.
I am deeply honored that President Bush and Secretary Rice
have entrusted me with their confidence and nominated me for
the post of ambassador of the United States to Kazakhstan.
If confirmed by the Senate, I will work diligently and
faithfully on behalf of the American people to pursue United
States foreign policy goals and to deepen the strategic
partnership between the United States and Kazakhstan. I look
forward to working in close consultation with the Congress in
pursuit of those goals.
Before I go further, with your permission, may I recognize
three people who have traveled to----
Senator Kerry. Please, we invite you to do so. We were
wondering who they belong to back there. [Laughter.]
Ambassador Hoagland. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
First, I would like to recognize two dear friends, Mr. Igor
Lanskoy and Vladimir Sadov, one who has traveled many thousand
miles to be here today.
I would also like to recognize Elizabeth Jones, former
ambassador to Kazakhstan, former Assistant Secretary of State
for Europe and Eurasia. And I especially want to thank her for
her trust and support when she pushed me forward for my first
ambassadorship. A very great lady, and I am grateful to her.
Kazakhstan is an important partner for the United States.
It is geographically strategic, ethnically diverse, resource
rich, ninth-largest country in the world, roughly the size of
Western Europe. Located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia
and bordered by Russia, China, and the Caspian Sea,
Kazakhstan's size, location, and resources make it key to
regional stability.
Kazakhstan's hydrocarbon reserves should rank it in the top
10 oil producers in the world by 2015. Kazakhstan established
its credentials for leadership immediately after its
independence. It was the first country to renounce its nuclear
weapons voluntarily after the breakup of the Soviet Union.
Today, Kazakhstan is contributing to coalition efforts in
Iraq, where it has deployed eight rotations of engineering
troops since 2003. In addition, Kazakhstan is implementing
almost $3 million in reconstruction for Afghanistan in 2008.
Kazakhstan is a strong and reliable partner on
nonproliferation. Through the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat
Reduction Program, Kazakhstan has cooperated extensively with
the United States for over a decade to ensure that weapons of
mass destruction-related materials and technical knowledge will
not fall into terrorist hands.
If confirmed, I would continue to promote the United
States-Kazakhstan strategic partnership's three primary goals.
First, we seek to advance democratic and market economic
reforms. Second, our common security interests include
bolstering Central Asian sovereignty and independence, fighting
terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction,
and stemming narcotics trafficking. Third, we have a strategic
interest in fostering the development of Central Asia's very
significant energy resources. United States companies have
recognized Kazakhstan's potential and are cooperating with
Kazakhstan to develop its tremendous oil and gas resources.
Mr. Chairman, we supported Kazakhstan to act as chairman in
office of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe for 2010. If I am confirmed, I will work with Kazakhstan
to fulfill its commitments to that organization, to reform its
election and media laws, to liberalize its political party
registration requirements by the end of 2008.
In addition, Kazakhstan pledged to preserve the current
mandate of the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human
Rights within the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe.
Mr. Chairman, I have spent a large part of my career
serving in countries of the former Soviet Union. The historic,
cultural, and economic ties between Russia and Kazakhstan are
strong, and no one disputes the value of those ties. However,
we are gratified that Kazakhstan values its national
independence and sovereignty and chooses its own multiple
partners based on its own national interests. Kazakhstan is in
no one's special sphere of influence.
If confirmed, I will draw on my many years of experience in
the region to ensure that the already-strong United States-
Kazakhstan partnership continues to grow and prosper.
Kazakhstan is an important country with a promising future.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Hoagland follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Richard E. Hoagland, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Kazakhstan
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for this
opportunity to appear before you today. I am deeply honored that
President Bush and Secretary Rice have entrusted me with their
confidence and nominated me for the post of ambassador of the United
States to Kazakhstan. If confirmed by the Senate, I will work
diligently and faithfully on behalf of the American people to pursue
United States foreign policy goals and to deepen the strategic
partnership between the United States and Kazakhstan. I look forward to
working with the Congress in pursuit of those goals.
Mr. Chairman, Central Asia is a region of significant importance to
United States national interests. Recognizing the uniqueness of each of
the five Central Asian nations and their sovereignty and independence,
United States policy supports the development of fully sovereign,
stable, democratic nations, integrated into the world economy and
cooperating with one another, the United States, and our partners to
advance regional security and stability. We do not view Kazakhstan or
any other Central Asian nation as any external state's special sphere
of influence; rather we seek to maintain mature bilateral relations
with each country based on our foreign policy goals and each country's
specific characteristics and dynamics.
Kazakhstan is an important international partner. It is
geographically strategic, ethnically diverse, and resource rich. It is
the ninth largest country in the world, roughly the size of Western
Europe. The population is 15.6 million, 59.2 percent Kazakh, 25.6
percent Russian, with the remainder divided among many ethnic
minorities. The largely secular population is 65 percent Muslim, 30
percent Russian Orthodox, with the remainder divided among many smaller
faiths. Located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia and bordered by
Russia, China, and the Caspian Sea, Kazakhstan's size, location and
resources make it strategically important and key to regional
stability. Kazakhstan's hydrocarbon reserves should, by 2015, rank it
as one of the top 10 world oil producers.
Kazakhstan established its credentials for leadership early. It was
the first country to renounce its nuclear weapons voluntarily after the
break-up of the Soviet Union. Today, Kazakhstan is contributing to
coalition efforts in Iraq. Kazakhstan has deployed eight rotations of
engineering troops to Iraq, working on water purification and explosive
ordnance disposal. To date, they have destroyed 4.5 million pieces of
ordnance. Since 2001, Kazakhstan has provided cost-free over flights to
over 6,000 U.S. military aircraft supporting Operation Enduring Freedom
in Afghanistan. In addition, Kazakhstan announced almost $3 million in
assistance for Afghanistan for 2008, which includes funds for food and
seed and to build a hospital, road, and school. Kazakhstan has
established a peacekeeping battalion and is working to ensure that unit
is trained and equipped to be compatible with NATO forces. Following an
intense debate within the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe, Kazakhstan was selected to be Chairman in Office of the
organization in 2010, the first former-Soviet republic to achieve that
goal.
Kazakhstan is a key partner on nonproliferation. Through the Nunn-
Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction program, Kazakhstan has cooperated
extensively with the United States for over a decade on a host of
projects to eliminate its Soviet-legacy weapons of mass destruction
infrastructure, secure materials of proliferation concern, and redirect
former weapons of mass destruction scientists to peaceful purposes.
United States-Kazakhstan cooperation has ensured that weapons of mass
destruction-related materials and technical knowledge will not fall
into terrorist hands. Our bilateral Cooperative Threat Reduction
agreement was extended for an additional 7 years on December 13, 2007,
allowing programs and projects to continue uninterrupted.
Recognizing Kazakhstan's important role in Central Asia, in
September 2006, President Bush and Kazakhstan President Nazarbayev
reaffirmed the strategic partnership between our two countries,
declaring our commitment to a shared vision of stability, prosperity,
and democratic reform in Central Asia and the broader region.
If confirmed, I would continue to promote the United States-
Kazakhstan strategic partnership's three primary strategic interests.
First, we seek to advance democratic and market economic reforms.
Economic reform attracts and sustains foreign investment while
democratic reforms will improve opportunities for Kazakhstanis to
participate openly in civic life. Together these are the only reliable
ways to establish long-term stability. Second, our common security
interests include bolstering Central Asian sovereignty and
independence; fighting terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction; and stemming narcotics trafficking. Third, we have a
strategic interest in fostering the development of Central Asia's very
significant energy resources. The region's resources can substantially
advance international energy security, provided they have a reliable
path to global markets via multiple pipelines that avoid geographic
chokepoints or transportation monopolies. Energy can also form the
basis of long-term economic growth and prosperity. All three sets of
interests--democratic development, security cooperation, economic
reform and energy--are interrelated and must advance together.
Economically, Kazakhstan has laid a solid foundation for its market
economy and future prosperity. Financial reform has created a banking
system comparable to those in Central Europe. Pension reform has
created a fully funded pension system with $9.89 billion in assets.
Kazakhstan's oil-driven economy has averaged 9.6 percent real growth
over the past 3 years. Growth toward the end of 2007, however, slowed
due to a tightening of credit largely related to global liquidity
problems and the overvalued local real estate market. Growth in 2008 is
predicted to be between 5 and 7 percent. Nonetheless, thanks to strong
economic policies and oil wealth, Kazakhstan has dramatically reduced
the percentage of its population living below the level of subsistence
from 28.4 percent in 2001 to 13.8 percent in 2007.
United States companies have recognized Kazakhstan's potential and
are cooperating with Kazakhstan to develop its tremendous oil and gas
resources. They hold major stakes in Kazakhstan's two largest oil and
gas projects, Tengiz and Kashagan. Our companies do face some
difficulties, including problems with the tax authorities and stiff
environmental fines. Kazakhstan also passed legislation last year
allowing it to terminate oil and gas contracts in the name of the
country's national economic security interests, though President
Nazarbayev stressed that the legislation would not be used
retroactively against contracts already in place when the legislation
went into effect. Despite these concerns, it is clear that our
companies and the Government of Kazakhstan are committed to a long-term
partnership in Kazakhstan's energy sector.
Exchange programs are at the core of the United States-Kazakhstan
strategic partnership. Academic, cultural, and professional exchanges
are one of the most effective tools to promote the free exchange of
information and ideas and to increase mutual understanding between
citizens of the United States and Kazakhstan. Kazakhstani students
study in the United States under the auspices of the Future Leaders
Exchange, Hubert Humphrey Fellowship, Muskie Graduate Fellowship, and
Fulbright Fellowship programs. Since 2005, Kazakhstan's Presidential
Scholarship Program, ``Bolashak,'' has sent annually 3,000 plus
students to universities in the United States and many other countries
around the world.
Democratic political institutions, civil society and the
independent media remain underdeveloped in Kazakhstan; the presidency
dominates the political system; and the parliament elected in 2007 has
representation from only one political party--the President's. We
regularly encourage the government to move forward by taking concrete
steps toward reform, and we have assistance programs that promote
democratic reform and the development of civil society and independent
media.
We supported Kazakhstan's candidacy to act as chairman in office of
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, but
recognizing its political reform trajectory, we asked Kazakhstan to
delay its chairmanship from 2009 to 2010 so that it would have time to
undertake several democratic reforms. If I am confirmed, I will work
with Kazakhstan to prepare for its 2010 chairmanship and to fully meet
the commitments it made to Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe participating states when it accepted the chairmanship.
Kazakhstan committed to work closely with the organization to reform
its election and media laws, and liberalize its political party
registration requirements by the end of 2008. It committed to reform
the media law in line with recommendations from the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe's Freedom of Media Representative,
which include, among others, to reduce criminal liability for
defamation in the media and to liberalize registration procedures for
media outlets.
Kazakhstan has begun engaging the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe and civil society on the election and media laws,
and we are continuing to monitor and encourage its progress. I will
work with government and civil society partners alike to ensure that
these reforms are implemented. In addition, Kazakhstan pledged to
support and preserve the current mandate of the Office for Democratic
Institutions and Human Rights within the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe, including the integrity of its election
monitoring efforts. Our broader vision is for a strong, independent,
and democratic Kazakhstan that is a leader and anchor of stability in
the region. We believe Kazakhstan's service as chairman in office of
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe will help serve
that broader vision.
Mr. Chairman, I have spent a large part of my career serving in
countries of the former Soviet Union. The historic ties between Russia
and Kazakhstan are strong--Kazakhstan has the largest ethnic Russian
population of the Central Asian republics. These historic, cultural,
and economic ties with Russia are important to Kazakhstan. However, we
are aware that Russia is often at odds with United States efforts to
promote democracy and the sovereignty of the Central Asian republics.
Kazakhstan values its national independence and chooses its own
partners. Kazakhstan is in no one's sphere of influence. If confirmed,
I will draw on my many years of experience in the region to work with
the Government of Kazakhstan and to reach out to the people of
Kazakhstan to ensure that the already strong United States-Kazakhstan
partnership continues to grow and strengthen. Kazakhstan is an
important country with a promising future.
Thank you. I look forward to your questions.
Senator Kerry. Thank you very much, Ambassador.
Ambassador LeBaron.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOSEPH EVAN LeBARON, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR
TO THE STATE OF QATAR
Ambassador LeBaron. Mr. Chairman, members of the committee,
it is a great privilege to appear before you today as the
President's nominee to serve as United States ambassador to the
state of Qatar. I am grateful to President Bush and Secretary
Rice for the confidence they have placed in me.
Unfortunately, my wife, Ellie, and my daughter, Petra,
could not be here today. They are in Indiana right now, where
my daughter is finishing her final exams at Indiana University
in Bloomington. [Laughter.]
Senator Kerry. Is she registered?
Ambassador LeBaron. Hope so. I have been involved in the
Middle East for over 35 years. That includes serving as
ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Mauritania during that
country's historic transition to free and fair elections.
Confirmation by the Senate as United States ambassador to Qatar
would be a special honor for me because I began my diplomatic
career there. It was my first assignment.
Qatar is a strategically located country right in the
middle of the Gulf. We have many interests there. There are
nearly 10,000 private United States citizens living in Qatar,
and 200 more arrive every month. They are business
representatives, their families, military contractors,
university faculty, and medical professionals.
There is a large United States military presence in Qatar,
a presence deeply valued by both countries. This presence is
enormously important. It plays a pivotal regional role in our
efforts to stabilize Iraq, Afghanistan, and the Horn of Africa.
Qatar's natural gas reserves, they are the third largest in
the world after Russia and Iran. United States energy companies
already have invested over $40 billion in Qatar's oil and gas
sectors.
Qatar is the world's largest exporter of liquid natural
gas, LNG. And Qatar will become one of the largest suppliers of
LNG next year to the United States, when a large LNG terminal
in southwest Texas is completed.
There are huge business opportunities in Qatar. Over the
next 5 years, Qatar plans to spend billions of dollars on
domestic infrastructure projects. If confirmed as ambassador, I
will work closely with our Foreign Commercial Service to advise
United States companies on business opportunities in Qatar and
to advocate for United States companies.
Qatar is the home of Al Jazeera, the influential satellite
news service that broadcasts around the clock to the Middle
East, North Africa, and elsewhere. Qatar can play a major role
in helping us tell America's story to the millions of Arabs and
Muslims who watch Al Jazeera.
Qatar has been a friend to the United States. In 2006,
Qatar provided over $70 million to help the victims of
Hurricane Katrina. The aid included a $17 million grant to
Xavier University, the only historical black Catholic
university in the United States.
Back at home in Qatar, Qatar is engaged in several
important reforms, and we are helping. It is overhauling its
primary and secondary educational system along a U.S. model. At
the university level, Qatar has imported not just the United
States model, but the United States universities themselves.
There are now several well-known United States universities
with branch campuses in Qatar. They include Georgetown,
Carnegie-Mellon, Texas A&M, Virginia Commonwealth,
Northwestern, and Cornell's medical school. And we think more
will come.
There is also some good news on Qatar's political
development. Qatar has held successful elections three times
for seats on the country's central municipal council, an
important institution. And there are plans to hold elections
for a national parliament, with the United States assisting
through the Middle East partnership initiative.
Amid all of this growth and development and good news,
there are challenges, however. For example, there are hundreds
of thousands of foreign workers in Qatar who too often live in
poor conditions. They have few avenues of redress in employment
disputes. If confirmed, I will continue the sharp focus of the
United States on the plight of these workers.
Another example, Qatar has a highly activist foreign policy
that often involves issues of direct concern to the United
States Government, issues such as Iran, Iraq, the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict, Lebanon, and Sudan. This regional
activism sometimes requires intense diplomatic effort by the
United States to ensure that Qatari and United States interests
and approaches are compatible.
That said, Israeli foreign minister Livni just paid an
important official visit to Qatar just a few days ago. It was
her first visit to an Arab state beyond Egypt and Jordan. Also,
Israel has a trade office in Doha. The United States has been
urging Arab States to take actions exactly such as these to
improve Israeli-Arab ties and to further the peace process.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, if confirmed by the
Senate, I look forward to working closely with you, with the
Congress to strengthen the partnership and to deepen the trust
between Qatar and the United States.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador LeBaron follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Joseph Evan LeBaron, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the State of Qatar
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a great privilege
to appear before you today as the President's nominee to serve as
United States Ambassador to the state of Qatar. I am honored by the
confidence that President Bush and Secretary Rice have placed in me.
If confirmed by the Senate, I look forward to working with this
committee, and with other Members of Congress, to strengthen the
partnership between the United States and the state of Qatar and to
advance the strategic objectives of the United States in the Gulf and
in the broader Arab and Islamic worlds.
I began my diplomatic career in Qatar. I am thrilled that, if
confirmed, I will be returning there as ambassador. I have been
involved in Middle Eastern affairs for over 35 years, including serving
as United States ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Mauritania in
2003-2006, during Mauritania's historic transition to free and fair
elections. To serve now as the United States ambassador to the state of
Qatar would be a special honor. If confirmed, I will do my utmost to
forge personal and governmental ties with the Qatari people and with
the Qatari Government in order to deepen the trust between our two
countries and to expand the security and prosperity of our two
countries.
The country to which my wife and I would return looks very
different from the place we left over 25 years ago. What was once a
quiet corner of the Middle East is now a thriving and cosmopolitan
society. It is one of the wealthiest countries in the world.
It is also a place where the United States has many interests. Over
9,000 private United States citizens now live in Qatar, and our embassy
estimates that 200 more arrive each month. They include business
representatives and their families, military contractors, university
faculty, and medical professionals.
This large influx of Americans has created a sharp increase in the
demand for American Citizen Services last year--it was up nearly 30
percent last year. The demand for visa services rose 70 percent between
2006 and 2007, and it is continuing to increase at a similar pace this
year. Everywhere I look in the relationship between Qatar and the
United States, there is growth. From the burgeoning trade relationship,
the new direct air service between Qatar and the United States, to the
increase in American tourists to Qatar and the growing enrollments at
United States universities.
If confirmed as ambassador, I will work to ensure this growth
continues, that the United States mission continues to meet the needs
of our citizens in Qatar and to encourage Qataris and Qatar's many
foreign residents to travel, study, and invest in America.
There is, as well, a large United States military presence in
Qatar, one that plays a critical role in our efforts to bring stability
to Iraq, Afghanistan, and the Horn of Africa, and to confront al-Qaeda
and its associated networks in the region. The United states-Qatari
military relationship is extremely strong, deeply valued by both.
Qatar's Al Udayd Air Base hosts the United States Air Force's 379th Air
Expeditionary Wing as well as the Combined Air Operations Center. Over
a billion dollars in construction projects is either planned or already
underway at Al Udayd. More than 70 percent of that money comes from the
Qatari Government.
The U.S. mission plays an important role in advancing U.S. regional
policy goals through the Gulf Security Dialog, and its interconnecting
pillars on regional security, Iraq, defense cooperation,
counterterrorism, counterproliferation, and critical energy
infrastructure protection.
Qatar hosts important United States military facilities, the
CENTCOM Forward Headquarters, al-Udayd air base, and CENTCOM's Combined
Air Operations Center. These bases are critical for United States
military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. The U.S. Mission plays a
vital role in coordinating this relationship. The mission also
participates in the planning for further development of U.S.
installations through the Military Cooperative Committee. It is in
daily contact with Qatar's armed forces. It consults frequently with
senior U.S. military and civilian officials, as well as with visiting
Members of Congress.
United States strategic interests in Qatar include Qatar's critical
and growing role in United States energy security. United States energy
companies have invested over $40 billion in Qatar's oil and gas
sectors. Qatar's natural gas reserves are the third largest in the
world, after Russia and Iran. Qatar is already the world's largest
exporter of liquefied natural gas. When the Golden Pass LNG terminal in
southwest Texas is completed in 2009, Qatar will become one of the
largest suppliers of imported LNG to our country, if not the largest.
The income Qatar derives from oil and gas exports is very large,
especially given the small size of Qatar's native population, just
200,000 in a total population of about 1 million. Over the next 5
years, the Qatari Government plans to spend billions of dollars on
domestic infrastructure projects. Even with all that spending, the
Qatari Government projects annual national budget surpluses in the tens
of billions of dollars starting in 2010, as production from its gas
fields increases.
Clearly, Qatar presents immense opportunities for American
businesses and investors. If confirmed as ambassador, working closely
with Commerce Department and State Department offices, I will advocate
aggressively for United States bidders on major Qatari Government
tenders. I will work closely with the embassy's Commercial Service
office to advise United States companies on developing business
opportunities in Qatar and I will lead trade missions to the United
States. I will support the U.S. defense industry, as appropriate, in
the context of advancing our Nation's security objectives. Qatar's
wealth also creates many opportunities for direct inward investment to
the United States. If confirmed as ambassador, I will have a special
responsibility to ensure that the United States is an attractive
destination for Qatari investment, both private and official.
In addition to its importance in military, energy, and commercial
affairs, Qatar can play a pivotal role in helping the United States
tell its story to the Arab and Muslim world. Qatar is the home of the
Al Jazeera satellite television network, which broadcasts around-the-
clock in Arabic and English. If confirmed as ambassador, I intend to
work closely not only with the Qatari media, but also with Al Jazeera
to strengthen understanding of the United States and our policies among
the millions of Arabs in Al Jazeera's audience.
Transnational terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction remain at the forefront of United States concerns in the
Middle East. Qatar's strategic location and its plans to become a major
transit point for people and cargo in the Middle East, Asia, and Africa
will further increase the need for the United States to strengthen
United States-Qatar collaboration on counterterrorism and
counterproliferation efforts, including law enforcement and judicial
cooperation, information sharing, and training.
In the area of democratization and education, Qatar is using its
wealth wisely by investing in important reforms. Qatar is completely
overhauling its primary and secondary schools along a United States
model of competitive charter schools. At the university level, Qatar
has imported not just the American model, but the United States
universities themselves. There are six well-known United States
universities with branch campuses in Qatar: Georgetown, Carnegie-
Mellon, Texas A&M, Virginia Commonwealth, Weill-Cornell Medical School,
and Northwestern. Even more will come.
Qatar has been a friend of the United States. In 2006, Qatar
provided $100 million to help the victims of Hurricane Katrina. The aid
included a $17.5 million grant to Xavier University, the only
historically black Catholic university in the United States.
In terms of Qatar's political development, there is also good news
to report. Qatar has held successful elections three times for seats on
the country's Central Municipal Council. There are plans to hold
elections for a national parliament. The United States is assisting
this important development. Through technical training under the Middle
East Partnership Initiative, Qatar will be able to strengthen this
elected legislative body. Transparency International favorably ranks
Qatar in terms of perceived corruption, listing it as 32nd in a global
ranking of 179 countries. That's the best ranking in the entire Arab
Middle East and North Africa. The United States is 20th.
Amid all this growth and development and good news, there are
challenges, of course. Freedom House continued to list Qatar as Not
Free in its 2007 report, in terms of political rights and civil
liberties. The latest State Department Human Rights Report also
highlighted those issues, adding that legal and cultural discrimination
against women limited their full participation in society. Moreover,
hundreds of thousands of foreign workers in Qatar too often live in
poor conditions, and have few avenues of redress in employment
disputes, the report noted. If confirmed, I will continue the deep
engagement by the United States with the Government of Qatar on
developing and implementing solutions to these problems.
Qatar has a highly activist foreign policy, often on issues of
direct concern to the United States Government, including Iran, Iraq,
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Lebanon, and Sudan. This often
requires intense diplomatic efforts by the United States Government to
ensure that Qatari and United States interests and approaches are
compatible. That said, Qatar is unique among its neighbors in that
Qatar maintains a public relationship with Israel; Israel maintains a
trade office there, and Israeli FM Livni recently participated publicly
in a conference in Doha. We welcome this important engagement. The
United States has been urging Gulf states to take actions exactly such
as these to improve Isareli-Arab ties and to further the peace process.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an exciting time
to be in Qatar. It is an important time. Qatar is opening up. It is on
the move. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with the
Congress to strengthen the partnership, and to deepen the trust between
Qatar and the United States of America.
Thank you.
Senator Kerry. Thank you very much.
Again, let me just to repeat that there is a tremendous
amount of experience at the table in all of you, and we
appreciate that.
I think perhaps, Ambassador Hoagland, interestingly, you
have perhaps the most time in place in a sense. Others have
been in other places and other parts of the world, but I think
your background in that region is particularly helpful and
important in understanding what is happening there.
Let me begin, if I can, with you, Ambassador LeBaron, since
you just wrapped up and just sequentially flows that way. But
what is your view of the current level of support? We have
heard consistently about some of the elite circles within Qatar
supporting al-Qaeda and some money going to Hamas, et cetera.
Can you share with us your perception of that and how that
might or might not complicate the relationship?
Ambassador LeBaron. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
We have seen those reports. We are concerned about those
reports. The Qatari Government has denied providing that
financial support to Hamas. It is certainly a subject of great
concern to us.
There is overt political relationship between Qatar, the
Government of Qatar and Hamas, clearly. But the full extent of
that relationship, all of the dimensions of it are not fully
clear to us.
If I am confirmed, I certainly will take this up with the
Government of Qatar and present the point that with great
wealth comes great responsibility. And is it responsible the
positions, the policies that they have adopted in relation to
Hamas? I would like to explore that. I would like to hear how
they explain it, what their rationale is, and to express the
very deep concern that the United States has and to carry on
that dialog.
Senator Kerry. Is it your judgment that we have sufficient
initiatives in place now to protect against currency export/
import?
Ambassador LeBaron. They are being put in place. Certainly
there is a high level of United States Government engagement
with Qatar on this very subject, and there has been a response,
a positive response by the Government of Qatar. So I am
encouraged by this. I think that it can be better. I think it
will be better, but it----
Senator Kerry. I hope you would take, when you get on the
ground there, a hard initial look at that and convey our
concern, the Congress and the committee's concern with respect
to that issue. Because, clearly, there is a lot of money
flowing in the region to Hamas, Hezbollah, to al-Qaeda, et
cetera. And in a sense, perhaps our most effective tool is the
finance structure in terms of really having an impact.
Ambassador LeBaron. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. That would be great.
Mr. Cunningham and Mr. Beecroft, you kind of--you are
coming, Mr. Beecroft, from the role of executive assistant to
the Secretary, and obviously, she has enormous confidence and
trust in you. And Mr. Cunningham, from Hong Kong and from a
series of places that other than the U.N. are not sort of
directly Israel-centric or Mideast-centric.
So, share with us, is this an effort in both of your parts,
is there a portfolio that you are carrying specific to the
talks in the next months, and if so, do you have some specific
expectations with respect to your roles in those talks? Why
don't you begin, Mr. Cunningham?
Ambassador Cunningham. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I think the attributes that I bring to this enterprise are
not just my experience in New York, but the way I was--the way
I used my time in New York to learn about the dynamics of the
region. And when you are negotiating under difficult
circumstances with strongly contrasting parties, you have a
chance to see where their core interests lie and to understand
better how they view their problems and their challenges.
And I was continually impressed, for instance, during my
time there with the sensitivities that Israel, quite correctly,
places on its security interests and its need to defend itself.
Senator Kerry. Did you travel there? Did you get a chance
to meet any of the current leaders?
Ambassador Cunningham. I did not meet the current leaders.
I have met some of the previous leaders.
Senator Kerry. In New York or----
Ambassador Cunningham. In New York, not in the region. I
met the foreign minister, for instance, who came to--came to
meet with us. We had mounted a major effort to get Israel
introduced into the Western group in the U.N., which seems like
a simple thing but actually required engagement at the
presidential level to get it done.
What I hope to do over the next 6 months, if confirmed, is
to help the Secretary and the President understand as clearly
as possible what is happening within Israel and their concerns
as we go through this process. The Secretary keeps talking
about the difficult decisions that will have to be made, and
they are difficult, and we will need to have the best
understanding possible of what the calculus is that goes into
making those decisions.
And as I have said in my statement, I have worked in my
career in a number of areas where things have been very
difficult and reconciling different interests has been
difficult, and I hope I can help in that regard.
Senator Kerry. Mr. Beecroft.
Mr. Beecroft. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me start by saying I spent 3 years in the Near Eastern
Affairs Bureau at the State Department, working closely with
Ambassador Cunningham when he was up in New York on the full
range of Middle Eastern issues, particularly Iraq. This was
trying to keep sanctions in place and make them effective.
I have also served in Damascus and in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia,
for a number of years. And in addition to that, my
responsibilities with Deputy Secretary Armitage and with
Secretary Powell and Secretary Rice have been, first and
foremost, to keep an eye on the Middle East, coordinate with
the bureaus and the interagency, and travel to the countries
with those individuals to meet with the foreign leaders and
meet with them back here in Washington.
So I believe I do have some experience in the region, and I
look forward to applying it and carrying out what the
administration and this committee would like to see done there
across the range of issues.
Senator Kerry. Mr. Cunningham, currently Prime Minister
Olmert is expressing the hope that what they might be able to
achieve is sort of a broad outline of principles with respect
to the Palestinian Authority. We met this past week with
President Abbas, who was here, who, on the contrary, hopes that
there is going to be quite a detailed and specific statement
with respect to what is achieved.
Where are we in sort of bringing that together, in your
judgment, and how do you see that, if you do, coming together?
How do we bring such a diverging view of what the expectations
are to a mutual understanding?
Ambassador Cunningham. I think what we do is push forward
or help the parties push forward as far and as quickly as they
can to sort out the issues between them and to highlight the
decisions that need to be made. I understand what you are
saying about President Olmert. I think that we need to remember
that we are not just dealing with a document. We are dealing
with a process that has different facets.
And I don't think anybody can predict that this--at this
stage how far down the path that we have opened up at Annapolis
we will be able to go. We have the bilateral negotiation
component of that, but we also have the building capacity
component for the Palestinian Authority, the security
component.
We have the push underway to identify progress under the
roadmap and to monitor what is being achieved in implementing
the roadmap on both sides. And we have, very importantly, a
regional context that we are trying to build to broaden support
for a successful solution, however far we can get in the region
among Israel's Arab neighbors and countries in the Gulf.
So there is much more involved here than what comes out in
terms of a document or an agreement, although that is obviously
very important. These other efforts should flow into supporting
a maximal outcome on terms of an agreement that we can get in
this period.
Senator Kerry. Well, obviously, we wish you well with that.
It is tricky, especially given the timeframe. I think the
politics may be difficult.
Just a last question before my time is up. Ambassador
Hoagland--well, let me just say, I want to welcome, the Kazakh
ambassador Idrissov is here. I am delighted to welcome him to
this hearing.
Mr. Hoagland, can you just very quickly sort of share with
the committee where Kazakhstan is right now with respect to the
keeping of its commitments made in 2007 in terms of assuming
the leadership of the security and cooperation?
Ambassador Hoagland. Yes, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. I am talking about the democratization,
human rights commitments.
Ambassador Hoagland. Right. With very intense negotiations,
with a lot of help from European partners, with some forward
thinking by the leadership of Kazakhstan, there was agreement
reached that Kazakhstan would have four commitments, four
primary commitments in moving forward toward its chairman in
office for OSCE for 2010.
Those included electoral law reform, media law reform,
liberalizing political party registration, continuing to refine
the system of local governance, and another one that is very
important also, a commitment to preserve OSCE's Office for
Democratic Institutions and Human Rights and its current
mandate and oppose any attempt to weaken it.
Work is moving forward in all of these. For example, on
reforming the media law, working groups have just been
established to put together public input from journalists, from
civil society, from the government for the reforms that will be
needed and that should be implemented before the end of 2008.
The process is underway.
Certainly, if confirmed, I would very much look forward to
working closely with the government and with civil society to
move this process toward a successful completion.
Senator Kerry. Thank you very much for that.
And before I recognize Senator Coleman, pro forma question
that we need to ask everybody. Does anybody here--and I would
like just an affirmation for the record--have any issue which
might present a conflict of interest in the performance of your
responsibilities as an ambassador to the place you have been
named?
Ambassador LeBaron.
Ambassador LeBaron. I have no such conflict, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. Ambassador Hoagland.
Ambassador Hoagland. I have no conflict of interest, sir.
Senator Kerry. Mr. Cunningham.
Ambassador Cunningham. None.
Senator Kerry. Mr. Beecroft.
Mr. Beecroft. No, sir.
Senator Kerry. And is there any issue from which any of you
would see that you would have to recuse yourself with respect
to any deliberations in any of those countries? Ambassador
LeBaron.
Ambassador LeBaron. No, sir.
Senator Kerry. Hoagland.
Ambassador Hoagland. I have been told by the Office of
Legal Ethics that I need to divest myself of Microsoft stock
because Microsoft is active in Kazakhstan.
Senator Kerry. Anywhere you go, you have to divest----
[Laughter.]
Senator Kerry. I am sorry, go ahead.
Ambassador Cunningham. No, I don't have any conflict of
interest.
Mr. Beecroft. No, sir.
Senator Kerry. Well, thank you all very much. I appreciate
it.
Senator Coleman.
Senator Coleman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Cunningham, I appreciate the opportunity I had
to meet with you before this hearing. I did indicate at that
time some concern about the relatively light background in
Israeli or Arab affairs. And certainly your understanding of
the diplomatic process at a time that we are engaged in very
sensitive negotiations, I think, is important, and we really
can't afford not to have an ambassador to Israel. And so, you
are going to be there, assuming you are confirmed, at a very
important time.
Let me throw out a question, and it probably can be touched
upon by Mr. Cunningham and actually Mr. LeBaron and Mr.
Beecroft. It is about Hamas.
On the one hand, there is a concern about the Qatar
relationship with Hamas. Hamas right now presents one of the
greatest kind of challenges and obstacles. We have met with
President Abbas earlier this week, and the battle is between
extremism and moderation, and Hamas represents the extremism.
And if I could just get kind of a sense from all three--and
obviously, the Jordanians have such a critical role. They have
a stake in the forces of moderation prevailing over extremism.
So if I could, Ambassador Beecroft, in terms of the Jordanians,
do they have any role, can they be helpful in supporting forces
of moderation in the Palestinian areas and lessening the
influence of Hamas?
Mr. Beecroft. Thank you, Senator Coleman.
Yes, I believe they are actively playing a role that is
helpful and that is encouraging moderation, tolerance, and
lessening the influence of Hamas. Among other things, Jordan
has just completed training of approximately 400 Palestinian
security forces, Presidential Guard, in Jordan. They have
returned to the West Bank.
They are currently training 600 more, which will be
deployed up in the north--the hope is near between Nablus and
Jenin--in order to take responsibility there that the Israelis
will allow them to take. This has been carefully coordinated
with Israel and, of course, with the Palestinians.
In addition to that, they are providing things like
electricity to build stability on the West Bank and encourage
President Abbas's government. They are no friend of Hamas. They
have repeatedly made that clear. I think it is a benefit to
Israel to have a country that is stable, secure, and moderate
on its eastern border and one that takes border security very,
very seriously to prevent infiltration of extremists,
terrorists, and/or shipment of arms and that type of thing.
So, yes, I think they are playing an active role. They do
coordinate closely with the Israelis and with the legitimate
Palestinian Government that we recognize.
Senator Coleman. Ambassador LeBaron, I would come to you
and come to Ambassador Cunningham last on this question.
Doesn't the folks in Qatar see the negative influence of Hamas
in the region? I am concerned about their relationship with
Iran. What can we do, what can we expect of them, and is there
anything that we can do to influence them at this very kind of
delicate time in the peace process?
Ambassador LeBaron. Qatar has followed for some time now an
activist foreign policy in which they have relationships with
both the moderates and the extremists across the Arab world to
include North Africa. This seems to be a deeply engrained
principle in their current foreign policy.
By that, I mean clearly they have an overt relationship
with Hamas at a time that the United States Government properly
is trying to isolate Hamas. At the same time, Qatar has opened
relationship, a continuing relationship with Israel and has
welcomed visits by the foreign minister, as we have just seen.
As I understand it, sitting here in Washington preparing,
if confirmed, to go to Qatar, this is part of a general
principle in their approach toward the region in its entirety
to include an open relationship with Iran. So is there more
that we can do? Yes.
In recent weeks, there have been a series of higher and
higher visits by top United States officials to the Gulf to
include Qatar. At every one of those visits, this concern by
the United States is expressed. I think this introduces
pressure to take another look by the Qataris at their principle
of an open set of relationships across the region with
extremists that actually work against development in the
region, that work against progress to include the peace between
Arab and Israelis.
You know, the Qataris participated in Annapolis, too. They
have implicitly recognized the right of Israel to exist through
a recognition of the two-State principle, which they have
adopted. So I think that there is a chance, there is an
opportunity to press this point with the Qataris to get them to
reassess and to change and to join us in a more effective
approach to the region, one that promotes not extremism, but
moderation. One that promotes development and not sort of a
return to conflict and violence.
Senator Coleman. Ambassador Cunningham, when President
Abbas was here last week and visiting with Members of the
Senate, he was very critical of President Carter's visit and
discussion with Hamas, very critical. And made the point that
it really--I think his comment was something to the effect of
President Carter is speaking to Hamas, and Hamas thinks the
current President is going to call next, that somehow this is a
step of some kind of recognition, and he made it clear it
undermined his efforts.
So I presume we are not going to be talking to Hamas. What
can we do to kind of stop them from tossing rockets into Israel
on a regular basis? Is there something we can do that we are
not doing?
And not, by the way, just vis-a-vis our relationship with
Israel, but since you are going to be in the region, are there
any of the other Arab neighbors that we can lean on to play a
more constructive role in lessening the level of violence so as
to allow a peace process to move forward?
Ambassador Cunningham. First, let me say I don't think
there is much danger of this President picking up the phone and
calling anybody in Hamas. So that is--we have a very clear view
on that.
I don't want to get into the merits of President Carter's
visit. But let me say from a strategy and policy point of view,
it seems to me what all of us who want to have peace--peace in
the region have a common goal and obligation. You put it quite
correctly. We have a conflict here between extremism on one
side and moderation and political responsibility on the other.
We need to find a way to place a premium in the region and
a commitment to moderation and political responsibility and
strengthen the effort to isolate and ultimately wear down,
however we can do that, the extremists. That is the process--
that is part of the process that is underway now after
Annapolis. It will take time and effort to do that.
We can certainly play a part. We have a very active dialog
with the Israelis about how they might enhance their security
from various threats all the way from Iran to local threats
from Hezbollah and from Hamas. We can help them through that.
We can help keep the issue before the political leadership
of the states in the region that are not now playing such a
prominent role. There is a good dialog going on between Egypt,
Israel, and Jordan. But there are other countries in the region
that can and should be playing a role in bringing more and more
pressure to bear on Hamas to make it more and more unrewarding
and unpalatable to engage in the kind of politics and behavior
that they are engaging in.
Senator Coleman. Thank you. I think we could be here all
day pursuing this issue. My time is up, and I yield.
Senator Kerry. Thanks a lot, Senator Coleman.
Senator Lugar.
Senator Lugar. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Let me just respond to Ambassador LeBaron that we were
delighted to have Petra as an intern in this committee during
the summer. She has experience on the committee that perhaps
has been a guide for you as you have prepared for the hearing
today? [Laughter.]
Ambassador LeBaron. I ride on her coattails, Senator.
Senator Lugar. I look forward to being on the campus in
Bloomington this weekend as a commencement speaker for the law
school and perhaps will have an opportunity to see her there.
Ambassador LeBaron. Thank you, sir.
Senator Lugar. I just want to ask Ambassador Hoagland some
questions, first of all, about Turkmenistan. You were most
helpful during our visit in January. During the change of the
presidency in Ashgabat, you have been instrumental in
representing American interests and inviting Americans to visit
the country. I appreciate the time you took with me and helping
me better understand Turkmenistan. I appreciate your assistance
in meeting the President of the country, and leaders in the
energy business that is of tremendous significance.
But first you were serving there as a charge because we
have not had an ambassador in Turkmenistan for quite some time.
And for the moment, we are unlikely to have a nominee. A
nominee was withdrawn for that position, and now you are moving
on to Kazakhstan.
This troubles me and many others because this is a critical
moment in the development of the relations between the new
President and his neighbors, as well as with the United States.
I am hopeful that this will be a promising course. Would you
just state for the record again the importance of having an
ambassador to Turkmenistan at this time?
Ambassador Hoagland. Thank you, Senator. I would be glad to
state that. But first, let me thank you personally for the
effort you made to visit Kazakhstan--Turkmenistan in January.
That was a really important visit. The country is changing
dramatically with its new leadership, and the more that we can
engage at high levels, the stronger our relationship will be.
I think your visit was especially important because of a
cultural factor. You remember the President said that you are a
living legend. He listened very, very closely to you, and we
saw movement on a number of our issues after your visit. So I
thank you for that.
Senator Lugar. Thank you.
Ambassador Hoagland. Of course, I feel it is important that
we should have a confirmed and an accredited ambassador. We
haven't had one since July 2006, and during this crucial period
of change, it is something that we have to have.
Senator Lugar. Let me ask, with regard to Kazakhstan, you
have mentioned the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction
Program. Currently, negotiations are underway with the
government on expanding our efforts there. Astana has been
highly cooperative and made many significant decisions. At the
time of my visit in that country, in January, there was dispute
over a laboratory for dangerous pathogens.
It was a legitimate dispute in which one section of the
government felt that agriculture and health work should not be
conducted in the same building. Some argued that the buildings
should be simply demarcated. Others pointed out that in the
case of a particular pathogen, parts of the building are
designed to hold and annihilate livestock, quite apart from
human beings. The United States disagreed and pointed out that
the plan was working well in other countries. I don't know how
that has been resolved.
But I would just say that there are a number of issues of
this variety in terms of weapons of mass destruction, including
leftovers from the former Soviet Union. And so, I just ask you
to exercise due diligence on these issues as they come forward
from our DTRA program in the Pentagon.
Andy Webber has been a particular emissary, well acquainted
with Kazakhstan and with you. But this is a critical moment and
I would ask for your strong support in this area.
The second question I have is that in January, a very large
conference of six international oil companies was in gridlock
with the Kazakh Government. Essentially, whatever the
justification, the Kazaks felt that even though these six may
have invested estimates of $50 billion onwards up to $100
billion in attempting to extract energy from one of the most
significant areas in the Caspian Sea situation, they had not
been successful thus far. Therefore, income to the Kazakh
Government had not come about.
So the Kazakhs wanted to become a stockholder or an equity
holder in the investment. As a result, profit distributions
would go to the government first before they went to the
stockholders of these six international companies. Essentially,
an agreement along those lines appears to have been reached in
the last week or two.
Can you give us any insight on that negotiation? Likewise,
has there been any decision on where the oil exports will go?
Our hope is that a great deal of that energy supply would move
across the Caspian Sea, even join the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan
pipeline. Can you give any insight as to how that is
proceeding?
Ambassador Hoagland. Thank you, Senator. I would be glad to
do that.
I think if I tried to answer every one of those questions,
we might be here until late in the evening. So let me try to
hit the top of each one, sir.
The negotiations with the consortium. I think when you have
a number, in this case six plus one, of 800-pound gorillas
fighting for the same bed, the game is going to get pretty
rough sometimes. That doesn't mean that they can't work out the
problems. One of the problems in that particular negotiation
was that the lead for the consortium was not meeting its
responsibilities. And so, Kazakhstan had legitimate concerns
over that.
I know a number of the companies that are--leaders of the
companies that are involved in this, and they are working
towards a satisfactory conclusion. Kazakhstan, like many other
countries, is concerned about the future of its national wealth
in the ground. Some people talk about resource nationalism
sometimes. There has been a new law passed for subsoil
resources in Kazakhstan.
But one thing that is terribly important, I think, is the
commitment that President Nazarbayev has given to the companies
already active, including the U.S. companies, that that will
not be applied retroactively. If confirmed, of course, as
ambassador, it would be my responsibility, one of my highest
responsibilities to protect the interests and property of the
United States citizens and to advocate in any way appropriate
for their business interests.
You also asked--let me answer this very briefly--about
getting the oil out because oil is--right now Kazakhstan is
producing 1.48 million barrels per day, and that is going to
rise very quickly in the coming years. Almost all oil has to go
out through Russia right now. They are not going to be able to
get it out.
Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan have recently signed an
intergovernment agreement, if I am not mistaken, and that will
help in barging in the first instance oil across to the BTC,
Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline, possibly also through Supsa to
Batumi. That work is underway. I would look forward to also
being deeply engaged in that, if confirmed.
Senator Lugar. Thank you very much. And I hope, as
appropriate, you can report back to this committee from time to
time how it goes. This is of critical importance in several
areas, including our energy committee as well as our foreign
relations effort.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. Thank you, Senator Lugar.
Senator Lugar, I want you to know that as you were being
praised by Ambassador Hoagland, both Senator Coleman and I
shared the incredibly heavy thought of how much better it is to
be a living legend than the alternative. [Laughter.]
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. Senator Voinovich.
Senator Voinovich Thank you.
Mr. Hoagland, I am really pleased that you understand the
responsibility that Kazakhstan has in terms of being the
minister in charge of the OSCE, and you are familiar with how
important it is that we continue to support ODIHR and those
tolerance and nondiscrimination offices on the core budget.
And any information that you could get back to me on what
the status is in replacing Christian Strohal, who is now head
of ODIHR, I would appreciate it, because it is really important
that Kazakhstan and everyone understand how important that
person is to the future in terms of the responsibilities of
ODIHR.
If you have any recent information on that, I would like to
have it because we are really trying to figure out who is the
best person. To my knowledge, right now, our Government is not
pushing anybody for that role. But I really think it is
important that we do have a role in making sure that we get the
right person there.
Ambassador Hoagland. Senator, I agree with you. The OSCE
plays an important role throughout the entire region. It has
played an important role throughout the entire region. Many of
its most important functions are under attack. For the specific
question you asked, I am sorry, I don't have that precise
information. But I would be glad to take the question, sir, and
get the information to you.
Senator Voinovich I would really appreciate that.
And Mr. LeBaron.
Ambassador LeBaron. Yes, sir.
Senator Voinovich On Qatar and the Gulf Cooperation
Council, it is good news that Israel is starting to have a
relationship with Qatar, and I suspect that you will be
meeting, periodically, with your counterparts on the council.
It seems to me that the better the relationship that can be
developed between that council and Israel, the better off
everyone is going to be.
I think their involvement in pushing the two-State
solution, their concern about a mutual enemy right now of Iran
I think is really important that that be as developed as much
as it possibly can.
Ambassador LeBaron. Yes, sir.
Senator Voinovich Mr. Cunningham, what role are you going
to play? Let me just be candid with you.
We have got 7 months--maybe--left of this administration
working on a ``two-state'' solution. I would like to know what
has the Secretary of State has told you about what role, if
any, you are going to play in the two-state solution or the
immediate problem of trying to reconcile the differences of the
border dispute with Gaza, or working things out somehow with
the Hamas problem, which is fundamental to moving forward with
even the contours of a two-state solution.
Ambassador Cunningham. Senator, I spoke to the Secretary
yesterday morning, as a matter of fact. And she made very clear
to me that she believes several things. The parties on both
sides of the dispute in Israel and the Palestinian Authority do
want to make progress and do want to get ahead and do want to
establish the maximum amount of agreement that they can over
the next 7, 8 months, however much time there is.
She also said that they understand, as she believes, that
time is not on their side, that there is a process and an
energy and an urgency now to making progress, although, as I
said in my statement, nobody underestimates the difficulties of
dealing with these very complex and long-enduring issues.
What she wants me to do, if I am confirmed, is she wants me
to help her have the best understanding of the dynamics in the
region from Israel's point of view, of Israel's concerns about
its security, to have me build the strongest possible security
and political relationship that we can have with Israel.
Because at the end of the day, it is confidence in that
relationship that helps Israeli leaders take the kinds of
decisions or even examine the kinds of decisions that they are
going to be looking at over the next couple of months.
I think she would also want and expect me to be conveying
as clearly I can and as I can help to do to all sectors of
Israeli society what our views are about the situation in the
Middle East and what it is that we are trying to do to help the
parties in the Middle East who want to have peace, a peaceful
and a stable relationship.
Senator Voinovich Well, I have to be candid, Mr. Chairman.
I have some real problems with that. I just finished a book by
Aaron Miller called ``A Much Too Promised Land.'' I don't know
if you have read it or not. If you look at where we have been
successful in some of our initiatives there, it takes a unique
set of circumstances.
I just wonder, you are going to come in there without
really any background. It takes a while to figure out who the
players are and get at it. And it seems to me that if we are
going to make the kind of progress we would like to make there,
it is almost going to take a full-time effort on the part of
the Secretary of State. We have got Mr. Welch involved and we
have Abrams at NSC. We have Secretary Rice, and Mr. Chairman,
you have got three generals over there.
From an organizational point of view, it doesn't look like
it could be that successful. And I am really concerned that
with this short amount of time, whether or not you will be able
to fulfill the role that the Secretary wants you to play there.
Would you like to comment on that?
Ambassador Cunningham. Well, I never said it was going to
be easy. I don't think anybody expects that any aspect of this
is going to be easy. But the individuals that you have
mentioned are really focused on all aspects of the process from
now through the next several months. And as I said earlier,
there are four major different paths that we are trying to
bring together.
You commented on the organizational aspect of this. Elliott
Abrams, David Welch have been working on these issues
intensively for quite some time, as has the Secretary herself
been, and Ambassador Negroponte, who I just saw today. They are
focused and determined on bringing the maximum effort that we
can muster to make as much progress as possible over the next
couple months, both in the region and directly to the extent
that we can be helpful in the bilateral negotiations.
I understand your assessment that this is going to be quite
difficult. But it is a time and a place where there is an
opportunity, and I think we owe it to our friends and to
ourself to try to make the most of it.
Senator Voinovich Well, I would really like to get more
information about the role you are going to play. Because from
an organizational perspective, it takes a while to get the
nuances of what is going on and meeting the people, and you are
dealing with some tough individuals. How to handle them and
what to do is going to be very, very important to our success
there. Frankly, I would rather not know that you are the one
that is going to be out in front, that somebody else is doing
it and maybe you are a backup or have some other role to play.
So I am very interested in finding out just exactly what
that portfoliois ? What do they expect to do? I would also like
to know who is on the team, how are they going to get this, who
is in charge, and how they are going to work this out?
But right now, it looks to me like we have got too many
people over there doing too many things, and I am concerned
about the coordination of that effort, if we expect to get
anything done in a very short time between now and the next
administration. For those of you in the State Department here,
I want you to know that I would like to have that information,
and I am sure maybe the chairman would be also interested in
the same thing.
Senator Kerry. Well, I was going to say we are going to
leave the record open for 3 days. We do want to try, depending
on obviously the sentiment of the committee, Senator, to move
the nominations, absent some fundamental opposition to them.
But you certainly deserve an answer to that question, and we
will leave the record open for 3 days. And I am confident that
they will comply and get that to you.
Senator Voinovich Thank you very much. And please don't get
me wrong here, you have got a great background. I am just
worried about the time we have left and the challenge that is
there.
Ambassador Cunningham. I appreciate that, and I assure you,
I am, too. And my colleagues are as well. And I hope we can
give you an answer that will alleviate some of your concerns.
Senator Voinovich Thank you.
Senator Kerry. Mr. Cunningham, just a last question, if I
can? I think we have sort of reached a point where a lot of the
questions--I mean, we could go on asking about the policies ad
infinitum, and I would love to. But I think that in terms of
the committee's purpose here that that will not serve a lot.
And I think if we get to some tough places, as is usual,
since you haven't been there yet and you are not yet confirmed
and you are not in place, we are going to learn that you need
to get there to find out so you could answer the question. So
that is the circular nature of these proceedings.
But if I can ask you, Mr. Cunningham, what is your view
with respect to the chatter about Israel's back channel efforts
right now that are taking place with respect to Syria? And if
you would comment on whether or not this administration--my
hope would be the administration is not going to get in the way
of those or object to them or somehow indicate displeasure with
respect to them.
And I wonder what your take is? If you can--if you have had
some communication directly about that, or can you share with
us your view of this?
Ambassador Cunningham. Thank you, Senator.
There are obviously signals going back and forth, as you
all have seen in the press and in the regional press about
messages being transmitted about interest in some kind of talk,
reopening the Syria discussion. I think our view is we don't
think that is a particularly promising angle to pursue under
present circumstances. But I don't think that we have--let me
rephrase that, if peace is possible, if progress on peace is
possible, that would be--that would be something to be
welcomed.
But as a practical matter and given the amount of
difficulty that Syria is causing on some very important issues
throughout the region, I don't think that we think that it is
particularly promising right now.
Senator Kerry. But the administration's interest has been
quite to the contrary, not to talk is an actual part of our
policy. And if Israel is undertaking something that runs
counter to that, my question is are we going to register
displeasure? Are we going to try to stand in the way of it, or
are we going to give full opportunity for them to pursue what
they think is in their interest?
Ambassador Cunningham. I am not privy to the considerations
at that level, either in Israel, obviously, or privy to what
they may have told us at the highest level, and that would be a
conversation to be held at very high level.
I think that the prospect of opening a discussion with
Syria would have another difficulty attached to it, which is
that Israel now has its attention focused on, as the Senator
said, on its process with the Palestinians in the region.
Opening up another front for negotiation, as it were, might
prove difficult, both for the current negotiations and for an
establishment trying to deal with some very difficult problems
already on the table.
We have--you are quite right. We have taken the position
that it is not very useful right now for us to be talking to
Syria. They know the issues that they need to address that are
of concern to us, particularly in Lebanon, their relationship
with Iran, their relationship with Hezbollah, and other things
that they know are of great concern to us.
If the time comes to have a discussion, I think it is clear
what the issues will be, but we don't think that right now it
is promising.
Senator Kerry. Thank you.
Mr. Beecroft, am I correct that this good-looking young
family back here belongs to you or----
Mr. Beecroft. I know it seems improbable. But, yes, they
do, sir.
Senator Kerry. No, on the contrary. Well, we want to thank
them for being here. They have been attentive.
And let me say to all of your families that we really do
appreciate what they put up with in the course of all of this.
There are long hours, a lot of absences in some cases, and
sometimes some hardship. So we really respect that and
appreciate it, and we thank all of you for coming today and
being part of this process.
So the record will stay open for these 3 days. I don't
anticipate a lot of questions, but whatever will be submitted
we will get to you right away. And thank you, and we wish you
well and look forward to personal updates maybe somewhere along
the road.
We stand adjourned. Thank you.
[Whereupon, at 4:00 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses of Hon. Joseph Evan LeBaron to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. In the 2007 State Department Trafficking in Persons
Report, Qatar is ranked as a ``Tier 3'' country, ``not fully
comply[ing] with the minimum standards for the elimination of
trafficking and not making significant efforts to do so.'' What has
been the impact on efforts to eliminate trafficking of placing Qatar in
the Tier 3 category? Has this designation prompted the Government of
Qatar to make any significant or notable efforts to comply with
standards to eliminate human trafficking? If confirmed, what actions
will you take to address the problem of human trafficking and to urge
the Government of Qatar to make progress on this issue?
Answer. We remain very concerned about Qatar's record with
trafficking in persons issues. While the Government of Qatar has made
some progress over the last year in referring some trafficking victims
to its shelter and successfully implementing legislation prohibiting
the use of under age camel jockeys, many issues remain. The Government
of Qatar has drafted comprehensive antitrafficking legislation in the
past year, but it has yet to be approved and enacted. Of special
concern to us are foreign laborers, who are subject to Qatar's rigid
sponsorship laws, which effectively leave them at the mercy of their
employers. The Government of Qatar has made some progress on a new law
to change some of the more onerous sponsorship regulations, yet this
also remains in the drafting stage.
If confirmed, I will continue to make trafficking in persons a
priority for the mission, and will actively engage the Government of
Qatar at the highest levels to encourage more tangible progress in
preventing labor exploitation and other forms of human trafficking.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What was the
impact of your actions?
Answer. Identifying the most important actions is easy. They
involved the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, when I was the ambassador
there, 2003-2006.
On August 3, 2005, a coup brought to power a group of military
officers headed by Col. Ely Ould Muhammad Vall. As so many other coup
leaders do, Col. Vall promised to hold elections for a new president at
some undetermined time.
I knew that it was very important to get the coup leaders to take
immediate, concrete steps towards fulfilling that promise. It was one
thing to talk about elections; it was quite another to take tangible
steps toward them.
Three days after the coup, therefore, I pressed Col. Vall to invite
the United Nations to send technical advisors to help Mauritania plan
for and execute free and fair elections, and to set an early, specific
date for them. I kept up the pressure on him throughout August, and,
about 3 weeks later, in late August, he finally agreed to issue the
invitation.
That invitation was critically important, for two reasons. First,
the U.N. does not send such experts unless specifically invited. So
effective planning for elections could not begin until the invitation
was issued.
Mauritania had never held free and fair elections for a president;
presidential succession had always been by coup. It just had to have
the U.N. there, as a first step toward such elections. Second, the
invitation helped lock the coup leaders on a clear path leading toward
free and fair elections. I knew that, once issuing the formal
invitation, it would be hard for them to back away.
In March 2007, Mauritania successfully held an internationally-
observed free and fair election for President, its first since its
independence over 45 years earlier.
Throughout that period, these are the democracy promotion lessons I
learned, in terms of coups:
Quick policy decisions and associated diplomatic action are
vital. So often coup leaders will say they intend to return the
country to democratic rule, or to establish democratic rule.
The U.S. Government must test the coup leaders' stated
intention by pressing them to take immediate steps to achieve
that intention.
Public diplomacy must be an integral part of the U.S.
Government response.
Education and training must be packaged with financial
assistance, with education and training taking precedence.
Despite the best intentions, coup leaders will almost certainly
lack the knowledge and experience necessary to plan, organize,
and conduct complex democratic exercises.
The responsibility within the U.S. Government for
determining appropriate responses and implementing them should
be pushed as far forward, toward the U.S. Embassy and country
team, as possible. The best knowledge of a country's
geopolitical terrain will reside in the field, with embassies
and international organizations.
The ties of the international community to the country must
be leveraged. Well-established international aid organizations
may be ideally positioned to take the lead in assisting
sensitive political and electoral processes.
Coordinated action by the international community is
essential.
In addition to all the actions I took during that first year after
the coup to get Mauritania on the track to democratic elections, I also
seized the opportunity to help set the conditions for a democratically
elected government to take up the highly sensitive and long-festering
issue of Mauritania's legacy of slavery. That is another long story,
but its essence is this: In 2006, I mounted a campaign in the Afro-
Mauritanian community, including those exiled in northern Senegal, to
give the fledgling democratic process in Mauritania a chance. This was
a singular opportunity, I told them, to get a new, democratically
elected Mauritanian Government to take up the issues that had estranged
Afro-Mauritanians from the Arab Moor community for many, many decades.
In the end, significant parts of the Afro-Mauritanian community did get
involved, and the new government has responded, taking several
important steps to improve communal relations, including the return of
Afro-Mauritanian exiles to Mauritania.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Qatar?
What are the most important steps you expect to take--if confirmed--to
promote human rights and democracy in Qatar? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions?
Answer. By regional standards, the status of women in Qatar has
improved, in part due to the influence of active women in positions of
status, such as Sheikha Moza Al-Misned, the wife of the Emir and head
of the education-focused Qatar Foundation. Three separate municipal
elections over the last several years--with full participation by
Qatari women--show that democratization is also proceeding, although
the mission has developed an active training and technical assistance
program to spur further progress.
The related issues of labor exploitation and trafficking in
persons, discussed above, are probably the most pressing concerns we
currently have regarding human rights in Qatar. If confirmed, I will
continue the mission's efforts to encourage progress on these fronts,
specifically the passage and implementation of effective
antitrafficking legislation.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Qatar in advancing
human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. There is a significant constituency in Qatari society and
in the government that hopes for further progress. Energetic recent
press coverage of human rights issues indicates that Qatar is ready to
consider this topic more seriously. Regarding trafficking in persons,
it is my hope that Qatar's Tier 3 ranking will not alienate our
supporters in the government and private sector, but will instead serve
as a spur to action, and I will exert every effort to encourage them to
view it as such.
Question. In your new position, what steps would you take to ensure
that promotion of human rights objectives will be an integral part of
post/bureau activities? If confirmed, what steps will you take to
ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage in human rights
activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded for superior
service?
Answer. The mission has an active program to advance human rights
objectives. Recently, for example, the embassy held a successful press
conference following the release of the annual human rights report that
received significant coverage from local press. If confirmed, I look
forward to continuing the mission's strong focus on human rights.
Specifically, I plan to use the country team forum to ensure that our
human rights objectives are integrated into the activities of all
relevant offices and agencies. The experience I have gained throughout
my career, and especially as Ambassador to Mauritania during that
country's transition to democracy, has taught me that coordinating with
our international partners and continuing our active engagement with
nongovernmental actors--including exchange programs, training, and
assistance--will be critical to successful human rights promotion.
If confirmed, I will make this a priority for all mission staff,
and will encourage all supervisors to include achievements in the field
of human rights promotion in reviews of their employees' performance,
stressing the importance of these activities to advancing overarching
United States objectives in Qatar and the region.
Question. Will you commit to meeting regularly, if confirmed, with
nongovernmental organizations in the United States and in Qatar who are
working to promote human rights?
Answer. If confirmed, I look very much forward to meeting regularly
with nongovernmental organizations in both countries. The mission
actively engages nongovernmental organizations working in the human
rights field, and I will be happy to lead that effort.
______
Responses of Robert Stephen Beecroft to Questions Submitted
by Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. In September 2007, the United States and Jordan signed a
memorandum of understanding on nuclear power stating that the ``two
countries will work together to develop requirements for appropriate
power reactors, fuel service arrangements, civilian training, nuclear
safety, energy technology, and other related areas.'' What is the
current status of these efforts and what assistance has the United
States provided to date?
Answer. We believe Jordan is a reliable partner for peaceful
nuclear energy cooperation. We are confident that Jordan's interest in
nuclear technology is solely for the purpose of peaceful, alternative
energy production. Jordan currently imports 100 percent of its energy
needs, and its vulnerability to world oil prices has strained its
economy recently. We would like to help this valuable ally with its
energy security.
As you note, the United States and Jordan signed a memorandum of
understanding in September 2007, in which Jordan affirmed its
commitment to nonproliferation and to rely on existing international
markets for nuclear fuel services as an alternative to the pursuit of
enrichment and reprocessing. We recently completed negotiations with
Jordan on a Section 123 Agreement to allow United States companies to
export reactors and fuel to Jordan in the context of the highest
safety, security, and nonproliferation standards. The proposed
agreement is currently under review in Washington and Amman. If the
President approves it and authorizes its execution, the Section 123
Agreement with Jordan would be subject to a congressional review period
of 90 days of continuous session before entering into force.
The Department of Energy, through Argonne National Laboratory and
Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, conducted a feasibility study
for Jordan on the introduction of nuclear energy taking into account
the IAEA milestones. The study analyzed Jordan's energy and nuclear
energy goals, reviewed its infrastructure development, including
safeguards and nonproliferation conventions, human resources, and
regulatory framework and provided suggestions for a path forward. The
methodology developed for the Jordan study could prove useful in
conducting feasibility studies in other countries seeking nuclear
power. Jordan also attended a National Nuclear Security Administration
run seminar ``Aspects of Planning and Implementing Effective
Infrastructure for a Nuclear Energy Program'' for countries in North
Africa. We are reviewing other infrastructure-related projects for
possible implementation.
Question. The Bush administration has made a concerted effort to
encourage Arab neighbors of Iraq to support the Maliki government. How
would you characterize the relationship between Jordan and the Maliki
government? What has Jordan done to promote Sunni-Shia reconciliation
in Iraq and to support the Maliki government?
Answer. The United States appreciates Jordan's efforts to help Iraq
become a unified, free, and prosperous nation and Jordan's cooperation
with P.M. Maliki's government. Jordan has helped lead Sunni outreach
efforts in Western Iraq, and King Abdullah has made a number of public
statements in support of Sunni-Shia reconciliation. Jordan has hosted
over 54,000 Iraqi police for training, as well as a limited number of
border, corrections, and counterterrorism personnel. Jordan has
expressed deep concern for humanitarian issues, and it has provided
significant humanitarian aid, set up a field hospital in Fallujah, and
hosts an estimated 450,000-500,000 Iraqis who have been displaced from
their homes. The Government of Jordan is an active participant in the
Expanded Neighbors Process and hosts the Neighbors Working Group on
Refugees. Jordan maintains a limited presence at its embassy in Baghdad
but does not have a resident ambassador. We continue to urge the
Jordanians to return their ambassador to Iraq and to work with them to
achieve the greatest possible support for the people and Government of
Iraq.
______
Responses of Robert Stephen Beecroft to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. Yes, I have read the cable on Peace Corps-State Department
Relations (04 State 258893).
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I agree to abide by the principles set
forth in the cable. We have a robust Peace Corps presence in Jordan,
currently with 55 volunteers in country, and it is important that they
be able to carry out their mission effectively.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps' role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies''?
Answer. Yes, I understand and I accept that the Peace Corps must
remain substantially separate from the day-to-day conduct and concerns
of our Foreign Policy, and the Peace Corps' role and its need for
separation from the day-to-day activities of the mission are not
comparable to those of other U.S. Government agencies.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I pledge to exercise my chief of mission
authorities so as to provide the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and
flexibility in its day-to-day operations as possible, so long as this
does not conflict with U.S. objectives and policies.
______
Responses of Hon. Joseph Evan LeBaron to Questions Submitted
by Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. Based on your past service as Deputy Director of the
Office on Iran and Iraq in the State Department and your prospective
position as United States Ambassador to Qatar, how would you describe
Qatar's relations with Iran? What concerns, if any, do you have about
Qatar's relationship with Iran? How does Qatar view Iran's nuclear
program?
Answer. Qatar maintains an activist foreign policy, and has
relationships with all countries in the region. Many Qataris see Iran
as a regional power with whom they must engage to protect their own
national interest. Qatar also shares the immense North Field natural
gas deposits with Iran.
Regional security, and the destabilizing role Iran is playing, is a
regular topic of our consultations with Qatari officials. A key element
of this is Iran's nuclear program. Although Qatari officials have
supported Iran's right to a peaceful nuclear program, Qatar has also
voted in favor of United Nations sanctions against Iran, specifically
Security Council Resolutions 1737 and 1747 in 2006 and 2007. If I am
confirmed, I will lead the embassy in continuing to engage the Qatari
Government on our concerns about Iran's nuclear ambitions and other
destabilizing actions in the region. Qatar is also sensitive to Iranian
efforts to access the international banking system, and we will
continue our frequent discussions with Qatari financial regulators on
this topic.
Question. You have most recently served as the Foreign Affairs
Advisor to Special Operations Command. Based on this experience and
your prospective service as ambassador to Qatar--a country with a
significant United States military presence how would you characterize
the working relationship between the United States military and the
State Department. What are the major hurdles to improving interagency
cooperation and how do we begin to overcome them?
Answer. Thank you for these questions, which are important and
complex in equal measure. To keep my answer as focused as possible, I
would like to comment on the working relationship overseas in U.S.
embassies, where personnel from State and Defense--and from other
agencies and departments, as well--must work closely and cooperatively
if they are to achieve the goals and objectives of the U.S. Government.
The State-Defense working relationship in U.S. embassies is
generally good, in my opinion. But it can and must be even better,
especially after 9/11. I believe the best way to overcome the major
hurdles to interagency cooperation is for chiefs of mission to
synchronize systemically across the country team their embassy's
programs and activities. That is, led by the chief of mission, country
teams should synchronize the objectives, programs, operations, and
initiatives contained in the various planning documents that exist for
each executive branch agency and department represented on the country
team, military and civilian.
Once those foundation documents are synchronized in an integrated
set of programs and activities, the impact, power, and efficacy of U.S.
foreign policy in the host country should improve dramatically. Metrics
should be developed to determine if that is, indeed, occurring. Such
synchronization is a continuing process, of course, with regular chief
of mission-led country team assessment meetings required to review
rigorously and to recalibrate as necessary.
I believe the U.S. military would welcome such a chief of mission-
led synchronization effort in U.S. embassies, since synchronization, at
least at the tactical level, is deeply embedded in its culture and
training. While the interagency synchronization I envision is more
strategic than tactical, I have every intention of introducing and
operationalizing this process at Embassy Doha, if I am confirmed.
Question. In February 2008, the United States Department of State
reported that ``military relations between the United States and Qatar
are extremely close, and Qatari support remains essential for United
States operations in Iraq and Afghanistan.'' Given the importance of
United States bases in Qatar to ongoing operations in the wider Middle
East, can you foresee any developments that could endanger the
bilateral relationship and United States access to its bases in Qatar?
Answer. The United States military presence in Qatar is extremely
valuable to both nations, and reflects shared security priorities.
While we continue to engage the Government of Qatar on certain policy
aspects that are of concern to the United States, including human
rights, democratization, and Qatar's relations with Iran and Syria, we
are currently unaware of any issues to endanger either our larger
bilateral relationship or United States access to military facilities
in Qatar.
______
Responses of Hon. Richard E. Hoagland to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Have you read the cable reference: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. Yes. I have carefully reviewed this cable.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. Yes. I understand and agree to abide by the principles set
forth in 04 State 258893 regarding Peace Corps-State Department
relations.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and ``the Peace Corps's
role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities of the
mission are not comparable to those of other government agencies''?
Answer. Yes. I understand the need to keep the Peace Corps
substantially separate from the day-to-day conduct of our foreign
policy and, if confirmed, will strongly support this policy.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. I pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the cable,
to exercise my chief of mission authorities so as to provide the Peace
Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies.
______
Response of Hon. Richard E. Hoagland to Question Submitted by
Senator George V. Voinovich
Question. What is the status of the current Director of the Office
of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights Christian Strohal and the
process to select his replacement?
Answer. Ambassador Christian Strohal is scheduled to depart his
post in June 2008. Finding highly qualified successor for this critical
job is a high priority for the U.S. Government. We have been working
with the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe Chairman
in Office and with like-minded allies to reach consensus on the best
candidate from among several outstanding contenders. We understand the
Chairman in Office intends to bring the process to conclusion within
several weeks.
______
Responses of Robert Stephen Beecroft to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. An April committee staff report on Iraqi refugees,
entitled ``Managing Chaos--The Iraqi Refugees of Jordan and Syria and
Internally Displaced Persons in Iraq,'' recommended that ``the
regularization of the status of Iraqis in Jordan and Syria should be
made a first-order priority for American diplomats.'' Do you agree with
this recommendation? What can be done, in your view, to encourage the
Government of Jordan to take further steps toward regularizing the
status of Iraqi refugees in Jordan?
Answer. The United States takes very seriously the challenge of
regularizing the status of Iraqi refugees in Jordan and elsewhere in
the region. The United States Government has made it a priority to
intensify diplomatic efforts with Jordan and other host-country
governments, and if confirmed, I will continue to focus on this issue
as a top priority. We have already seen our efforts begin to bear some
fruit. Last year, for example, Jordan lifted restrictions preventing
Iraqi children whose parents lacked residency permits from attending
public school after our embassy in Amman lobbied heavily for Iraqis to
be able to attend school. Jordan has also permitted Iraqis to access
public health facilities on the same basis as Jordanian citizens. In
February, King Abdullah made a firm commitment to U.N. High
Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres that Jordan would not
arbitrarily expel or refoule Iraqi refugees. We understand that Jordan
is abiding by this commitment. We will continue to work with Jordan to
regularize the status of Iraqi refugees and to ensure that they are
protected and have access to needed services until they can return
voluntarily to Iraq.
Question. The Millennium Challenge Corporation gave failing scores
to Jordan in 2008 on its political rights and civil liberties
assessment indicators. Will you commit to making it a priority, if
confirmed, to support the freedom of Jordanians to assemble, associate,
express their opinions, and participate in public life?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I will make it a priority to engage with
the Government and people of Jordan in support of political rights and
civil liberties. To that end, I believe it is of utmost importance to
continue United States support to the efforts of Jordanian reformers to
improve freedoms of assembly, association, speech, press, and movement,
and to increase citizen participation, particularly among women, in
civil society and the government.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career to date to promote human rights and democracy? What was the
impact of your actions?
Answer. I have worked in the Middle East and in Washington to
promote human rights and democracy. I count among my most meaningful
experiences my responsibility for human rights at our embassy in
Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.
At our embassy in Saudi Arabia, I engaged directly with the Saudi
Government to press for increased human rights, reform, and
democratization; drafted the human rights report on Saudi Arabia;
coordinated with third-country embassies to build support for a joint
approach to the Saudi Government on key points of our human rights
policy; conducted meetings with third-country embassies with large
expatriate populations in Saudi Arabia (e.g., India, Pakistan, the
Philippines, and others) to develop a coordinated approach to the Saudi
Government on the need to improve and respect the human rights and
religious freedom of foreign guest workers; organized meetings between
United States Government officials and third-country national leaders
of underground churches regarding their experiences with the lack of
religious freedom and the persecution of religious minorities.
Although far from successful in resolving all human rights concerns
in Saudi Arabia, this work was necessary and helpful to the cause of
human rights. Specifically, it served to encourage other embassies to
increase their attention to the practices of the Saudi Government and
to the human rights of Saudi citizens and third-country nationals. It
also helped us and others to constructively engage and influence the
Saudi Government on specific human rights cases and issues. Finally, it
allowed us to make the Saudi Government aware that we were monitoring
particular issues, cases, and individuals and thereby discourage any
government action to curtail or diminish the human rights and religious
freedom pertinent to those particular issues, cases, and individuals.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in Jordan?
What are the most important steps you expect to take, if confirmed, to
promote human rights and democracy in Jordan? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions?
Answer. As the Department stated in its 2007 Country Human Rights
Report, the Government of Jordan respected human rights in some areas,
but its overall record continued to reflect some problems. Jordan's
most pressing human rights issues fall into four major categories--
political rights and freedoms, prisoner rights, labor rights, and the
rights of women and minorities. The United States continues to monitor
religious freedoms in Jordan, although Jordan has historically been a
model for religious tolerance in the Arab world.
Through a broad array of efforts, the United States works in close
collaboration with government officials and local civil society actors
on a broad range of rights and freedoms. Our assistance aims to
increase citizen participation in the political, economic, and social
development of the country; increase the capacity of the parliament to
promote transparency and accountability; strengthen independent media;
improve the effectiveness and efficiency of the judicial system;
strengthen the rights of women; and increase religious freedom and
tolerance. The United States pursues these goals through direct dialog
with the government and targeted programmatic assistance efforts
through USAID, the Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), and the
Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. These programmatic
efforts focus on the rule of law, protecting human rights, and
political participation that engage both government institutions and
Jordanian civil society.
In addition, the United States conducts human rights and rule of
law training for the military to help instill democratic principles,
including civilian control of the military, and promote respect for
human rights. An ongoing U.S.-funded counterterrorism fellowship
program teaches the country's military personnel how to combat
terrorism while respecting the rule of law, human rights, and civil
rights. Approximately 300 members of the military receive U.S.-funded
training through these programs each year. We have also initiated an
International Visitor Program for corrections officers to expose them
to Western prison management practices.
On a regular basis, we engage Jordan on measures to combat
trafficking in persons and exploitative labor practices. The United
States Government is funding a 5-year program entitled, ``Better Work
Jordan,'' through the International Labor Organization and
International Finance Corporation. This program includes training for
management and workers on rights and responsibilities of workers, with
a particular focus on migrant workers, as well as technical assistance
to improve the capacity of Jordanian labor inspectors to identify and
resolve labor issues. USAID has also funded an international advisor to
assist the Jordanian Ministry of Labor in bringing its labor standards
up to international levels. We continue to stress the importance of
criminally investigating and punishing acts of forced labor.
U.S. assistance designed to advance and promote the role of women
in society continues to achieve tangible success. A 3-year U.S.-
supported program through an international NGO which started in January
2008 promotes advocacy against gender-based abuse and funds an annual
antiviolence campaign which holds events throughout the country.
Finally, working to promote religious freedom and tolerance, the
United States sponsors exchange visits and, in numerous contacts with
private American and Jordanian groups, encourages interfaith dialog and
understanding. A U.S. grant supports exchange visits between Americans
of diverse religious backgrounds and Jordanian Shari'a judges,
scholars, and students. The embassy also regularly engages directly
with government officials urging progress on applying internationally
recognized standards of religious freedom and removal of restrictions
on religious minorities. Examples of specific embassy actions include
publicly supporting conferences to promote effective interfaith dialog,
raising reported cases of religion-based harassment and intolerance,
and advocating on behalf of expatriate religious workers and students
who request legal residency.
If confirmed, I intend to continue these important initiatives and
programs as well as increase our focus on other areas of reform, such
as prisoner rights. I am confident that through our concerted efforts
and work with the Government and people of Jordan, we will be able to
help the Government and people of Jordan to expand and deepen their
rights and freedoms.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Jordan in advancing
human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. Jordan has made significant and important strides to
reform. The United States supports Jordan's efforts and engages its
Government and its people to encourage further reform and development.
There are, however, some institutional practices and public
sensitivities, as well as regional political conditions, that affect
United States measures to address human rights issues in Jordan. For
example, discriminatory attitudes toward women persist in certain
professions and among parts of the populace; media freedoms continue to
be hampered by self-censorship; the correctional system continues to
draw its prison guards from the larger pool of Jordanian police, rather
than fostering a professional cadre of correctional officers, which
slows the process of changing management and individual attitudes; and
the government faces challenges in working with Parliament to pass
needed labor reforms concerning the abuse of foreign workers and the
enforcement of labor standards. As Jordan advances its reform agenda,
it will face the challenge of ensuring appropriate and complete
implementation of its reforms.
If confirmed, I will work closely with the Jordanian Government and
people to overcome institutional obstacles, address public
sensitivities, and meet the challenges of implementing their reforms. I
will also work to offer the United States support and assistance needed
to help Jordan successfully carry out reform and development.
Question. In your new position, what steps would you take to ensure
that promotion of human rights objectives will be an integral part of
post/bureau activities? If confirmed, what steps will you take to
ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage in human rights
activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded for superior
service?
Answer. Promotion of human rights will be a central component of
our ongoing dialog with Jordanians on reform. If confirmed, I will
instruct every office in my mission to encourage and support Jordan's
reform and development efforts. In addition, I will ensure that every
embassy officer integrates support for our human rights agenda into her
or his portfolio, and I will see that such work is professionally
rewarded through the presentation of appropriate Department of State
awards and the preparation of appropriate employee evaluation reports,
which serve as the basis for promotion and advancement. I will also
work to ensure that the promotion of human rights and democracy remains
a central pillar of our USAID, DRL, MEPI, and other assistance
programs.
______
Responses of Hon. James B. Cunningham to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
background
You have had an impressive career as a Foreign Service officer
spanning more than three decades. However, you have never been posted
to the Middle East and appear to have relatively little background in
Middle East affairs, including Arab-Israeli issues. In your written
testimony to the committee, you stated that you ``learned a great deal
about the dynamics and pain'' of the Middle East during your time as
Deputy Representative to the United Nations from 1999 to 2004.
Question. Please explain in more detail your engagement on Israeli
and Arab-Israeli issues at the United Nations.
Answer. In almost 5 years as Deputy Representative, working
together with the Representative, I handled, or supervised the handling
of, issues related to the Middle East in the Security Council and in
the General Assembly. In my first year in New York, I worked closely
with Ambassador Holbrooke on a major, successful effort to find Israel
a home for the first time in the groupings of countries that do much of
the U.N.'s day-to-day business and, importantly, propose countries as
candidates to head U.N. groups or committees. From September of 2000,
with the beginning of the second intifada, until I departed New York in
the summer of 2004, I dealt with a constant stream of draft resolutions
and statements in both the Security Council and the General Assembly.
Some of them produced positive elements such as recognition of the
importance of the Road Map, or the affirmation by the Security Council
of President Bush's vision of two states living in peace, embodied in
UNSCR 1397 in 2002. Much more frequently, however, we were confronted
with ill-advised, unbalanced, or hostile attempts to use the U.N.
bodies to prejudice events on the ground, to prejudge the outcome of
political discussions, or to take actions detrimental to Israel--while
ignoring or underplaying the terrorist attacks taking place against
Israel itself. At the extreme, this was an almost full-time activity.
Our success in defeating or turning aside unhelpful activity in the
Security Council eventually led the Palestinians and others to take
recourse in the General Assembly, where obtaining the votes necessary
to pass tendentious measures was a more certain proposition.
This meant defending United States policy in the Middle East, and
Israel's need for and indeed its right to security, in a complicated
and sometimes hostile environment. It meant developing a close working
relationship with the Israeli delegation, understanding the history and
regional politics, and the legal and political histories of many of the
issues we were dealing with--territories, terrorism, the rights and
obligations of the parties, and the political processes at play and
those we were trying to create. It also required an understanding of
the dynamics and politics of the Arab world, and of the Palestinians
themselves, since their interests are not monolithic. Syria was on the
Security Council for 2 years during this period, creating an additional
challenge, with an intense dynamic. I developed close working
relationships with some of my Arab colleagues as well, and good
professional relationships with others. I also worked with and
developed expertise in the relationships and interests of other major
players in the region--the U.N. itself, of course, the European Union,
and the Quartet.
Question. What portion of time would you estimate you spent engaged
on Israeli and Arab-Israeli issues while at the United Nations?
Answer. That is difficult to estimate. At times it was almost 100
percent of my time. For example, in times of high tension there were
almost around-the-clock discussions and negotiations that could last
for days on end. There would also be periods of relative inactivity,
although Middle East issues, including Lebanon, were a regular fixture
on the U.N. agenda. I would guess that overall I spent one-quarter or
more of my time on Israel and Arab-Israeli issues, and more than that
percentage of my time on Iraq, which was simultaneously a pressing
issue, especially after September 11.
Question. To what extent was this engagement focused on the so-
called ``final status'' issues of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
(defined in the 1993 Oslo accords as ``Jerusalem, refugees,
settlements, security arrangements, borders, relations and cooperation
with other neighbors, and other issues of common interest'')?
Answer. In many respects it was all about ``final status'' issues,
because the debates and resolutions revolved around terror and
security, the use of force and violence, settlements, the separation
fence, Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon and its aftermath, the
relationship of Israel to its neighbors, a two-state solution, and the
rights and obligations of Israel and Palestinians under international
law. Also at issue was the underlying question of whether the
conditions existed, or could be created, to get underway a meaningful
process leading to an end to violence and ultimately to a peace
process, and the appropriate role of the international community--
issues which remain relevant today in a different context.
Question. In which other of your assignments have you been engaged
on Israeli and Arab-Israeli issues?
Answer. I have not been very directly engaged on Israeli and Arab-
Israeli issues in other assignments, but I have dealt with other issues
in the region, and have long experience applicable to the region. My
first assignment to USUN, as deputy political counselor, came just
after Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990. I was heavily engaged in the
mission's activities on Iraq, and the liberation of Kuwait and the
aftermath, for the entire time I was in New York for that assignment.
If I am confirmed, I believe my extensive background in security and
political/military affairs, and knowledge of NATO, the European Union,
and the U.N. will prove valuable, since security and international
community support will be key elements of any peace process.
Question. What role do you expect to play, if confirmed, in the
Annapolis process?
Answer. If confirmed, I will support the Annapolis process by
ensuring that Embassy Tel Aviv's resources are fully devoted to
supporting the President's and the Secretary's personal diplomacy. I
will also assist Generals Dayton, Jones, and Fraser in fulfilling their
mandates. I will seek to build support among Israeli leaders and
publics for the Annapolis process, and use my contacts with Israeli
leaders to advance it. I will maintain the best and most constructive
relationships I can with all segments of the Israeli political
spectrum, ensure that United States policy and objectives are
understood, and provide the President and the Secretary the best
information we can on Israeli views and concerns and on the political
dynamics at play. I will, of course, also present U.S. views clearly,
and seek to build the closest possible relationship with this important
friend and ally. I have considerable experience with difficult
negotiations, and hope to contribute to finding solutions to the issues
on the table.
rachel corrie
On March 16, 2003, Rachel Corrie, an American citizen, was killed
by an Israel Defense Forces bulldozer in Rafah, Gaza, while protesting
home demolitions.
Question. Please provide a detailed account of steps taken, if any,
by the executive branch and the Department of State, including the
United States Embassy in Tel Aviv, to encourage the Government of
Israel to undertake a thorough, credible, and transparent investigation
into Ms. Corrie's death.
Answer. The United States Government takes its responsibilities
involving American citizens abroad very seriously and has repeatedly
engaged the Government of Israel at the highest levels about this
issue. Immediately following Ms. Corrie's tragic death, President Bush
telephoned Israeli Prime Minister Sharon to request a thorough and
transparent investigation and was given personal assurances by the
Prime Minister that there would be one. Additionally, then-Secretary
Powell, Ambassador Kurtzer, Deputy Chief of Mission LeBaron, Assistant
Secretary William Burns, and Deputy Assistant Secretary David
Satterfield, among others, raised this issue with their counterparts
and other appropriate authorities in the Israeli Government.
More recently, during a visit to Israel, former Assistant Secretary
for Consular Affairs Maura Harty specifically raised outstanding issues
again with her counterpart at the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Mr. Yigal Tzarfati. Assistant Secretary Harty also gave Mr. Tzarfati a
letter that reiterated the U.S. Government's request for a full and
transparent investigation of the incident.
The Government of Israel has not yet fully responded to Assistant
Secretary Harty's letter, and specifically her request for a full and
transparent investigation. The United States Embassy in Tel Aviv will
continue to follow up with the Israelis for a response to our
inquiries. If confirmed, I will ensure that this follow-up takes place
and press the Government of Israel for a response.
Additionally, in late October, representatives from the Department
of State met with the Corrie family and with Congressman Baird and his
staff at his offices to discuss concerns that the Corrie family still
has with respect to the death of Rachel Corrie. We are continuing to
investigate charges of irregularities with the Israeli Government's
handling of the case and to respond to the family's concerns to the
maximum extent.
Question. In your opinion, has a thorough, credible, and
transparent investigation taken place? If not, what specific, concrete
steps will you commit to take, if confirmed, to ensure that such an
investigation does take place?
Answer. The Department remains committed to providing the highest
standards of citizen services to the Corrie family. If confirmed, I
will continue to press the Government of Israel for a thorough and
transparent investigation of the tragic death of Rachel Corrie.
______
Responses of Hon. James B. Cunningham to Questions Submitted
by Senator George V. Voinovich
Question. Well, I would like to get more information about the role
you are going to play [in helping to achieve progress on the ground and
in Israeli-Palestinian peace talks launched at Annapolis last
November].
Answer. The Administration is firmly committed to a two-state
solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This is not only in the
interest of Israelis and Palestinians, but also an American national
interest. If confirmed, as Ambassador to Israel I will ensure that the
embassy's resources are fully devoted to supporting the President's and
Secretary Rice's personal diplomacy, and utilize my own contacts with
Israeli leaders and publics across the political spectrum to solidify
support for the process launched last November in Annapolis, and to
advance it. I will provide the President and the Secretary with the
best information available to the embassy on Israeli views and
concerns, and on the political dynamics involved. I will also support
the process by presenting United States views clearly to the Israeli
Government and maintaining the best possible dialog between us.
Since Annapolis, we have been working to achieve progress on four
parallel, complementary tracks. First we are supporting the parties'
bilateral negotiations, which began in earnest shortly after Annapolis
with the creation of a negotiating structure and a vigorous schedule of
bilateral talks on the full spectrum of issues. The parties have kept
the substance of these talks private, which reflects the seriousness of
their effort. The Secretary and Assistant Secretary Welch are deeply
and personally engaged in supporting the parties' efforts in this area.
As the President's representative to Israel, if confirmed, I would be
an integral part of our engagement with senior Israeli officials on
this most delicate issue, working with the Secretary and Assistant
Secretary Welch to help keep the talks on track.
Second, we are working to promote progress by the parties in
fulfilling their commitments under the Roadmap. For the Palestinians,
this means combating and dismantling the infrastructure of terrorism,
undertaking institutional reforms, and ending incitement. For Israel,
it means halting settlement expansion, removing unauthorized outposts,
easing movement and access to improve Palestinian economic and
humanitarian conditions, facilitating security coordination, and
reopening Palestinian institutions in East Jerusalem, consistent with
previous agreements. The President and Secretary Rice have asked Lt
Gen. William Fraser III to monitor developments in this area and to
work with the parties to promote progress on Roadmap implementation. As
ambassador, I would work closely with General Fraser to ensure the
success of his mission, and I would utilize my regular contact with
senior Israeli officials to effect visible progress on these important
issues. Another element to this effort is security coordination between
Israel and the Palestinians. I would engage directly with the Minister
of Defense and his staff to help ensure coordination and support is as
effective as possible in response to the efforts we are now seeing by
the Palestinian Authority Security Forces.
Third, we are working to support Palestinian economic development
and institutional capacity building. Former United Kingdom Prime
Minister Tony Blair, in his role as Quartet Representative, has taken a
leadership role on this issue, identifying priority projects and
working with the parties and international donors to facilitate
implementation on the ground. As Ambassador to Israel I would work to
ensure Israeli coordination and support for the important programs that
these funds will support, as well as for the efforts of LTG Keith
Dayton, the U.S. Security Coordinator, who is working to reform and
professionalize the Palestinian security forces, including a program
providing training and nonlethal equipment.
Fourth, we are working to sustain and expand regional support for
the parties' efforts. Arab political and financial support will be
crucial in order for both Israel and the Palestinians to make the
difficult decisions necessary for peace. As Ambassador to Israel my
role in this area would be less direct, but I would hope to use my
experience in the dynamics of the region to contribute to our thinking
about how to advance on this track.
Question. So I am very interested in finding out just exactly what
is that portfolio? What do they expect to do? And also I would like to
know who is the team? Who is in charge? How are they going to work this
out?
Answer. I earlier described the four tracks we are working to
advance--bilateral negotiations, Roadmap implementation, Palestinian
capacity building, and building regional support. The administration
has structured its effort to ensure focused attention is paid to each
of these important sets of issues. Generals Dayton, Jones, and Fraser
are each working on separate but related areas. Each is important, but
distinct from the others. I have met two of the three, and both told me
that there is no confusion among them, and that they are all in
frequent contact. For Lt. General Dayton, whom I have not yet met, the
focus is building the capacity and professionalism of the Palestinian
Authority Security Forces and helping to foster internal reform and
improved security coordination with Israel. For General Jones, the
focus is on exploring the security aspects of a permanent status
agreement, helping to define each party's security needs and what
regional arrangements and international support might be needed. For
Lt. General Fraser, the focus is on monitoring and promoting progress
by both parties on their commitments under the Roadmap. At the same
time, the United States Ambassador to Israel and the United States
Consul General in Jerusalem are providing logistical and policy support
to these missions, keeping Washington informed of developments on the
ground, and maintaining our bilateral contacts and dialog with Israel
and the PA.
All of this work on the four tracks, as well as the effort of our
considerable diplomatic establishment in both the embassy and the
Consulate General, as well as throughout the region, is conducted at
the direction and under the oversight of the Assistant Secretary of
State for Near Eastern Affairs, David Welch, and the Secretary of
State. Their personal engagement, and that of the President, is really
the engine that makes this process run, along with the good will and
determination of the Israeli and Palestinian leadership who are
committed to peace. The current United States structure is helping to
achieve real progress in Israeli-Palestinian negotiations and on the
ground, ranging from the easing of restrictions on West Bank movement,
to training and equipping the PA security forces. We are hopeful that
our continued efforts will be successful in helping the Israelis and
Palestinian realize our shared goal of a peace agreement before the end
of 2008.
______
Responses of Hon. James B. Cunningham to Questions Submitted
by Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. In the wake of the 2007 Annapolis Conference, many have
expressed optimism that a major agreement could be reached between the
Israelis and Palestinians by the end of the Bush administration. As
Secretary Rice prepares to make her fourth visit to Israel and the
Palestinian territories since the Annapolis conference, much of this
optimism appears to have faded. What is the status of negotiations
between the Israelis and the Palestinian Authority and what must the
United States do at this point to jumpstart the process and increase
the likelihood of a successful outcome? Also, on a related note,
without the constant presence of a U.S. special envoy responsible for
all aspects of the negotiation, do you believe the United States can
provide the oversight of the talks necessary to ensure success?
Answer. As you know, the administration in firmly committed to a
two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. We view this as
not only in the interest of Israelis and Palestinians, but also an
American national interest. Since Annapolis we have been working to
achieve progress on four parallel, complementary tracks.
First and foremost, we are supporting the parties' bilateral
negotiations, which began in earnest shortly after Annapolis with the
creation of a negotiating structure and a vigorous schedule of
bilateral talks on the full spectrum of issues. The parties have kept
the substance of these talks private, which reflects the seriousness of
their effort. As part of this process, Secretary Rice has enlisted the
services of General (ret.) Jim Jones, former Commandant of the Marine
Corps and NATO Supreme Allied Commander, who is looking at the security
aspects of permanent status. The Secretary and Assistant Secretary
Welch are also deeply and personally engaged in supporting the parties'
negotiating efforts. The President's commitment is also clear. We must
recognize, however, that a peace agreement cannot be imposed from
outside, and it is the parties themselves who must work through the
difficult compromises necessary for peace. They are having serious
discussions in an organized process. The United States will support
them, will work to ensure the talks stay on track, and when appropriate
we will offer ideas to help facilitate progress.
Second, we are working to promote progress by the parties in
fulfilling their commitments under the Roadmap. For the Palestinians,
this means combating and dismantling the infrastructure of terrorism,
undertaking institutional reforms, and ending incitement. For Israel,
it means halting settlement expansion, removing unauthorized outposts,
easing movement and access to improve Palestinian economic and
humanitarian conditions, facilitating security coordination, and
reopening Palestinian institutions in East Jerusalem consistent with
previous agreements. The President and Secretary Rice have asked LTG
William Fraser III to monitor developments in this area and to work
with the parties to promote progress on Roadmap implementation. Given
the secret nature of the bilateral negotiations, progress on the ground
is crucial to reflect the seriousness of the process as well as
progress that is being achieved in the negotiations.
Third, we are working to support Palestinian economic development
and institutional capacity building. France hosted a donors' conference
in December which generated pledges of $7.7 billion dollars in
budgetary and programmatic support for the PA. The Ad Hoc Liaison
Committee will meet on May 2 to maintain close donor coordination.
Former United Kingdom Prime Minister Tony Blair, in his role as Quartet
Representative, has taken a leadership role on this issue, identifying
priority projects and working with the parties and international donors
to facilitate implementation on the ground. The United States is doing
its part. In Paris we pledged $545 million in support for the PA,
including $150 million in budgetary support which was delivered to the
Fayyad government in mid-March. Additionally, LTG Keith Dayton, the
United States Security Coordinator, is working to reform and
professionalize the Palestinian security forces, including a program
providing training and nonlethal equipment. There is a particularly
urgent need for budgetary support for the Palestinians, and we are
strongly encouraging Arab governments to do their part.
Finally, we are working to sustain and expand regional support for
the parties' efforts. Arab political and financial support will be
crucial in order for both Israel and the Palestinians to make the
painful compromises necessary for peace. The Arab Peace Initiative was
an important step. Now, as President Bush said in July, ``Arab nations
should build on this initiative--by ending the fiction that Israel does
not exist, stopping the incitement of hatred in their official media,
and sending cabinet-level visitors to Israel.''
We will promote progress on each of these four tracks, each of them
vital to the goal of a peace agreement by the end of the year.
Secretary Rice is traveling regularly to the region to advance the
process. President Bush's January trip to Israel and the West Bank, his
first as President, and plans for another Presidential trip in May
reflect his personal engagement and commitment to this issue. There are
substantial obstacles that must be overcome to reach the goal of a
permanent status agreement. And opponents of peace are working to
undermine the leaders' efforts as evidenced by the serious escalation
of violence in Gaza and southern Israel in February and March, and the
tragic terrorist attack in Jerusalem on March 6, and more recently
against Gaza crossing points. Nevertheless, we remain hopeful that an
agreement can be reached before the end of 2008. Prime Minister Olmert
and President Abbas are partners truly committed to peace, and they
enjoy our full support in their historic effort to realize the
Palestinian people's aspirations for a better life and statehood, and
the Israeli people's aspiration for peace and security.
Question. It is reported that Israeli maintains more than 500
checkpoints and roadblocks in the Palestinian Territories, representing
one of the major points of contention in the ongoing talks. What is the
status of Israeli roadblocks in the Palestinian Territories and what
specific steps is the administration taking to encourage the Israelis
to reduce the number of checkpoints and improve the daily lives of
average Palestinians in the West Bank?
Answer. The United Nations Office for Coordination of Humanitarian
Affairs reported on May 1 that Israeli obstacles to movement in the
West Bank had increased to over 600. These range from earthen mounds,
some put in place in association with specific Israelis security
operations, to major checkpoints on the roads between large Palestinian
population centers. The Government of Israel views these roadblocks and
checkpoints as a vital component of Israel's efforts to prevent
terrorists from infiltrating and carrying out attacks in Israeli
cities. For the Palestinians, these obstacles to movement are both a
daily nuisance and a major constraint to economic growth and
development.
Israel has committed to reducing obstacles to Palestinian movement
in the West Bank, both under the Roadmap, and in the November 2005
Agreement on Movement and Access that Secretary Rice brokered. There is
an urgent need for progress in this area to build confidence between
the parties, sustain popular support for negotiations, as well as to
facilitate progress on important economic and capacity building
projects for the Palestinians. Easing restriction on Palestinian
movement is inextricably linked to Palestinian security performance. If
the Israelis can trust that the Palestinian Authority security forces
(PASF) are taking the necessary steps to uphold law and order and
combat terrorism, it will be much easier for Israel to ease West Bank
movement and access restrictions.
These are priority issues for our diplomatic missions in Jerusalem
and Tel Aviv, and the special envoys the Secretary and President Bush
have appointed to advance Israeli-Palestinian peace. LTG Keith Dayton
is spearheading U.S. and international efforts to train, equip, and
professionalize the PASF. At the same time Quartet Representative Tony
Blair and General Jim Jones (ret.) are working to integrate economic
and capacity building projects with PASF deployments. We are also
working with Israel to help rationalize the easing of movement and
access restrictions which are necessary for these projects to succeed.
Meanwhile, Lt. Gen. William Fraser III, who heads U.S. efforts to
monitor and promote progress on Roadmap implementation, is reporting on
progress on the ground and keeping the Secretary of State informed so
she can support both parties' efforts in this area. Secretary Rice met
with Israeli Defense Minister Barak and Palestinian Authority PM Fayyad
on March 30 to discuss this issue, among others. That meeting resulted
in agreement to remove more than 50 roadblocks and to improve security
coordination. Israel followed through and removed more than 50
roadblocks, some of them significant. Much more remains to be done, and
improved performance by the PASF and Israeli-Palestinian security
coordination should help facilitate continued progress. Progress on the
ground remains a vital component of overall progress toward peace, and
as such will remain a high priority.
Question. King Abdullah II of Jordan hosted Israeli Prime Minister
Ehud Olmert yesterday in Amman. After this visit, a Jordanian royal
palace statement urged Olmert to work on ``improving the living
conditions of Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.''
Despite a significant infusion of foreign aid, the World Bank has
recently warned that the Palestinian economy is not likely to grow this
year, largely due to continued IDF restrictions on movement. Yet, a
recent report by a group of retired Israeli generals and Palestinian
officials identified 10 major West Bank checkpoints that could be
removed--boosting the Palestinian economy--without jeopardizing Israeli
security. Are you aware of this report, do you find the report
credible, and what actions, if any, are the Israelis taking to
implement its recommendations?
Answer. Improving the living conditions of Palestinians is a top
priority for the United States Government and a key focus in our
efforts to achieve progress between Israel and the Palestinians. As the
World Bank and IMF have pointed out in recent reports, obstacles to
movement and access of people and goods in the West Bank remains a
serious impediment to the type of economic revival that the U.S.
Government and the international community would like to see and are
working to support. We are aware of the recent study published by ex-
Israeli military generals and Palestinian officials regarding the 10
West Bank checkpoints.
We continue to encourage and work with Israel and the PA to foster
improved Palestinian security performance and Israeli-Palestinian
security coordination, and to move forward with vital steps to ease
restriction on Palestinian movement and access in the West Bank.
Secretary Rice just returned from the region where she engaged with
Israeli and Palestinian officials on the need to improve conditions in
the West Bank, including through a reduction in the number of obstacles
to movement in the West Bank that significantly undermine Palestinian
economic development. We are also working to professionalize the
Palestinian security forces so that they can take the necessary steps
to uphold law and order and combat terrorism. These are issues that
clearly are most effectively addressed in concrete terms rather than in
the abstract. With that in mind, we are working closely with the
parties on an integrated approach to security performance and
coordination, economic development and capacity building projects, and
movement and access issues. Jenin will be the first target of these
collaborative efforts and we are hopeful that this new approach will
yield tangible benefits and bring new life and hope to Jenin, setting
an example that can be followed elsewhere in the Palestinian
territories.
______
Response of Hon. Richard E. Hoagland to Question Submitted by
Senator George V. Voinovich
Question. Any information that you could give me on just what the
status is in replacing, I think it is Christian Strohal, who is now
head of the Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, I would
appreciate. Because it is really important that Kazakhstan and everyone
understands how important that person is to the future in terms of the
responsibilities of the Office of Democratic Institutions and Human
Rights. So if you have got any recent information on that, I would like
to have it back because we are really trying to figure out who is the
best person. And to my knowledge, right now, our Government is not
pushing anybody for that role. But I really think it is important that
we do have a role in making sure that we get the right person there.
Answer. The Chairman-in-Office of the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe announced on May 14 that all participating states
had joined consensus in approving the nomination of Slovenian State
Secretary Janez Lenarcic to be the next director of the Office of
Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, replacing Ambassador
Christian Strohal, who is scheduled to depart his post in June 2008.
The Department of State is pleased that this highly qualified candidate
for this critical job obtained the support of all 56 participating
states. Ambassador Lenarcic displayed the qualities that made him an
outstanding candidate when he served as the representative in Vienna of
the then-Chairman-in-Office during the Slovenian chairmanship of the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The Department
looks forward to working with Ambassador Lenarcic when he assumes his
position on July 1, 2008.
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, MAY 7, 2008
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Bernicat, Marcia Stephens Bloom, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Guinea-Bissau
Bodde, Peter W., to be Ambassador to the Republic of Malawi
Booth, Donald E., to be Ambassador to the Republic of Zambia
McMahon Hawkins, Patricia, to be Ambassador to the Togolese
Republic
Milovanovic, Gillian Arlette, to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Mali
Myles, Marianne Matuzic, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Cape Verde
Nolan, Stephen James, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Botswana
Thomas-Greenfield, Linda, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Liberia
Tritelbaum, Donald Gene, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Ghana
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:32 a.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Russell D.
Feingold presiding.
Present: Senators Feingold and Isakson.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD,
U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN
Senator Feingold. This hearing will come to order. Good
morning everybody.
We have an impressive array of foreign policy experience
and expertise before us this morning. I would like to begin by
thanking our nine nominees for being here today, but more
importantly, for your many years of service and for your
willingness to work in some of the most demanding positions in
the U.S. Government and in some of the more difficult postings
around the world.
I would also like to offer a warm welcome to your families
and friends whose ongoing support will be necessary as you set
off, once confirmed, to undertake your new position. And I
encourage you, when you make your brief remarks, to please
introduce any of your family members or friends who are with
you today.
Last, but certainly not least, I want to acknowledge and
welcome my colleague, Senator Johnny Isakson, who is joining us
as the ranking member of this committee for the first time.
Senator, I am looking forward to working with you on a range of
countries and issues related to Africa, but it seems
appropriate that our first committee hearing together is one in
which we will engage with the men and women who have accepted
the challenging responsibility of serving as the face and
overseer of United States policy in 10 sub-Saharan African
countries.
And I will give the Senator an opportunity to welcome the
nominees and deliver some opening remarks in just a moment, but
first, I hope you do not mind if I lay out what I see as the
primary challenges facing the United States Government in
Africa today very briefly.
As ambassadors for the United States, you will undoubtedly
have to juggle conflicting priorities. Security is a top
concern, but the source and nature of the threat differ widely,
as does the approach needed to effectively address it. For
example, the rebellions and illegal trafficking in Mali's
lawless northern territory require a different response than
the need for, for example, security sector reform in Liberia or
the lack of maritime defense capacity in Cape Verde. You will
also face different and evolving partners, with young foreign
ministries and uneven military infrastructures. The challenges
are many--and subject to rapid change, especially in countries
that have upcoming elections.
Additionally, you will be developing and implementing
policies at the same time that the new United States combatant
command for Africa is establishing its role on the continent.
In addition to security concerns, you will have to address
a range of other U.S. strategic interests, including the
promotion of democratic principles, human rights, good
governance, and sustainable development. U.S. credibility in
these countries depends upon our consistent adherence to and
advocacy of these fundamental values. Particularly in countries
where the United States does not have a long history of
engagement or much institutional knowledge, building solid
relationships--not just with government officials but also with
business, religious, civil society, and other community
leaders--is critical to informing and implementing an effective
U.S. policy.
And you will also have to ensure that financial, material,
and human resources are allocated to address strategic
challenges and long-term objectives in your respective
countries, and not just to current needs or emergency
requirements.
If you are confirmed, I look forward to working closely
with you as you meet these responsibilities. I hope you look to
the Senate as a resource and to this committee as a source of
support and guidance during your tenure at your respective
posts. I think you will find this committee to be about the
most bipartisan and cooperative one--I will not say in the
entire Senate, but certainly one of the most. That is the way
it has always been. This has never been a source of partisan
conflict, and I have been on this committee now for 16 years.
Now, I look forward to your testimony and to a brief
discussion about your qualifications and expectations going
into these important positions, but first I would like to
invite my colleague, the ranking member, Senator Isakson, to
offer some opening remarks.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHNNY ISAKSON,
U.S. SENATOR FROM GEORGIA
Senator Isakson. Well, thank you, Senator Feingold. I am
looking forward to the opportunity of serving with you. I have
admired your commitment to the African continent and United
States relations there and I hope to benefit and learn from
your knowledge and serve as a contributing member as ranking
member of this committee.
I want to thank our nominees all for being here today. I
have had the occasion to meet with all of them over the last
week or so, and they all have very impressive and longstanding
records of service to this country and places all over the
globe, both challenging and exotic. And I am delighted that you
are all here today and welcome your family members and loved
ones. I think Senator Feingold and I both recognize we could
not do what we do without the love and support of our families,
and we know the same is true with you. And we appreciate very
much the commitment that they make.
I was telling some of the nominees yesterday in a meeting
that I, personally, in the 21st century, do not think there is
any question that Africa is the continent of the 21st century
as far as the United States of America is concerned. I have
visited there twice in the last couple of years, as recently as
January, in some of the regional areas where some of these
nominees will be serving. And it is an opportunity for the
United States to develop a lasting friendship, economic
opportunities, and shared arrangements with some wonderful
people in some growing and emerging countries.
I commend the President on his commitment to Africa in
terms of the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, and I
am looking forward to working with each and every one of the
nominees, when they are confirmed, in any way I can to support
their effort on the continent and their effort on behalf of the
United States of America.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Feingold. Thank you so much, Senator Isakson.
At this time, I would like to request that a statement by
my colleague, Senator Hagel, in support of Mr. Bodde's
nomination for the position of U.S. Ambassador to Malawi be
submitted for the record. Without objection.
[The prepared statement of Senator Hagel appears at the end
of this hearing in the ``Additional Material Submitted for the
Record'' section.]
Senator Feingold. And now I will turn to Congressman
Pomeroy for his introduction of Ambassador Milovanovic.
Congressman, it is good to have you here.
STATEMENT OF HON. EARL POMEROY,
U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM NORTH DAKOTA
Mr. Pomeroy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is good to be
here. Good to see my former colleague, Senator Isakson, once
again.
I am here to speak in support of and introduce Ambassador
Milovanovic, who is presently serving as our Ambassador to
Macedonia. She has been designated as Ambassador-designate to
the country of Mali, and I am here because I care deeply about
both countries and have had a chance to observe the Ambassador
in her performance as our representative in Macedonia.
I am a member of the House Democracy Assistance Commission.
This is an effort within the House, bipartisan, to try and
mentor parliamentarians in emerging democracies. We are
partnering with 14 different countries, and in that connection,
I have had the occasion to go to Macedonia twice during the
period the Ambassador has served there.
This has been a period, like everything in the Balkans, of
substantial political complexity, and there have been many
things for the ambassador to assist us and assist the country
of Macedonia in steering their way through these difficult
years, among other things, basically a complete fruition of the
Accra Accords as they came through a period of near civil war
to a period of governing stability, helping to guide Macedonia
in their position relative to Kosovo, the world's newest
independent country.
She has assisted them in becoming NATO-ready. They were not
accepted into NATO, as you know, at the Bucharest meeting, but
they have made great strides and have our full support as they
continue their quest for NATO membership.
She has expanded our Peace Corps operations in Macedonia.
As a member of the House Democracy Assistance Commission, I
have had a chance to observe her as she has interacted with the
various political factions, the various ethnic factions, the
parliament, the president, the prime minister. We have also had
a chance to visit extensively about the complex state of
affairs in Macedonia, and she has a complete grasp. She was so
incredibly helpful to me and the other HDAC members as we tried
to scamper up the learning curve ourselves in our interaction
with the parliamentarians.
She is heading into, with your approval, a very new and
interesting assignment with the country of Mali. In my opinion,
the country of Mali is led by one of the continent's great
leaders, President Toure. He has, I believe, served almost a
George Washington-like role in leading, in 1991, a military
coup that deposed a very corrupt government and got the country
on track to democracy. But he did not stand as the first
president. That was President Konare, who served his two terms,
and then allowed the peaceful transition, according to their
constitution and democratic election, to the new government.
President ATT, as he is known, Toure, stood for election, was
elected, recently reelected. It was my privilege to represent
Speaker Pelosi at his inauguration last June.
Mali is a country that, in a tough neighborhood, has run
four successful democratic elections for President. They are
the recipient of one of our most significant Millennium
Challenge grants, a $429 million grant, that literally could
affect substantial lasting change in this country. I believe
one of the ambassador's largest responsibilities will be making
certain that this comes along and comes along in a successful
way.
I think that we have got an outstanding diplomat to partner
with an outstanding President on the ground in Mali, and I
could only think very good things will happen in a little
country I care very deeply about.
So I thank you and I am very happy--for what it is worth, a
House guy endorsing without reservation the consideration of
Ambassador Milovanovic for the Mali assignment.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Pomeroy follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Earl Pomeroy,
U.S. Congressman From North Dakota
Chairman Feingold and members of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, I am pleased to testify briefly this morning in support of
your consideration of Ambassador Milovanovic, presently serving as
Ambassador to the Republic of Macedonia, for a new position as
Ambassador to the Republic of Mali.
I have a deep interest in both Mali and Macedonia and have had the
opportunity to observe the leadership of Ambassador Milovanovic as she
has represented the United States in the Republic of Macedonia.
I am a currently a member of the House Democracy Assistance
Commission. This commission is a bipartisan undertaking in the House of
Representatives, charged with establishing mentoring relationships with
members of Parliament in new and emerging democracies. Presently, we
have relations with 14 countries, including the Republic of Macedonia.
Through this commission, I participated in exchanges with Macedonia in
November 2006 and in March of this year.
On each occasion I met with Ambassador Milovanovic and had the
opportunity to witness her interactions with members of Parliament from
across the spectrum of parties and ethnic groups. I also had the honor
to witness her employ considerable diplomatic skills during a meeting
with the present Prime Minister.
As this committee knows well, Macedonia is a vibrant newly emerging
democracy that faces many complex challenges. In extensive discussions
with Ambassador Milovanovic, I was impressed with her thorough grasp of
the issues facing the country and the positive leadership role that she
has played as the official representative of the United States
Government.
I have been very interested in the Republic of Mali since a trip
there in 2001 where we evaluated the emerging commitment of basic
education for all children--especially in improving the access to
education for girls. In subsequent years, I have closely followed
Mali's successful transition to democracy. In 2007, Mali successfully
concluded its fourth democratic election for President--a notable
record in light of the long, corrupt, and repressive nature of the
government of Moussa Traore, which was ended by military coup in 1991.
President Konare, who succeeded Moussa Traore, and his successor,
President Toure, are model leaders on the continent of Africa. They
each have demonstrated extraordinary skills in trying to establish the
tradition of democracy in one of the poorest countries in the world.
What is all the more remarkable is the fact that they are achieving
this in a very tough neighborhood where neighboring countries are
facing diverse governance and security challenges.
Mali's exemplary efforts have been recognized by the United States
in their receipt of a Millennium Challenge grant from the
administration. This grant award in the amount of $461 million is one
of the largest Millennium Challenge grants awarded to date.
The Republic of Mali deserves one of our finest diplomats. Many
would view Mali as strategically insignificant to the United States. I,
however, hold a different view. I believe that Mali is vitally
important to the United States. It is a role model for the rest of the
continent, having demonstrated how a successful transition from a
system of entrenched authoritarianism can be successfully undertaken.
Mali's success shows how free, open elections can produce positive
changes for the people of a country, even in the face of seemingly
insurmountable challenges.
The Republic of Mali deserves one of our finest diplomats, and when
I learned that Ambassador Milovanovic had been selected for Mali, I was
delighted. I believe that Ambassador Milovanovic's nomination to
represent the interests of the United States in Mali perfectly matches
a tremendously talented United States diplomat with a country that is
very deserving of her service.
I hope the committee will move quickly to confirm Ambassador
Milovanovic as the next United States Ambassador to Mali.
Thank you.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Congressman. Of course, your
words are most welcome and I congratulate the nominee on
receiving such high words of praise from our colleague. Thank
you so much, Congressman, for being here.
Now we will go to the nominees, and we will begin with Ms.
Bernicat, who would be the Ambassador to Senegal and Guinea-
Bissau.
STATEMENT OF MARCIA STEPHENS BLOOM BERNICAT, NOMINEE TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF SENEGAL AND THE REPUBLIC OF
GUINEA-BISSAU
Ms. Bernicat. Good morning, Mr. Chairman, and members of
the committee. I am honored to appear before you today. I wish
to thank the President and the Secretary of State for the
confidence that they have placed in me as their nominee for
Ambassador to the Republic of Senegal and to the Republic of
Guinea-Bissau.
In the interest of time, Mr. Chairman, I have a slightly
longer written statement I would like to submit for the record
with your permission.
Mr. Chairman, my sons, Sunil Christopher and Sumit
Nicolaus, with whom I have been enormously blessed to share the
adventure of service overseas, are here today. They and several
friends they brought with them have studied the function of
advice and consent this year and wanted to see it for
themselves.
Senator Feingold. Where are they?
Ms. Bernicat. They are right here.
Senator Feingold. Please stand up. Welcome. Glad to see you
guys. [Applause.]
Ms. Bernicat. It has been my great fortune to represent the
American people in seven countries located in five geographic
regions, including three postings and an internship on the
African continent, since joining the Foreign Service in 1981.
The Senegalese people have a proud democratic tradition,
including peaceful transitions of government, religious
tolerance, a free press, and the rule of law, even as they
struggle to overcome persistent economic and governance
difficulties that challenges of development impose. If
confirmed, one of my most important responsibilities will be to
work with President Abdoulaye Wade and his government to ensure
an environment that encourages the broadest participation in
the political process by all elements of the population.
The United States also supports transparency and
accountability in government spending, critical market-based
economic reforms, and continued progress towards the Millennium
Challenge compact.
Senegal maintains its active role internationally and is a
strong partner of the United States in the war on terror.
President Wade has provided vital personal leadership in
promoting religious tolerance and mutual understanding. He will
be the chairman of the Organization of the Islamic Conference
for the next 3 years and has been a leading proponent of the
New Partnership for Africa's Development.
Having worked with earlier peacekeeping training programs
in Malawi, I look forward, if confirmed, to supporting Senegal
in its role as a leading contributor to peacekeeping operations
around the world, including Darfur.
As someone who has lost too many friends and colleagues in
the last decade to HIV/AIDS and malaria, if confirmed, I will
work to redouble our efforts to fight these diseases, as well
as address other health issues in both countries.
Guinea-Bissau continues to face formidable challenges in
establishing political stability and economic prosperity. Its
democratic institutions and rule of law remain weak, but the
country has reached the important milestone of seating a
government that conforms to its constitution. I will work, if
confirmed, to promote the dual goals of a democratic,
transparent political system and a complementary economic
program to help reduce the levels of poverty that contribute to
regional instability.
If confirmed, I am eager to apply the lessons I learned in
Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean to fight the growing
contagion of illicit narcotics trafficking in Guinea-Bissau. I
relish the prospect of developing a successful interagency
strategy which would also engage international partners to
combat this scourge and to provide the people of Guinea-Bissau
with material and moral support in that fight.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your continuing interest in
Africa and the positive role the United States can play in its
development. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you,
your committee, and other Members of Congress to advance
America's interests in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau. It would be a
great privilege to travel the length and breadth of both
countries to proudly represent the people of the United States.
I would be happy to respond to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Bernicat follows:]
Prepared Statement of Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Guinea-Bissau
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today. I wish to thank the President and the Secretary of
State for the trust and confidence that they have placed in me as their
nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of Senegal and to the Republic
of Guinea-Bissau.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce my sons, Sunil Christopher
and Sumit Nicolaus, with whom I have been enormously blessed to share
the adventure and the challenge of service overseas. It has been my
fortune, as well, to have represented the American people in seven
countries in five geographic regions since joining the Foreign Service
in 1981. If confirmed, it would be a great privilege to serve our
country in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau. Both countries are friends of the
United States.
The Senegalese people are well known for their proud democratic
tradition, including peaceful transitions of government, religious
tolerance, a free press, and an acknowledgement of the importance of
the rule of law, even as they struggle to overcome persistent economic
and governance difficulties posed by the challenges of development.
Senegal continues to participate actively in international
organizations and including the Organization of the Islamic Conference
in which President Abdoulaye Wade will chair for the next 3 years.
President Wade remains a dynamic African leader, as evidenced most
recently by his key role in brokering an agreement between Chad and
Sudan to work toward reducing tensions in their volatile region. He has
also been a leading proponent of the New Partnership for Africa's
Development (NEPAD). Senegal is a strong partner in the war on terror
and President Wade has provided vital personal leadership in promoting
religious tolerance and mutual understanding.
Having had the privilege of working with our earlier peacekeeping
training programs in sub-Saharan Africa, I look forward, if confirmed,
to supporting Senegal in its role as a leading contributor to United
Nations and other peacekeeping operations around the world, including
in Darfur.
Senegal conducted Presidential and legislative elections in 2007,
but the parliamentary elections were boycotted by the opposition and
local polling has been deferred until 2009. If confirmed, one of my
most important responsibilities will be to work with President Wade and
his government to ensure an environment that encourages the broadest
participation in the political process by all elements of the
population. In addition, it will be important to promote governance,
transparency, and accountability in government spending.
To achieve momentum in its development, Senegal will need to exert
maximum effort to make the critical market-based reforms that underpin
the solid economic foundation of any dynamic society. The United States
will continue to work closely with Senegal on these reforms. After a
series of false starts, Senegal is working to secure a Millennium
Challenge Compact.
The United States is intensely engaged with Senegal to reduce the
incidence of malaria and to prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS. Thankfully,
the prevalence of HIV/AIDS in Senegal is relatively low, but this
pandemic knows no borders. As someone who has lost too many friends,
colleagues, and counterparts in the last decade to these two
preventable diseases, if confirmed, I will work to redouble our efforts
in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau to fight HIV/AIDS and malaria, and address
other health issues.
Guinea-Bissau continues to face formidable challenges to establish
political stability and economic prosperity. Although its democratic
institutions and rule of law remain weak, the country has reached the
important milestone of seating a government that conforms to the
demands of its constitution. The upcoming parliamentary elections could
be a harbinger of the direction that political development will take
there.
If confirmed, I am eager to apply the lessons learned from our
country team efforts in Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean to fight the
contagion of illicit narcotics trafficking that afflicts Guinea-Bissau
at worrisome levels. I relish the prospect of developing a successful
interagency strategy, which would also engage international partners,
to combat this scourge and to provide the people of Guinea-Bissau with
material and moral support in this effort. I will also work, if
confirmed, to promote the dual goals of a democratic, transparent
political system and a complementary economic program to help reduce
the levels of poverty that contribute to regional instability. I am
aware of how difficult these challenges will be.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your continuing interest in Africa and
the positive role the United States can play in its development. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with you, your committee and other
members of Congress to advance America's interests in Senegal, Guinea-
Bissau, and throughout the region. It would be an honor to travel the
length and breadth of both countries to proudly represent the people of
the United States of America.
I would be happy to answer your questions.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Ms. Bernicat.
And now we will go to Ms. Milovanovic.
STATEMENT OF HON. GILLIAN ARLETTE MILOVANOVIC, NOMINEE TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF MALI
Ambassador Milovanovic. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, Senator Isakson, members of the committee, I
am very honored also today to appear before you to discuss my
nomination by President Bush to become our country's next
Ambassador to the Republic of Mali. I am deeply honored by the
trust placed in me by President Bush and by Secretary Rice. If
confirmed by the Senate, I will do my level best to be worthy
of that confidence and to advance the goals of the United
States in Mali and in the region. I know that my success will
depend on a relationship of close cooperation and consultation
with this committee, with its staff, and with others in the
Congress, and I look forward to establishing such a
relationship.
With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like simply to
acknowledge my family who are not able to be here today, but I
would like to mention my husband, Zlat, and my two daughters,
Alexandra and Anna. The Foreign Service has been more than just
my career. It has really been and still is my life, but also
theirs. And their patience, sacrifice, flexibility, good humor,
curiosity, and unfailing support have made possible any
successes that I have achieved as a professional and as a human
being.
With over 16 years of democratic experience, Mali is an
example for West Africa and beyond. It is led, as Congressman
Pomeroy mentioned, by an extraordinary president. Mali has a
strong human rights record. It has hosted the Community of
Democracies Ministerial in November of last year and it is a
strong partner with the United States against terrorism and
extremism. It has also deployed on several international
peacekeeping operations.
Unfortunately, Mali's political progress has not been
matched by improved social and economic indicators. In 2007,
the U.N. ranked Mali 173 out of 177 countries in its Human
Development Index. Literacy rates, health indicators, and a per
capita GNP that are among the lowest in the world, together
with food security issues, insecurity, and the presence of al-
Qaeda-aligned terrorists in the country's sparsely inhabited
northern regions are all serious threats to democracy and
regional stability and contributors to this poor showing on the
Human Development Index.
If I am confirmed, I will continue to deepen and expand our
important relationship with Mali. President Bush's recent trip
to Africa and his meeting with President Toure in Washington
highlighted U.S. support for key programs, among them the
President's Malaria Initiative and PEPFAR to deal with HIV/
AIDS. Mali's enormous $461 million Millennium Challenge Compact
entered into force in September of last year. Our Peace Corps
program in Mali is one of the largest in Africa. Mali is a key
member of the Trans-Sahara Counter-Terrorism Partnership.
Through TSCTP, we are helping Mali to be better able to control
its borders and to counter the efforts of al-Qaeda in the
Islamic Maghreb. The well received, ACOTA, African Contingency
Operations Assistance program, along with the visit of
AFRICOM's General Ward at the end of February both underscore
Mali's status as a key partner in regional security.
Mr. Chairman, this is my 30th as a Foreign Service officer.
If confirmed, I would bring to my assignment in Mali prior
experience as a Chief of Mission, 9 years of service in Africa,
and 15 years of experience working with societies in political
and economic transition.
I have worked closely with the Defense Department, State
National Guards, and other partners to reform and modernize
defense establishments in Europe and in Africa and to
strengthen their capacity to contribute to peacekeeping,
regional security, and the global war on terror.
If confirmed, I particularly look forward to the
opportunity to continue my long relationship of collaboration
with the Peace Corps, an agency whose mission and whose
volunteers truly represent the best that America has to offer.
Mali faces significant challenges in seeking to improve the
health of its citizens, advance education, and promote human
rights. To help Mali achieve these goals, if confirmed, I would
draw on my experience with USAID and Peace Corps education
programs, and I would take a task force approach, which has
been successful for me in the past, dealing with such issues as
combating trafficking in persons and other abuse and to promote
the rights of women and children. I believe my experience with
CDC and with PEPFAR would also assist me in leading our mission
effectively and advancing United States interests in Mali.
Mr. Chairman, if I am confirmed, you will find in me a
responsive partner, fully committed to working with you and
with this committee to advance United States interests in the
Republic of Mali, and you will find in me a Chief of Mission
whose highest priority will be to ensure the security of
embassy personnel, their families and other Americans in Mali.
It would be, indeed, a great honor to be entrusted with
carrying on the work of my distinguished colleagues who have
preceded me as serving as Ambassador to the Republic of Mali.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I too look forward
to taking your questions. Thank you very much.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Milovanovic follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Gillian Arlette Milovanovic, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Mali
Mr. Chairman, honorable members of the committee, I am honored to
appear before you today to discuss my nomination by President Bush to
become our country's Ambassador to the Republic of Mali. I am deeply
honored by the trust placed in me by President Bush and by Secretary
Rice. If confirmed by the Senate, I will do my very best to be worthy
of that confidence, and to advance the goals of the United States in
Mali and in the region. I know from experience that my success will
depend on a relationship of close cooperation and consultation with
this committee, its staff and others in the Congress. It is a
relationship that I hope to begin with you today, building on the
foundation of my previous years of service in Africa.
With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like to acknowledge my
husband, Zlat, and my daughters, Alexandra and Anna, although they are
unable to be here today. The Foreign Service has been more than just my
career. It has been, and is, my life and that of my entire family. My
family's patience, sacrifice, flexibility, good humor, curiosity, and
unfailing support have made possible any successes I have achieved as a
professional and as a person. If I am confirmed, it will be my honor
and privilege to represent the United States in Mali. We all look
forward to returning to the continent where we have already spent 9
rewarding years as a family and where Anna was born.
With over 16 years of democratic experience, Mali serves as an
example for West Africa and beyond. Mali has a strong human rights
record, hosted the Community of Democracies Ministerial in November
2007, is a strong partner against terrorism and extremism, an active
participant in international organizations, and has deployed troops to
several international peacekeeping operations.
Mali's political progress, however, has not been matched by
improved social and economic indicators. In 2007, the U.N. gave Mali a
ranking of 173 out of 177 countries in its Human Development Index, due
in large part to literacy rates, health indicators, and a per capita
GNP that are among the lowest in the world. These factors, along with
food security concerns, insecurity, and the presence of al-Qaeda-
aligned terrorists in the country's sparsely populated northern
regions, constitute serious threats to democracy and regional
stability.
The United States has been a key partner in helping Mali to
overcome these challenges, and, if I am confirmed, I will continue to
deepen and expand this important relationship. President Bush's recent
trip to Africa, and his meeting with Malian President Toure in
Washington, have highlighted United States Government support for
important programs such as the President's Malaria Initiative and
PEPFAR for HIV/AIDS. Mali's $461 million MCC Compact entered into force
in September 2007, and it is a high priority for President Toure. Our
Peace Corps program in Mali is one of the largest in Africa. Mali is a
key member of the Trans-Sahara Counter-Terrorism Partnership (TSCTP).
Through TSCTP, we are helping Mali augment its ability to control its
borders and counter al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb efforts in the
region, ensuring that northern Mali remains inhospitable to extremism.
The United States Government has a well-received African Contingency
Operations Assistance (ACOTA) program in Mali, and the visit of
AFRICOM's general ward at the end of February underscored that Mali is
a key partner in regional security.
Mr. Chairman, this year marks my 30th anniversary as a Foreign
Service officer. If confirmed, I would bring to my assignment in Mali
prior experience as a chief of mission, 9 years of service in Africa,
and 15 years of experience working with societies in political and
economic transition.
It has been my privilege to work closely over the years with the
Defense Department, State National Guards, and other partners to reform
and modernize defense establishments in Europe and Africa and to
strengthen their capacity to contribute to peacekeeping, regional
security, and the global war on terror.
During my career, I have been very proud to swear in new Peace
Corps volunteers on a number of occasions. I am particularly delighted
that, if confirmed, I will have the opportunity to continue my long
collaboration with the Peace Corps, an agency whose mission and whose
volunteers represent the best that America has to offer.
Mali faces significant challenges in seeking to improve the health
of its citizens, advance education, and promote human rights. If
confirmed, to help Mali achieve these goals I would drawn on my
experience with USAID and Peace Corps education programs, and I would
foster a multiagency task force approach to combat trafficking in
persons and other abuse, as well as to promote the rights of women and
girls. When assigned to Botswana and South Africa I gained immense
respect for the work of CDC and was privileged to be ``present at the
creation'' of the PEPFAR program in South Africa. Should I be
confirmed, I believe this experience too would help me to lead our
mission effectively and to advance United States interests in Mali.
Mr. Chairman, if I am confirmed, you will find in me a responsive
partner, fully committed to working with you and with this committee to
advance United States interests in the Republic of Mali, and a chief of
mission whose highest priority will be to ensure the security of
embassy personnel, their families, and other Americans in Mali. It
would be a great honor to be entrusted with carrying on the work of the
distinguished colleagues who have served as Ambassador to the Republic
of Mali. With that Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I thank you
for your attention and I look forward to responding to your questions.
Senator Feingold. Thank you so much.
And now we turn to Mr. Teitelbaum, who would be the
Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana.
STATEMENT OF DONALD GENE TEITELBAUM, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR
TO THE REPUBLIC OF GHANA
Mr. Teitelbaum. Mr. Chairman, Senator Isakson, I have full
remarks to be entered into the record.
Senator Feingold. Without objection.
Mr. Teitelbaum. I would like to deliver shorter remarks
now, if I may.
I am honored to appear before you today as President Bush's
nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana. I thank
President Bush and Secretary Rice for their trust and
confidence.
Mr. Chairman, I like to start by introducing some people
who have influenced my life. It is pretty big crowd, though.
Senator Feingold. That is all right.
Mr. Teitelbaum. First, my wife, Julianna Lindsey, and her
parents, Jon and Annette Lindsey.
Senator Feingold. Please stand.
Mr. Teitelbaum. My parents, Bob and Fumie Teitelbaum; my
older brother, Alex, and my sister, Romie, my seven nephews----
[Laughter.]
Mr. Teitelbaum [continuing]. Greg, Adam, Mark, David, Chad,
Alex, and Robbie. And last but not least, the best friends
anybody could ask for: Allen Crane, Scott Findley, John Carter,
and Gary Boswick.
Senator Feingold. All welcome. I am sure seven nephews is
an all-time record for this committee in spite of its 200 years
as a committee. [Laughter.]
Well done. You may proceed.
Mr. Teitelbaum. Although not a blood relative, speaking for
the many of us here I think who have been with the Africa
Bureau for a long time, I would like to also acknowledge the
presence of Ambassador Ruth Davis who is very much family for
all of us who have been with the bureau.
Mr. Chairman, as a Foreign Service officer in South Africa,
Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, and Uganda, and at the National Security
Council, I have seen the opportunity that embraces the
continent, but I have also seen the suffering, conflict, and
despair that stifle progress in too many African nations.
The intricate nature of the continent is present in Ghana.
A democracy since 1992, Ghana has held four free and fair
national elections. Ghana has an apolitical military and a
lively, free media. Ghana has demonstrated consistent economic
growth and is poised to achieve its Millennium Development Goal
of reducing poverty by 50 percent. Ghana is a strong partner in
peacekeeping and was a supportive ally on the United Nations
Security Council, and the Ghanaian people are benefiting from
improved schools, sanitation, and health services as a result
of sound macroeconomic policy and debt relief.
However, political and social upheaval marked the years
following Ghana's independence. Democratic institutions are
young and political power is highly centralized. Economic gains
remain fragile. Broadly shared prosperity has yet to be
achieved. Political patronage and connections still taint
commercial and economic opportunities.
America's centuries-old relationship with Ghana has similar
contrasts. The dark era of the slave trade intertwined our
histories. Our economic interaction was once largely that of
debtor and creditor. Past international issues, such as Ghana's
relations with Libya, strained our relationship.
But now Ghanaian students studying in America and Americans
tracing their heritage in Ghana characterize our people-to-
people contacts. America's civil rights struggle and Ghana's
national independence movement inspired each other. Our
militaries cooperate through many programs. We are trading
partners under AGOA and President Bush had a successful visit
to Ghana in February.
If confirmed by the Senate, my priority will be to support
transformation in Ghana and America's relationship with Ghana.
It is time to put the donor-recipient nomenclature away and
continue our journey toward true partnership. It is time to
stop talking about potential and start achieving measurable
goals.
If confirmed by the Senate, I will have the power of sound
policy and programs to push transformation. There are
opportunities for Ghana to transform and for the United States
to assist. I see opportunity in the upcoming elections in
December and in strengthening democratic institutions. I see
opportunity in making wise decisions regarding offshore oil
discoveries. I see opportunity in alleviating poverty, making
economic growth durable, and spreading its benefits widely. I
see opportunity in continuing the fight against malaria, for
which the Congress has provided bipartisan support.
Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee, Ghana and
America's relationship with Ghana do not lack for opportunities
to transform. If confirmed by the Senate to be the next United
States Ambassador to Ghana, my duty will be to turn those
opportunities into outcomes. I will depend on the people at the
embassy in Ghana, and I will seek out strong commitments from
my counterparts in Ghana. Importantly too, I will count on
continued communication and consultation with this committee
and with Congress so that our efforts yield the greatest
benefit for the American and Ghanaian peoples.
Thank you for your attention. I am very pleased to be here
and happy to answer any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Teitelbaum follows:]
Prepared Statement of Donald Gene Tritelbaum, Nominee
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today as President Bush's nominee for Ambassador to the
Republic of Ghana. I would like to thank President Bush and Secretary
Rice for this opportunity and for their trust and confidence.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to start today by introducing some
people that have influenced my life. First, my wife, Julianna Lindsey,
and her parents, Jon and Annette, my parents, Robert and Fumie
Teitelbaum, my older brother, Alex, and my sister, Romie, and their
families; and, last but not least, the best friends anybody could ask
for: Allen Crane, Scott Findley, John Carter, and Gary Boswick.
Mr. Chairman, I come to this point in my career with a deep respect
for the countries of Africa and a firm belief that the United States of
America must engage across the continent. As a Foreign Service officer,
I was immersed in Africa on the ground in South Africa, Kenya, Somalia,
Sudan, and Uganda, and from the vantage point of the National Security
Council. Through these experiences I have seen the promise,
opportunity, and hope that embrace the continent. But I have also seen
the suffering, conflict, and despair that stifle progress in far too
many African nations. I have seen stark, complicated contrasts--
abundant natural resources, fledgling democracies, incredible personal
courage, and historical global links standing toe-to-toe with
challenges such as civil wars, HIV/AIDS, poverty, and corruption.
The intricate nature of the African continent is present in Ghana.
A democracy since 1992, Ghana has held four free and fair national
elections--including a peaceful transition from one party to another in
2000. Ghana has an apolitical military and a lively, free media. Ghana
has emerged as a regional leader and a strong partner in peacekeeping,
on conflict resolution, and as a supportive ally during its tenure on
the United Nations Security Council from 2005-2007. Ghana has started
to implement its $547 million Millennium Challenge Corporation Compact.
And the Ghanaian people are benefiting from improved schools,
sanitation, health services, and other basic infrastructure as a result
of sound macroeconomic policy and debt relief.
However, political and social upheaval marked the years following
Ghana's independence in 1957. Democratic institutions are still young
and political power is highly centralized. Economic gains remain
fragile. Poverty has decreased markedly but broadly shared prosperity
is yet to be achieved. Political patronage and connections still taint
commercial and economic opportunities. Additionally, the current
government lacks capacity to fight escalating drug trafficking.
America's centuries-old relationship with Ghana has similar
contrasts. The dark era of the slave trade intertwined our histories.
Our economic interaction was once largely that of debtor and creditor.
Past international issues, such as Ghana's relations with Libya,
strained our relationship.
But now, Ghanaian students studying in America and Americans
proudly tracing their heritage in Ghana characterize our people to
people contacts. Our coinciding fights for freedom--America's civil
rights struggle and Ghana's national independence movement during the
middle of last century--inspired each other. The first United States
Peace Corps overseas mission was established in Ghana in 1961. Our
militaries cooperate through many programs, including the Africa
Contingency Operations Training and Assistance Program, Africa
Command's Africa Partnership Station, and the International Military
Education and Training program. Ghana is one of Africa's premier
peacekeeping partners. We are trading partners under the African Growth
and Opportunity Act. And President Bush had a successful visit to Ghana
in February.
Ghanaians and Americans share a love of democracy, human rights,
educational opportunity, free enterprise, peace, and stability. These
shared values implore the United States to be active in Ghana. I
believe that every corner of the globe is significant in the fight for
freedom, peace, and prosperity. Successes and failures in Ghana can
affect its neighbors, the region, the continent, and, indeed, the
world.
If confirmed by the Senate, I will use the resources of the United
States Government wisely, efficiently, and effectively to bring the
utmost benefit to the peoples of Ghana and of America. My priority will
be to support transformation in Ghana and of America's relationship
with Ghana. It is time to put the donor-recipient nomenclature away and
continue our journey towards true partnership. It is time to stop
talking about potential and start achieving measurable goals.
If confirmed by the Senate, I will have the power of sound policy,
programs such as those of the Millennium Challenge Corporation and
USAID, and the talent and skills of embassy personnel to push
transformation. There are opportunities for Ghana to transform and for
the United States to assist. I see opportunity in the upcoming
elections in December. I see opportunity in making wise decisions
regarding offshore oil discoveries. I see opportunity in alleviating
poverty, making economic growth durable, and spreading its benefits
widely. I see opportunity in continuing the fight against malaria, for
which the Congress has provided bipartisan support. I see opportunity
in immobilizing drug trafficking. I see opportunity in strengthening
democratic institutions.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, Ghana and America's
relationship with Ghana do not lack for opportunities to transform. If
confirmed by the Senate to be the next United States Ambassador to
Ghana, my duty will be to turn those opportunities into outcomes--to
move from a picture of stark contrasts to freedom, prosperity, and
peace. I will depend on the people at the embassy in Accra and I will
seek out strong commitments from my counterparts in Ghana. Importantly
too, I will count on continued communication and consultation with this
committee and Congress so that our aim stays true and our efforts yield
the greatest benefit for the American and Ghanaian peoples. Thank you
for your attention. I am very pleased to be here and I am happy to
answer any questions you have.
Senator Feingold. Thank you so much, Mr. Teitelbaum.
Now we will go to Ms. Linda Thomas-Greenfield to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Liberia. I believe you are the
one with Wisconsin ties?
Ms. Thomas-Greenfield. I am.
Senator Feingold. And I believe you have that in common
with the President of Liberia.
Ms. Thomas-Greenfield. And I have that in common with you,
sir.
Senator Feingold. And me, of course. That is the most
obvious one. [Laughter.]
But I have talked at length with the President of Liberia
about how cold it was in Wisconsin.
Ms. Thomas-Greenfield. And it was. I came there from
Louisiana.
Senator Feingold. Why do you not go ahead?
STATEMENT OF LINDA THOMAS-GREENFIELD, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR
TO THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA
Ms. Thomas-Greenfield. Thank you, sir. Mr. Chairman,
Senator Isakson, I am truly, truly honored and delighted to be
here today as President Bush's nominee to be the next United
States Ambassador to Republic of Liberia. I would like to thank
the President and Secretary Rice for the confidence and trust
that they have shown by nominating me for this key position. As
you know, Liberia is one of the United States closest friends
on the continent of Africa.
Mr. Chairman, if you will allow me, I would like to also
recognize my family. My husband, Lafayette Greenfield, is
retired from the Foreign Service and is responsible for
enticing me nearly 30 years ago to pursue this career. And my
two children, Lindsay and Deuce, both of whom grew up in the
service and, with their dad, supported me throughout my 26-year
Foreign Service career.
I would also like to recognize my long-time friends, Sarah
Sommers, Delores Justice, and Lisa Connor.
Senator Feingold. Welcome, all of you.
Ms. Thomas-Greenfield. Mr. Chairman, Senator Isakson, I
have spent the better part of my career working on Africa and
African issues. For the past 2\1/2\ years, I have served in the
Bureau of African Affairs, first as the Deputy Assistant
Secretary for West Africa and then in my current position as
the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary.
Not long ago, Liberia was mired in civil war and spreading
conflict throughout the region. Now it is well along the road
to recovery. I was honored to observe the first round of
Liberia's national elections in 2005 that led to the election
of President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. With these democratic
elections, Liberians chose peace over war, a future over
stagnation, and a return to the community of nations. Now the
government of President Sirleaf is making major strides,
reforming its institutions, attracting investment, and setting
Liberia on the path to stability and economic growth.
But Liberia is not out of the woods yet. The peace is
fragile. Its economy remains weak and high unmet expectations
risk compromising Liberia's future.
Liberia will face many challenges over the next several
years. It must grow economically, creating jobs and reviving
its economy. It must develop its civil society, an independent
media, to reverse the social and cultural damage done by
decades of conflict. In 2011, Liberia will face another major
test of its democracy as it will hold presidential and
legislative elections.
If confirmed as Ambassador, I would work diligently to
continue the strong engagement of the United States to keep
Liberia moving in the right direction. United States engagement
will remain critical to Liberia's success. Thanks to the
generous support of Congress, our assistance to Liberia spans
the entire range of programs and areas averaging over $180
million per year. In a country with only 3.5 million people,
that support can have an enormous impact. If confirmed, I would
work with our excellent embassy team, USAID, DOD, and other
agency staff to ensure that our assistance achieves maximum
impact and is coordinated with the efforts of other donors and
with the Government of Liberia.
If confirmed, I would also use my position to confront
those who threaten Liberia's recovery. I would not hesitate to
publicly attack corruption, human rights abuses, and old ways
of doing business in Liberia that contributed to its breakdown
and to its civil conflict. Liberia's proud and strong people
deserve a government that will serve the public interest and
that will protect the people, not prey on them.
Governance reforms are an important means of attracting
foreign investment, and if confirmed, I would work to advance
United States business interests for the benefit of the
American economy, as well as the Liberian economy.
Finally, sirs, I am especially pleased to be here today to
come full circle back to Liberia. In the late 1970s, I studied
in Liberia as a graduate student from the University of
Wisconsin. Liberia opened my eyes to the wider world. It
inspired my passion for Africa. If confirmed, I hope to have
the chance to contribute to Liberia's development and to
advance our important bilateral relationship. I will also look
forward to working with this committee to advance United States
policy in Africa.
Thank you for this time.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Thomas-Greenfield follows:]
Prepared Statement of Linda Thomas-Greenfield, Nominee to be Ambassador
to the Republic of Liberia
Chairman and distinguished members of the committee, I am honored
and delighted to be here today as President Bush's nominee to be the
next United States Ambassador to the Republic of Liberia. I would like
to thank the President and Secretary Rice for the confidence and trust
they have shown by nominating me for this position. Liberia is one of
the United States closest friends on the continent of Africa, and I am
grateful to be nominated to serve there as the United States
Ambassador.
Mr. Chairman, I would like the take the opportunity to introduce my
husband, Lafayette Greenfield, a retired Foreign Service officer, who
enticed me nearly 30 years ago to pursue this career. I also recognize
my two children, Lindsay and Deuce, both of whom grew up in the service
and who with their dad have supported me throughout my 26 years in the
United States Foreign Service.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I have spent the better
part of my career working in Africa and on African issues. For the past
2\1/2\ years, I have served in the Bureau of African Affairs, first as
the Deputy Assistant Secretary for West Africa and now in my current
position as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary. Nearly half of my
Foreign Service career focused on refugee and humanitarian issues,
including as Deputy Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of Population,
Refugees, and Migration where I had oversight for refugee,
humanitarian, and migration programs in Africa, Europe, and Latin
America.
Not long ago, Liberia was mired in civil war and spreading conflict
throughout the region; now it is well along the road to recovery. I was
honored to be an observer for the first round of Liberia's national
elections in 2005 that eventually led to the inauguration of Africa's
first woman President, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. With those democratic
elections, Liberians chose peace over war; a future over stagnation;
and a return to the community of nations. Now we are 5 years past
Liberia's civil war, and the government of President Sirleaf is making
major strides, reforming its institutions, attracting investment, and
setting Liberia on the right path to stability and economic growth.
But Liberia, as they say, is ``not out of the woods'' yet. Its
peace is fragile, its economy remains weak, and high unmet expectations
risk compromising Liberia's future. If confirmed as ambassador, I would
work diligently to continue the strong engagement of the United States
to keep Liberia moving in the right direction, and I would ensure that
our attention and commitment to Liberia does not waver or diminish
during this crucial post-conflict period.
Liberia will face many challenges over the next several years. It
must grow economically, creating jobs and reviving the agricultural
sector. It must develop its civil society, independent media, and
community organizations to reverse the social and cultural damage done
by years of conflict. The government must fix its broken justice
system, train and develop its civil service, and build its security
services to keep the peace. In 2011, Liberia will face another major
test when it holds Presidential and legislative elections. Liberia must
continue on the path of democracy.
Throughout this period, United States engagement will remain
critical to Liberia's success. Thanks to the generous support of the
Congress, our assistance to Liberia spans the entire range of program
areas and averages some $180 million per year. Liberia has the second
largest USAID program in Africa, after Sudan. In a country with only
3\1/2\ million people, that support has an enormous impact on the
health and education of Liberia's people and the improvement and reform
of its Government.
If confirmed as ambassador, I would work with our excellent
embassy, USAID, DOD, and other agency staff to ensure that our
assistance achieves maximum impact, and is coordinated with the efforts
of other donors and of the Government of Liberia. I am pleased to
report that Peace Corps, an important face of America, has already
begun reestablishing itself in Liberia and volunteers will be arriving
soon.
If confirmed, I would also use my position to confront those who
threaten Liberia's recovery. I would not hesitate to publicly attack
corruption, human rights abuses, and the ``old ways of doing business''
in Liberia that contributed so much to its breakdown and civil
conflict. Liberia's proud and strong people deserve a government that
will serve the public interest, not private agendas, and that will
protect the people, not prey on them. President Sirleaf has made that
commitment and, if confirmed, I, as the President's representative to
Liberia, will stand with her.
Governance reforms are also important as a means of attracting
foreign investment. I believe Liberia's growth and recovery will depend
on inflows of private capital, particularly from American businesses
seeking opportunities in mining, agriculture, services, and other
sectors. If confirmed as ambassador, I would work to advance United
States business interests for the benefit of both the American economy
and the Liberian economy.
Finally, on a personal note, I am especially pleased to be here
today, to come full circle back to Liberia. In the late 1970s, I spent
a year and a half in Liberia as a graduate student from the University
of Wisconsin, where I studied political science. Liberia opened my eyes
to the wider world and inspired my passion for Africa and my decision
to make the Foreign Service a career. Now, some 30 years later, if
confirmed, I hope to have the chance to contribute to Liberia's
development and to advance our important bilateral relationship. Thank
you again, Chairman Feingold, for today's hearing. I look forward to
your questions.
Senator Feingold. Thank you very much.
And now we turn to Ms. Patricia McMahon Hawkins to be
Ambassador to the Togolese Republic.
STATEMENT OF PATRICIA McMAHON HAWKINS, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR
TO THE TOGOLESE REPUBLIC
Ms. Hawkins. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator Isakson. I am
honored to appear before you today as the nominee to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Togo. I thank both President Bush
and Secretary Rice for this opportunity and for their trust and
confidence in my ability to serve our country in this position.
I would like to mention my husband, also a Foreign Service
officer, Richard Hawkins, who is currently serving as the team
leader of the provincial reconstruction team in Al Muaydi,
Iraq, embedded with the 3rd Combat Brigade team of the 3rd
Division of the United States Army.
If I am confirmed as the Ambassador to Togo, I will draw on
25 years of Foreign Service experience to advance United States
policy objectives in Togo. Our overall vision of our
relationship with Togo is focused on democracy and respect for
human rights, prosperity and security, and health.
Togo is a small country on the coast of West Africa, and it
has been poorly governed since the 1960s. In the 1990s, in
response to a repressive government's violation of democratic
principles and human rights abuses, Togo's multinational and
bilateral partners, including the United States, terminated
assistance programs. In the ensuing years, the economy has
stagnated and the physical infrastructure has deteriorated.
Despite a flawed and violent electoral process in 2005, the
new President was able to initiate a dialog with his major
opponents that culminated in the Global Political Agreement in
August 2006. The centerpiece of the agreement was the
organization of legislative elections which took place in
October of 2007 and were declared free and fair by numerous
local and international observers.
If confirmed, I will continue the work of my predecessor to
encourage progress on improving election legislation and
processes so that future elections, including the presidential
elections in 2010, will be fair and transparent, on the
development of stronger political parties, and on encouraging
better collaboration among the parties. I intend to share
American diplomatic values with the Togolese by focusing on
principles of tolerance and equal access to media. I will seek
to accelerate the improvement in civil-military relations and
press for a further reduction of the military's involvement in
the government and in civil society. I will look for
opportunities to cooperate with Togo's military and security
forces to combat drug trafficking and transnational crime,
including the trafficking of persons, and to promote Togolese
participation in regional efforts to strengthen maritime
security in the Gulf of Guinea.
President Bush recently designated Togo eligible to receive
benefits under the African Growth and Opportunity Act. If
confirmed, I will work to promote Togo's full participation and
enjoyment of these benefits for the prosperity of the Togolese
people. I will assist the Government of Togo in its efforts to
fight corruption and to promote the rule of law, using our
limited democracy and human rights fund allocation and regional
USAID programs.
As in so many countries in the world today, HIV/AIDS,
malaria, and other risks to health and well-being menace Togo's
stability and prosperity. If confirmed, I will seek to ensure
that our assistance in combating disease is utilized to maximum
effectiveness. The Peace Corps will continue to play an
important role in combating HIV/AIDS with approximately one-
quarter of the volunteers working full-time in the field of
community health and all 100 volunteers engaged in some way. We
will continue to collaborate with other donor countries and
international organizations to increase the capacity of
Togolese officials to combat HIV/AIDS and other infectious
diseases, and we will use strong media outreach to promote
health education and awareness.
Mr. Chairman, Senator Isakson, Togo, as small and as poor
as it is, holds promise for the future despite the many
challenges that remain. If confirmed, I look forward to working
with the leaders and people of Togo and this committee to
sustain the current forward momentum toward political and
economic reform so that the Togolese people might enjoy fully
the fruits of freedom.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity, and I would
be pleased to respond to any questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Hawkins follows:]
Prepared Statement of Patricia McMahon Hawkins, Nominee to be
Ambassador to the Togolese Republic
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today as the nominee to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Togo. I thank both President Bush and Secretary Rice for this
opportunity and for their trust and confidence in my ability to serve
our country in this position.
If confirmed, I will draw on 25 years of Foreign Service
experience, 12 of which have been spent either in Africa or focusing on
African issues, to advance United States policy objectives in Togo. Our
overall vision for the direction of our relationship with Togo is
focused on democracy and respect for human rights, prosperity and
security, and health. In pursuing our goals, we face a dual challenge.
We must maximize our impact in the three priority areas with the
program resources at our disposal, while ensuring that Washington is
poised to increase United States Government engagement if and when Togo
completes the emergence from its long political and human rights
crisis.
Togo, a small country on the coast of West Africa, has been poorly
governed since the 1960s. In the 1990s, in response to a repressive
government's violation of democratic principles and human rights
abuses, Togo's multinational and bilateral partners, including the
United States, terminated assistance programs. In the ensuing years,
the economy has stagnated and the physical infrastructure has
deteriorated.
Despite a flawed and violent electoral process in 2005, the new
president, Faure Gnassingbe, son of long-time autocratic ruler
Gnassingbe Eyadema, was able to initiate a dialog with his major
opponents that culminated in the Global Political Agreement in August
2006. The centerpiece of the agreement was the organization of
legislative elections, which took place in October, 2007, and were
declared free and fair by numerous local and international observers.
If confirmed, I will continue the work of my predecessor to
encourage further progress on improving election legislation and
processes so that future elections, including presidential elections in
2010, will be fair and transparent; on the development of stronger
political parties; and on encouraging better collaboration among the
parties. I intend to share American democratic values with the Togolese
by focusing on principles of tolerance and equal access to media. I
will seek to accelerate the improvement in civil-military relations,
and press for a further reduction of the military's involvement in the
government and civil society. I will look for opportunities to
cooperate with Togo's military and security forces to combat drug
trafficking and transnational crime, including the trafficking of
persons, and to promote Togolese participation in regional efforts to
strengthen maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea.
President Bush recently designated Togo eligible to receive
benefits under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). I will
work to promote Togo's full participation and enjoyment of those
benefits for the prosperity of the Togolese people. The mission will
encourage the Government of Togo to privatize its hotel,
communications, banking, cotton, and mineral parastatal organizations.
Over the long term, I will assist the Government of Togo in its efforts
to fight corruption and to promote the rule of law, using our limited
Democracy and Human Rights Fund allocation and regional USAID programs.
As in so many countries in the world today, HIV/AIDS, malaria, and
other risks to health and well-being menace Togo's stability and
prosperity. If confirmed, I will seek to ensure that our assistance in
combating disease is utilized to maximum effectiveness. The Peace Corps
will continue to play an important role in combating HIV/AIDS, with
approximately one quarter of the volunteers working full time in the
field of community health and all 114 volunteers engaged in some way.
The mission will cooperate closely with the Peace Corps to leverage the
effects of the volunteers' grass roots health work. We will continue to
collaborate with other donor countries and international organizations
to increase the capacity of Togolese officials to combat HIV/AIDS and
other infectious diseases, and we will use strong media outreach to
promote health education and awareness.
Mr. Chairman, Togo, as small and as poor as it is, holds promise
for the future, despite the challenges of democratic and economic
reform that remain. If confirmed, I look forward to working with the
leaders and people of Togo to sustain the current forward momentum
toward political and economic reform, so that the Togolese people might
enjoy fully the fruits of freedom.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to appear before you
today. I would be pleased to respond to any questions.
Senator Feingold. Thank you and thanks to the whole first
panel.
We will now begin questions for the first panel, 7-minute
rounds. I will start with questions for Ms. Bernicat.
Can you please talk a little bit about the key challenges
in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau? How will your engagement with
each of these countries differ, including allocation of time
and resources between the two countries?
Ms. Bernicat. Thank you for that question, Senator. I told
a member of your staff earlier that dividing my time between
two countries will be considerably less of a challenge than
dividing it between the seven countries I had when I was in
Barbados. But you are right to point out there are very
different challenges.
If I could talk about what I think is by far the most
dangerous and troubling of trends. We have seen the increase of
illicit drug trafficking in Africa absolutely explode from 2003
until now, and witnessing the trafficking that goes through
Guinea-Bissau, it is not difficult to understand when you look
at the geography of the country, the coastline dotted with
violence and an unguarded coastline, its proximity to Europe,
the poverty that exists there. Guinea-Bissau is one of the
poorest countries in the world, the corruption that comes with
that kind of poverty, the history of instability, which has
eroded the rule of law and a whole series of institutions
there, and last but not least, the very strength of the Euro,
which is pulling a lot of the cocaine trafficking east and
north to the European markets.
Observers estimate that approximately 10 times the GNP of
Guinea-Bissau in drugs traffic through that country every
month. That is over $340 million in product. The most recent
seizure was 2.4 tons of pure cocaine by the French navy from a
Liberian ship off the coast of Guinea-Bissau, to give you an
idea of how diversified that trade is.
If confirmed, I would like to use the lessons learned in
the eastern Caribbean where ironically our successes in
fighting the trafficking that was moving up the eastern coast
of the Caribbean, when it was pushed off of the west coast by
the success of our Plan Colombia, has now found its way across
the Atlantic and is moving through Guinea-Bissau and other
points in West Africa. But to use a combination of a full
country team effort--every office of the country team has
something to contribute in this regard, as well as our
international partners, both in terms of intel sharing and
asset presence in the region to push the traffickers out of
what is currently an easy realm in which to operate.
Senator Feingold. In terms of time, I am going to move to
another question for you. I had the opportunity to visit
Senegal a few years ago and meet with President Wade when he
was, I think, relatively newly elected. And, of course, you
mentioned Senegal's proud democratic tradition, but there have
been some worrying signs of backsliding in recent years.
President Wade has always demonstrated a rather unilateral
leadership style that seems increasingly repressive of the
opposition while seeking to consolidate his own and his party's
power.
What is your assessment of the current state of Senegal's
democracy, and how will you strive to ensure that fundamental
democratic principles and processes are respected in the 2009
local elections and beyond?
Ms. Bernicat. Thank you for that question, Mr. Chairman.
I believe that the state of Senegalese democracy is very
strong. The history of Senegal and the fact that it is one of
the few African states that has never had anything but a
peaceful transition of power--it does have a constitution which
favors a very strong executive to begin with, and President
Wade is, indeed, a very strong president. The fact that the
opposition boycotted the legislative elections last year
increased--in fact, gave him a virtual majority in that house.
That said, we are vigilant of what we see as efforts to
increase even more the power of the executive and note in
particular arrests of journalists last fall, response to
shutting down a television station covering violent food riots
more recently, but also note that there is a very strong civil
society in Senegal which pushes back. And the President has
shown that he respects that and understands those limits.
Senator Feingold. Thank you. Time is short, so I appreciate
your answers.
I want to turn to Ms. Milovanovic regarding Mali. I have
had two wonderful visits to Mali. I met with both President
Konare and President Toure who Congressman Pomeroy mentioned
and am very impressed with that country's potential. But the
challenges are, of course, enormous as you have indicated.
What do you see as the top threats to national and regional
security emanating from Mali, and what role can the United
States play to help and contain and combat these threats?
Ambassador Milovanovic. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman,
for the question.
Fundamentally I think that Mali's own success is the
greatest way of combating--keeping it on that success is the
greatest way of combatting any threats that exist. I think that
there is great clarity about the fact that there are
difficulties in the north, which is sparsely populated, and
where there is a combination of unrest amongst elements of the
Tuareg and there is also the problem of this al-Qaeda in the
Maghreb.
But fundamentally, the tools to be used I believe in
keeping Mali as a positive force are exactly the tools that
have been used so far, keeping the democracy strong, continuing
with the decentralization process, providing Mali's government
with the necessary instruments and the resources to be able to
demonstrate to its public and to its citizens that the
government is doing the things or is trying to do the things
that the citizens need, whether it is health, whether it is
education, whether it is improvements in the economy more
generally. And that is the way to get most fundamentally at
some of the challenges.
Of course, the existence of this uncontrolled or relatively
uncontrolled area in the north is in and of itself a threat,
and it cannot only be resolved, of course, by the issues of
continuing democratization and improvements in economy and
improvements in delivery of services. There is also the Algiers
Accords which very much need to be implemented and the use of
all of the resources that we can bring to bear through TSCTP
which include both the appeals to the public regarding where
their interest lies and continuing their moderation and not
being seduced by the siren songs of the wrong guys and any
military support that is appropriate.
Senator Feingold. Senator Isakson, I am going to just
finish with this Ambassador, then turn to you, and we will do a
second round so I can get to everybody.
Ambassador, what impact has the Trans-Sahara Counter-
Terrorism Initiative, TSCTI, had in Mali and the region?
Ambassador Milovanovic. Thank you.
I believe that it has had a positive effect. It is a good
opportunity for both the Defense Department, USAID, and the
State Department to be working together, coordinating their
efforts because these challenges that are faced are of a
variety of natures, and just as a country team needs to work
together with every agency contributing to finding solutions,
TSCTP is a manifestation of that interagency process. I think
the combination of the training and the support and the
strengthening of law enforcement, the military so that there is
a slightly better ability to control the border is excellent,
but together with that, to have all of the efforts, whether
they are through military funds or through USAID or State funds
to get to the public to do humanitarian and small developmental
activities that show the public that their interest is in a
good democratic government in their country.
Senator Feingold. And what experience do you have in
coordinating with U.S. and foreign intelligence and defense
agencies?
Ambassador Milovanovic. I have in the past been a political
military officer in Brussels, and of course, as three-time DCM
and also now as Ambassador, an enormous part of what I am
responsible for is exactly this. And I have taken very much a
task force approach every place that I have gone, having law
enforcement working groups and intelligence working groups at
my embassies, which are opportunities not only to exchange
general information, but to actually work together within the
limits that there may be on certain agencies, to facilitate
each other's work, and to get results irrespective of who is
the agency that is getting the results because ultimately the
results are for the United States and for the goal, not for a
particular agency.
Senator Feingold. Thank you.
Senator, I apologize. We are just getting through an awful
lot of nominees today. So it is slow going.
Senator Isakson.
Senator Isakson. Thank you very much.
Mr. Teitelbaum, in your remarks you referred to offshore
gas and oil opportunities in the Gulf of Guinea. I have
recently returned from Equatorial Guinea where they had one of
the largest natural gas finds in the world, which has
transformed the economy of that country.
Are you aware of any exploration by the United States or by
the United States in cooperation with the Ghana Government in
the Gulf of Guinea at this time?
Mr. Teitelbaum. Thank you for that question, Senator
Isakson.
In fact, one of the companies that is a primary player in
the oil consortium in Ghana is an American company called
Cosmos. And I think that this find is a very important issue
for the Government of Ghana and it presents a real challenge to
ensure that the resources they have discovered, which do appear
right now to be there in commercially exploitable quantities
are used to broadly benefit the people of Ghana. If confirmed,
I think that ensuring that this is the case would be one of my
top priorities, and I think it is very helpful that one of the
companies involved is, in fact, an American company.
Senator Isakson. For the four of you that are on the coast
there, the one observation I would make is that in my recent
visit there, I observed very aggressive Chinese investment in
Africa.
It was a United States company that partnered with
Equatorial Guinea to find the natural gas that they are now
liquefying and shipping to the United States. But as those
opportunities are found, I think it is very important for our
Ambassadors to be a conduit for American investment and
American companies to be partners with these countries as they
develop this magnificent resource. I mean, Equatorial Guinea
went from being the poorest country in the world to the fastest
growing economy in the world in 20 years, and the same type of
thing could happen again with energy discoveries like that.
Ms. Hawkins also made a reference to the Gulf of Guinea
with regard to security. My understanding is there is still a
fair amount of piracy and not very much security on the
coastline. Are you aware of any cooperation between the coastal
countries to improve the security?
Ms. Hawkins. Yes, Senator Isakson. Thank you for the
question.
Yes, there has been cooperation with American naval forces
and with the Togolese, to which I can speak in particular, but
I believe certainly with the countries my colleagues are
nominated for. Togo is still emerging from a rather dark
period, and its armed forces and military security forces
leave--are somewhat to be desired in their ability to cope with
piracy, with drug trafficking, with the trafficking in persons.
But we have worked with them through the IMET program and
through other regional development programs to improve their
ability to cope with these problems. Obviously, it is something
that will have to be worked on considerably in the future.
Senator Isakson. Well, it is a big issue, and also with the
presence of al-Qaeda or the opportunity for organizations like
al-Qaeda to take advantage of ignorance and poverty and with
little security on the coastline, to me it is a very important
issue all along the African coast.
Ms. Thomas-Greenfield, you made a very passionate
statement. I tried to write it down real quickly.
Ms. Thomas-Greenfield. I hope you have a copy of the
statement.
Senator Isakson. I do have a copy, but I was listening
rather than reading. So I wrote down you were going to
aggressively--you were willing to unabashedly and aggressively
and publicly attack corruption. Did I get that right?
Ms. Thomas-Greenfield. You did, sir.
Senator Isakson. Well, I want to commend you on that.
Again, with the ignorance and poverty issue and the
conversation about drugs that has taken place in some of the
other testimony, the Ambassadors can bring a world of help in
that part of the world to try and minimize and eliminate the
corruption.
And I go back to my trip to Equatorial Guinea. When they
made the find of natural gas, of course, the $64,000 question
was whose pocket is all this money going into. And remarkably,
I think because Ambassador Johnson, who is now on the ground
there in Guinea and his unabashed outspokenness against
corruption, they have just finished building a state-of-the-art
hospital that is as good as any hospital I have ever seen and a
lot of other infrastructure for the citizens of the area. I am
sure there is some spending money going into some pockets
somewhere, but I was delighted to see that amount. So I hope as
these finds take place, as the resources are developed, you
will all be outspoken on that.
I would be happy to hear any comment from you regarding
corruption.
Ms. Thomas-Greenfield. Thank you for that question, sir.
Corruption is really a cancer and it can destroy any
country's progress. Liberia, the country that I hope to get
confirmed for, is a country that cannot afford corruption. It
is a country that is coming out of 14 years of civil war in
which its infrastructure was totally devastated, people's lives
were destroyed, and a whole generation of young people went
without education.
The United States taxpayers are putting a lot of money into
Liberia. We are the largest donor. I see it as my
responsibility, if confirmed as Ambassador, to ensure that our
taxpayers' dollars go to where we hope and plan for those
dollars to go, but also, I think it is very important for the
funding and support that we are giving to the Liberian people,
that that money goes to the Liberian people and not into the
pockets of those people who would steal from the coffers of the
government.
Senator Isakson. Well, there is an economic term called the
``Dutch disease,'' and that is when a country has a singular
source of wealth and it never develops itself internally. That
is what has happened in the Middle Eastern countries, and the
same opportunity for that to happen exists on the coast of
Africa. So everything we can do to get that money invested in
improving the lives of the people I think will help us avoid
another part of the world with the type of problems we have in
the Middle East.
One last real quick question. Ms. Bernicat, with regard to
the drug issue, which you underlined in your speech and which
you addressed again, did I understand you to say that our
success in Colombia--that some of the expansion of the drugs
there, on the West African coast, are actually some of the same
people that were in Colombia? Was that correct?
Ms. Bernicat. That is correct, sir. As we put pressure on
traffickers who moved drugs up the west coast of the United
States, they shifted to trafficking through the eastern
Caribbean. And as we put pressure successfully with the
interagency and our foreign partners on those trafficking
routes, the traffickers simply shifted to West Africa.
Senator Isakson. This will be my last question. Is it at
the point where it would be a target for a program similar to
what we did with the country of Colombia?
Ms. Bernicat. I do not believe so, sir, but again, the
Europeans have been taking a lead, given the fact that they are
for the moment the recipients of the vast majority of this
product. Our goal, I believe, and if confirmed, I would pursue,
would be to apply the lessons that we have learned from Plan
Colombia and from our work in the Caribbean to help thwart the
trafficking that is now going through the west coast to help
the Europeans.
Senator Isakson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Feingold. Senator, we will start the second round.
Mr. Teitelbaum, what are you greatest concerns regarding
the upcoming presidential and legislative elections? And if
confirmed as Ambassador, what steps will you take to help
Ghana's government, democratic institutions, political parties,
and civil society prepare for the December 2008 polls?
Mr. Teitelbaum. Thank you for that question, Mr. Chairman.
If confirmed, the upcoming elections due in December would
be not only one of my top priorities, but it would certainly be
the most immediate priority.
I think, first and foremost, on the very bright side, since
1992 Ghana has already had four elections which were widely
viewed as free and fair and were generally peaceful. And I
think the primary expectation and the hope of all players is
that this next election will be more of the same. In fact, in
one of their previous elections, the Ghanaians also had a
transfer of power between parties. So they have some very good
precedents, and they are beginning to establish a democratic
history.
That said, it is still a very young democracy. Institutions
still need to grow and to strengthen and to build.
These elections are expected to be very, very close. I
think that since the United States, of course, has no interest
in any individual candidate, of course, our interest is in
ensuring that the elections are free and fair, that the playing
field is level, that the elections themselves reflect the will
of the Ghanaian people, and that, most importantly, they be
well run and transparent so that whatever the results of those
elections, they have credibility and engender trust in the
people of Ghana. And I think that the United States Government
has a very substantial role to play in ensuring that part of
the elections, both on the governmental side and also there are
roles for nongovernmental organizations.
The Carter Center had a preelection role to play and was in
Ghana in February. The United States Government is funding with
approximately $600,000, I believe, or $625,000 medium-term and
election day observers from among Ghanaian organizations. And
the United States has a program of approximately $300,000 to
encourage greater participation in the elections by persons
with disabilities.
So I think we have a very strong role to play and, if
confirmed, I would seek to strengthen these roles and also
ensure that the embassy itself sends out observers on the day
to ensure that this is a free, fair, and transparent election.
Senator Feingold. Thank you.
Ghana is rich in natural resources and also seems to
actually have a chance at being the first African country to
avoid the so-called ``resource curse,'' which Senator Isakson,
of course, was getting at a little bit, of corruption leading
to poverty. The government exported $1.3 billion in gold in
2006. An oil discovery just last December has put reserves at
over 3 billion barrels.
Do you think Ghana should become a compliant country under
the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative? And outside
of EITI, what steps would you take to assist Ghana in moving
toward greater transparent management of its natural resources?
Mr. Teitelbaum. Thank you.
I think that Ghana has had quite a good success in recent
years in growing its economy, but they remain very dependent on
a few resources, gold, cocoa, and perhaps in the not too
distant future they will begin to diversify that with oil.
Ghana is a member of the Extractive Industries Transparency
Initiative. I think they have made it very clear that it is
their intent to ensure that these resources are used wisely to
benefit their people. And I believe that the United States has
an important role to play in encouraging and supporting the
Ghanaian Government in this role.
One area that I would mention as providing this is the
Millennium Challenge Corporation's compact with the Ghanaians.
Of course, part of qualifying for the compact is ensuring a
certain transparency and accountability in government
operations, and the Millennium Challenge Corporation's compact
is aimed at building Ghanaian infrastructure and supporting
their agricultural industry, which would help further diversify
their economy and help them get away from the one or two crops
and the one or two areas that they are focused on now.
Senator Feingold. I understand you mentioned that they were
a member of EITI, but the goal here is compliant as well.
Mr. Teitelbaum. They are not fully compliant yet.
Senator Feingold. That is important, I think.
Mr. Teitelbaum. Yes, sir.
Senator Feingold. Ms. Thomas-Greenfield, as you know,
Liberia represents one of the relatively few truly enthusiastic
supporters of the new United States combatant command, AFRICOM,
on the continent. What role do you think AFRICOM can play in
Liberia and the region?
Ms. Thomas-Greenfield. Thank you for that question.
I have worked very closely with DOD over the past year and
a half in the formation and creation of AFRICOM. I think
AFRICOM can play an extremely important role, particularly in
Liberia, in terms of helping with security sector reform, with
training, with helping build the confidence of Liberians in
their future. We are hoping that at some point, once AFRICOM is
fully operational, that they will work closely with the newly
formed Liberian army to mentor them, to train them, and to help
them become a professional army that contributes to the country
and one that does not take away from the people of the country.
Senator Feingold. Well, Liberia is becoming increasingly
stable, as you have talked about, in the wake of its bloody
civil war. Its neighbors, particularly Guinea and Cote
d'Ivoire, are decidedly less so.
What skills and experiences do you have that could assist
you to deal with humanitarian needs and conflict-related
situations should the circumstances in Guinea or Cote d'Ivoire
worsen?
Ms. Thomas-Greenfield. Thank you again for that question,
sir.
In addition to considering myself an Africanist, I consider
myself, with over 12 years of experience working on
humanitarian and refugee issues, to be a humanitarian, as well.
I formerly worked in the Bureau for Population Refugees and
Migration. I was the Deputy Assistant Secretary there working
on humanitarian issues around Africa, but particularly working
on the issues related to Liberian refugees, the situation in
Cote d'Ivoire, the situation in Guinea.
I think I have the experience and the background to work
with our ambassadors in the surrounding countries, if I am
confirmed, to come up with a strategy to deal with the issues
in the neighborhood. I would particularly like to work with
ambassadors in the Mano River region to come up with a regional
solution for Liberia because Liberia's stability really depends
on the situation in Guinea and Cote d'Ivoire and Sierra Leone
remaining stable.
Senator Feingold. Thank you.
Ms. Hawkins, I see that you have extensive experience
working in public diplomacy for the United States both at home
and abroad. How will that assist you in managing the United
States mission in Togo and the role you see of United States
diplomacy as an element of foreign policy more generally?
Ms. Hawkins. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Yes, I am a public diplomacy officer and have been for the
25 years I have been in the Foreign Service. I firmly believe
that public diplomacy probably is the strongest arrow in our
quiver, if you will. It is the best way to reach people. We
have the tools. We have the talent that is needed to form
people-to-people relationships which will survive beyond any
minor policy disputes. It is a tool that we have to use if we
are going to persuade people that we have their best interests
at heart.
As far as working in Togo goes, it may be the only tool
that I will have because we are at a point in our relationship
with Togo that is just starting to develop, and I intend to
focus very strongly on public outreach, on media outreach. I
would like to start a speakers bureau at the embassy to get all
of my younger officers and family members out. I would like to
see everyone in the embassy travel extensively so that they can
reach populations that we might not have reached before.
We are going to have to provide assistance to education,
assistance to women and child health, assistance across the
board, and perhaps the best way of doing that is by education
and media outreach.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Ms. Hawkins.
Senator Isakson.
Senator Isakson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ms. Milovanovic, Mali is the largest, geographically, of
these five countries. It is also one of the poorest and the
most sparsely populated. I worry, again as I mentioned earlier,
about al-Qaeda, and I know this is a heavily Islamic country to
boot, I believe, if my information is correct.
How much in the counterterrorism effort with United States
is the Mali Government cooperative in that, or are we
developing good relationships with regard to that?
Ambassador Milovanovic. Thank you, Senator Isakson, for the
question.
I am pleased to say that one of the real positives, not
that it is the only one by a long shot, but one of the real
positives is the excellence of the relationship with the
Government of Mali, with the President, with the leadership
there. So we are really working in what my colleague earlier
spoke of, a partnership and a genuine partnership. And this is
extremely important as you have indicated because, obviously,
if there is only one part of the group pulling to get the
results, you do not succeed as well as if everyone is pulling
in the same direction.
In Mali, there is clearly a commitment on the part of the
government and the President himself, be it on democracy, be it
on sustainable development, be it on improvements to health and
education for the benefit of the citizens, but also a
commitment to do all of these things and more because they are
also, in addition to being good for his own country and his own
citizens, clearly important with respect to the struggle to
ensure that this relatively ungoverned--not ungoverned but
sparsely populated with unclear borders north--is not a danger
and not a threat but increasingly and sustainably feels
absolutely part of this immense country of Mali.
Senator Isakson. Ms. Thomas-Greenfield, you mentioned you
worked with DOD in the development of AFRICOM. Did any of the
others of you have interface with DOD on that?
As an observation, having just come back from Djibouti in
January--and AFRICOM is not clearly understood by a lot of
people. However, I want to commend you because when I visited
Admiral Hart and the other officers there, I was so impressed
with the technical assistance, such as well drilling, bridge
building, all the things that the military was doing in
cooperation with countries in Africa to improve the plight. A
lot of people have looked at AFRICOM as a ``military
operation,'' but it has got a tremendous humanitarian aspect to
it.
I took some input from somewhere. So I will give you the
credit if you were the one working with DOD for doing that.
They really have a clear mission, and I think as AFRICOM fully
develops and ultimately locates on the continent, it is going
to be good for the United States and our relationship with a
lot of those countries.
Any comment on that you would like to make?
Ms. Thomas-Greenfield. Yes, sir, and thank you very much
for that question.
We worked diligently to ensure that AFRICOM had a mission
that was understood and that was supportive of the State
Department and the other civilian agencies who are working in
Africa. There has been a lot of questions raised about AFRICOM
militarizing United States foreign policy and United States
diplomacy, and we have worked with the command and with others
in DOD to make sure that in our communications strategy we
developed the language that was understood by Africans and by
others that AFRICOM was not there to take over diplomacy but
would be working with our embassies under the direction and
authority of our ambassadors to carry out the foreign policy
goals that have been established by the State Department.
Senator Isakson. It almost reminded me of the PRT's in Iraq
where you have the State Department and the military working
hand in hand with the people to reconstruct and develop. So
congratulations on the work that you did.
My only other comment, Mr. Chairman, is for Mr. Teitelbaum.
Being a Georgian in the home of Coca-Cola, I know Coca-Cola is
a tremendous investor in Ghana, and I hope you will encourage
everyone to drink Coca-Cola. [Laughter.]
Senator Feingold. Nicely done, Senator.
I thank the panel very much and wish you well, and we ask
the next panel to come forward, please.
All right. Let us get the committee to order here and begin
with the testimony of the second panel. I am going to have to
ask the panelists to keep it brief so that everybody has a
chance to talk and so that we can have some questions.
Mr. Bodde, do you want to begin please for us, Ambassador
to the Republic of Malawi?
STATEMENT OF PETER W. BODDE, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE
REPUBLIC OF MALAWI
Mr. Bodde. Mr. Chairman, Senator Isakson, it is an honor
and privilege to appear before you today as the President's
nominee to serve as the next United States Ambassador to
Malawi. I am grateful for the trust placed in me by the
President and Secretary Rice. If confirmed, I look forward to
working with this committee and my colleagues in the United
States Government to further the interests of the United States
in Malawi and in the region.
I also want to take this opportunity to express my
appreciation for the special efforts the committee has made to
schedule these nomination hearings.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce my wife, Tanya, who
is also a member of the Foreign Service; our daughter, Sara,
who is a third grade teacher in Montgomery County; and our son,
Christopher, who flew in from London. And I am especially proud
and happy that my father, Ambassador William Bodde, is here
today. About 30 years ago today, I sat where he is sitting
today during his first confirmation hearing, when he appeared
before the late Senator Paul Tsongas, prior to becoming
Ambassador to Fiji.
Senator Feingold. Where are you folks out there? Can we see
you? Welcome all. Great.
Mr. Bodde. Thank you.
Among the lessons I have learned during my career is that
the success of every United States mission abroad depends on a
strong interagency effort and a cohesive country team. It also
requires clear goals, strict accountability, adequate funding,
and trained personnel. These same critical concepts apply to
our bilateral engagement projects and the delivery of
significant levels of U.S. assistance at a critical juncture in
Malawi's development. You have my full assurance that should I
be confirmed, I will provide the necessary leadership to ensure
that these concepts are an essential element of all mission
programs. While the generosity of the American people is great,
all of us involved in the stewardship of this generosity must
be accountable for measuring success and failure.
In my current position in Islamabad, as well in my previous
position as consul general in Frankfurt, I have had the
opportunity to regularly brief dozens of your colleagues, both
in the House and Senate. Such regular interaction, whether at
post or in Washington, is critical to our continued success.
Frank exchanges of accurate information that build trust are
essential for the Congress to make difficult resource and
policy choices.
Malawi is one of the poorest countries in the world. It
faces the daunting challenges of chronic malaria, widespread
HIV/AIDS, poor infrastructure, and a lack of mineral wealth.
Yet, the Malawian Government has made a meaningful commitment
to raising living standards and improving the lives of its
people. The United States is an important and growing partner
in this process. We are working with Malawi to promote
political and economic development, decrease the country's
dependence on humanitarian assistance, and increase its ability
to make positive contributions to regional security and the
broader global community.
If confirmed, I will make protecting and deepening Malawi's
democratic systems one of my highest priorities. Malawi's
political parties are currently locked in a bitter struggle
that has placed serious strains on the country's political
institutions. All eyes are now shifting to national elections
scheduled for mid-2009 that will be a critical test for
Malawi's democratic processes. If confirmed, my recent
experience in Pakistan, as well as my previous experience in
Nepal and Bulgaria, in helping young or challenged democracies
conduct fair and credible elections will serve me well.
I also want to note how much I look forward to serving
again at a post with a large and well-established Peace Corps
program. I have seen firsthand the significant impact a single
Peace Corps volunteer can make. I want to assure you that
should I be confirmed, I will provide considerable support to
this inspiring American outreach program.
In closing, I want to note that anyone who represents the
United States has a unique responsibility. More often than not,
we are the only nation that has the will, the values, and the
resources to solve problems, help others, and be a positive
force for change in our challenged world. Being nominated to
serve as an ambassador representing our Nation is in itself an
incredible honor. With your consent, I look forward to assuming
this responsibility while serving as the next United States
Ambassador to Malawi.
Thank you for this opportunity to address you. I look
forward to answering your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Bodde follows:]
Prepared Statement of Peter W. Bodde,
Nominee to be Ambassador to the Republic of Malawi
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an honor and a
privilege to appear before you today as the President's nominee to
serve as the next United States Ambassador to Malawi. I am grateful for
the trust placed in me by the President and Secretary Rice. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee and my
colleagues in the United States Government to further the interests of
the United States in Malawi and in the region. I also want to take this
opportunity to express my appreciation for the special efforts the
committee has made to schedule these nomination hearings.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce my wife, Tanya, who is also
a member of the Foreign Service, our daughter, Sara, who is a third
grade teacher in Montgomery County, MD, and our son, Christopher, who
traveled from London to be here today. I am happy and proud that my
father, Ambassador William Bodde, is here today. About 30 years ago, I
sat where he is sitting today during his first confirmation hearing
when he appeared before the late Senator Paul Tsongas prior to becoming
Ambassador to Fiji. I consider myself lucky to have grown up in a
Foreign Service family.
Among the lessons I have learned during my career is that the
success of every United States mission abroad depends on a strong
interagency effort and a cohesive country team. It also requires clear
goals, strict accountability, adequate funding, and trained personnel.
These same critical concepts apply to our bilateral engagement and the
delivery of significant levels of United States assistance at a
critical juncture in Malawi's development. You have my full assurances
that, should I be confirmed, I will provide the necessary leadership to
ensure that these concepts are an essential element of all mission
programs. While the generosity of the American people is great, all of
us involved in the stewardship of this generosity must be accountable
for measuring success and failure.
In my current position in Islamabad, as well as in my previous
position as consul general in Frankfurt, I have had the opportunity to
regularly brief dozens of your colleagues both in the House and Senate.
Such regular interaction, whether at post or in Washington, is critical
to our continued success. Frank exchanges of accurate information that
build trust are essential for the Congress to make difficult resource
and policy choices. Should I be confirmed, I will make every effort to
interact on a regular basis with the members of the committee and other
members of the Congress and congressional staff.
Malawi is one of the poorest countries in the world; it faces the
daunting challenges of chronic malaria, wide-spread HIV/AIDS, poor
infrastructure, and a lack of mineral wealth. Yet, the Malawian
Government has made a meaningful commitment to raising living standards
and improving the lives of its people, and the United States is an
important and growing partner in this process. The primary objective of
the United States mission in Malawi, of course, is to promote and
protect the interests of the United States and United States citizens
who are either in Malawi or doing business with Malawi. In addition to
that fundamental responsibility, we are working with Malawi to promote
political and economic development, decrease the country's dependence
on humanitarian assistance and increase its ability to make positive
contributions to regional security and the broader global community.
If confirmed, I will make protecting and deepening Malawi's
democratic systems one of my highest priorities. Malawi's political
parties are currently locked in a bitter struggle that has placed
serious strains on the country's political institutions. All eyes are
now shifting to national elections scheduled for mid-2009 that will be
a critical test for Malawi's democratic institutions. If confirmed, my
recent experience in Pakistan, as well as my previous experience in
Nepal and Bulgaria, in helping young or challenged democracies conduct
fair and credible elections will serve me well. Success, however, will
require United States and international donor support to reinforce
Malawi's developing democratic system.
On the economic front, Malawi's near-term prospects look bright,
largely because of good rains and the positive impact of the
government's fertilizer and seed subsidy programs. From a longer-term
perspective, however, Malawi remains highly dependent on rain-fed
agriculture in an area prone to periodic droughts. In order to achieve
sustainable improvements in living standards, Malawi must increase
investment in irrigation and agricultural diversification, raise
productivity and education standards, and reduce high transport and
public utility costs. The Millennium Challenge Corporation's selection
of Malawi as a compact eligible country in late 2007 has created
significant new opportunities, not only for funding strategic public
investments but also for new public-private partnerships to promote
sustainable growth.
Disease, including HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis, and chronic
malnutrition poses a tremendous obstacle to Malawi's continued growth.
The Malawian Government has been a willing partner in addressing the
challenges of improving access to health care, but government and
public sector capacity remain weak. The United States, through the
President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) and the Global
Fund, has played a critical role in increasing access to treatment and
increasing public awareness about the disease. If confirmed, I will be
proud to shepherd the continued growth of these critical programs.
As Malawi continues to develop domestically, it is increasingly
able to play a constructive role in advancing important issues
throughout the region. One example of such a contribution is Malawi's
planned deployment of a peacekeeping battalion to Darfur. The United
States is working with the United Nations to support Malawi's efforts
and prepare Malawian troops for deployment in 2009. If confirmed, I
will work diligently to keep these plans on track.
I also want to note how much I look forward to serving again at a
post with a large and well-established Peace Corps program. I have seen
firsthand the significant impact a single Peace Corps volunteer can
make. I want to assure you that, should I be confirmed, I will provide
considerable support to this inspiring American outreach program.
In closing, I want to note that anyone who represents the United
States has a unique responsibility. More often than not, we are the
only Nation that has the will, the values, and the resources to solve
problems, help others, and to be a positive force for change in our
challenged world. Being nominated to serve as an ambassador
representing our Nation is in itself an incredible honor. With the
consent of the Senate, I look forward to assuming this responsibility
while serving as the next United States Ambassador to Malawi. Thank you
for this opportunity to address you. I look forward to answering your
questions.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Mr. Bodde. Thank you so much.
And now we turn to Donald E. Booth, to be Ambassador to the
Republic of Zambia.
STATEMENT OF HON. DONALD E. BOOTH, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO
THE REPUBLIC OF ZAMBIA
Ambassador Booth. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator Isakson.
I am deeply honored to appear before you today, and I greatly
appreciate the trust and confidence that the President and
Secretary of State have placed in me to be their nominee as
United States Ambassador to the Republic of Zambia.
I am also grateful for the unwavering support of my wife,
Anita, who is a retired Foreign Service officer, who is
currently in Liberia where I have had the honor of serving as
Ambassador for the past 3 years. I would also like to introduce
my daughter, Alison, and my son, Peter, who are in the back. My
youngest son, David, is currently attending Lawrence University
in Wisconsin, so he is not able to be here today.
I have spent the better part of my 32 years in the Foreign
Service trying to resolve conflicts and promoting development
and understanding of the United States in many different parts
of Africa. During my 2 years as the Deputy Director of the
State Department's Office of Southern African Affairs, I worked
to keep Zambia from being drawn into the then ever-widening
conflict in the neighboring Democratic Republic of the Congo. I
was also the coordinator of our efforts to engage the member
states of the Southern African Development Community on
security cooperation, regional water resource management, and
in arresting Zimbabwe's slide toward arbitrary rule, among
others.
Zambia has been fortunate to escape the wars and civil
conflicts in Southern Africa since its independence in 1964.
However, despite its vast mineral wealth, Zambia remains a poor
country where 87 percent of the population lives on less than
$2 a day. The reasons for this low quality of life for most
people in Zambia are similar to those I have been working to
address during my time as Ambassador to Liberia--corruption,
gender-based violence, unequal access to opportunity, and lack
of quality education and health care.
If confirmed, I would do my best to ensure that the
assistance funds appropriated and authorized by Congress are
effectively utilized to help the Government of Zambia address
the underlying causes of poverty there. Poverty that can lead
to despair and create opportunities for those who would seek to
harm the American people. My experiences in Africa have left me
convinced that we can only make a difference by working in
partnership with those Africans who have the desire to tackle
their problems themselves.
Zambia also suffers from the curse of HIV/AIDS and malaria,
and that is why Zambia was one of the first countries to
benefit from the President's Emergency Program for AIDS Relief,
as well as from the President's Malaria Initiative. Over 75
percent of United States assistance to Zambia is directed to
addressing HIV/AIDS and malaria. If confirmed, I will make it a
priority to ensure that our emergency interventions receive the
Zambian support needed to make them sustainable and thus truly
capable of controlling the scourge of those diseases that have
so restrained development in that part of the world and can
still threaten the region's stability.
Mr. Chairman, I believe our relationship with Zambia should
not be defined by what we do to help Zambia, but rather by how
much we can accomplish together to expand the horizons of
freedom, peace, and economic opportunity. Zambia has been in
the forefront of true multiparty democratic governance in
southern Africa, and I believe we need to encourage Zambia to
work through the Southern African Development Community, SADC,
to advance democracy and accountable government in southern
Africa and beyond. I am pleased to note that as the chair of
SADC, Zambia recently convoked an extraordinary summit to
address the deteriorating situation in neighboring Zimbabwe.
Mr. Chairman, I thank you for inviting me to appear before
you today, and I would be happy to answer your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Booth follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Donald E. Booth, Nominee
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Zambia
Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of this committee, I am
deeply honored to appear before you today. I greatly appreciate the
trust and confidence the President and Secretary of State have placed
in me as their nominee to be the United States Ambassador to the
Republic of Zambia. I am also grateful for the support throughout my
Foreign Service career of my wife, Anita, who is in Liberia where I
have had the honor to serve as ambassador for the past 3 years, as well
as of my daughter, Alison, and sons, Peter and David. Alison and Peter
are here with me today. David is currently attending Lawrence
University in Appleton, Wisconsin.
I have spent the better part of my 32 years in the Foreign Service
trying to resolve conflicts and promoting development and understanding
of the United States in many parts of Africa. During my 2 years as
Deputy Director of the State Department's Office of Southern African
Affairs, I worked to keep Zambia from being drawn into the then-
widening conflict in neighboring Democratic Republic of the Congo. I
was also the coordinator of our efforts to engage the member states of
the Southern African Development Community as a group on security
cooperation, regional water resource management and in arresting
Zimbabwe's slide toward arbitrary rule. As Ambassador to Liberia, I
have seen the impact regional peer pressure can have in ending conflict
and restoring democratically elected government.
Despite the wars and civil conflicts in southern Africa, Zambia has
been fortunate to escape conflict since its independence in 1964.
However, despite its vast mineral wealth, Zambia remains a poor country
where 87 percent of the population lives on less than $2 per day. The
reasons for this low quality of life for most people in Zambia are not
dissimilar to those I have been working to address during my time as
Ambassador to Liberia--corruption, unequal access to opportunity and
lack of quality education and health care. If confirmed, I would do my
best to ensure that the assistance funds appropriated and authorized by
the Congress are effectively utilized to help the Government of Zambia
address the underlying causes of poverty in Zambia, poverty that can
lead to despair and create opportunities for those who would seek to
harm the American people, their friends and allies. I would also work
with the Government of Zambia to meet the criteria for compact status
under the Millennium Challenge Account. My numerous experiences in
Africa have left me convinced that we cannot impose solutions to
Africa's problems. We can only make a difference by working in
partnership with Africans who have the desire and will to tackle their
problems themselves.
Zambia also suffers from the twin afflictions of HIV/AIDS and
malaria. That is why Zambia was one of the first countries to benefit
from the President's Emergency Plan For AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), as well
as from the President's Malaria Initiative (PMI). Over 75 percent of
United States assistance to Zambia is directed at addressing HIV/AIDS
and malaria. If confirmed, I will make it a priority not only to help
Zambia combat those diseases, but also explore ways we can ensure our
``emergency'' interventions receive the Zambian support needed to make
them sustainable and thus truly capable of controlling these two
diseases that have so restrained development and could still threaten
the region's stability. Another impediment to Zambia's development is
the unequal status of women and the prevalence of gender-based
violence. If confirmed, I would ensure these problems are addressed
through the Women's Justice and Empowerment Initiative, as well as
through programs that combat trafficking in persons.
Mr. Chairman, I believe our relationship with Zambia should not be
defined by what we do to help Zambia, but rather by how much we can
accomplish together to expand the horizons of freedom, peace, and
economic opportunity. Zambia has been in the forefront of true
multiparty democratic governance in southern Africa and I believe we
need to encourage Zambia to work through the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) to advance democracy and accountable
government in southern Africa and beyond. I am pleased to note that as
chair of SADC, Zambia recently convoked an extraordinary summit to
address the deteriorating situation in Zimbabwe. The United States
Ambassador to Zambia is also accredited to the Common Market of Eastern
and Southern Africa (COMESA). While COMESA is a broad group of nations
in various states of development, if confirmed, I will try to help
COMESA identify ways it can advance meaningful regional economic
cooperation that will better integrate its member states into the
global economy.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for inviting me to appear before you today.
I would be happy to answer your questions.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Mr. Booth.
Now we go to Mr. Stephen James Nolan, to be Ambassador to
the Republic of Botswana.
STATEMENT OF STEPHEN JAMES NOLAN, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO
THE REPUBLIC OF BOTSWANA
Mr. Nolan. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman and
Senator Isakson, I am honored to appear before you today as
President Bush's nominee to serve as the next United States
Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana and Special
Representative to the Southern African Development Community. I
am grateful for the trust placed in me by the President and
Secretary Rice. If confirmed, I look forward to working with
this committee to further the interests of the United States in
Botswana and the region.
With me today is my wife, Judy. She has been a real source
of support and wise counsel since we were married 30 years ago
in Senegal, our first Foreign Service post.
Since then, two-thirds of my career has been spent with the
African Bureau, during which I have been responsible for
handling a variety of management and policy issues. During the
last 4 years, I have been the Executive Director of the African
Bureau where Ambassador Ruth Davis, who has been a wonderful
boss and great leader, has really been behind me in every sense
of the word, right until this moment. [Laughter.]
Should I be confirmed, this experience will greatly inform
my work in Botswana.
My affinity for Africa is not accidental. My father was a
Foreign Service officer until his death in Yemen in 1973. It
was his example, with encouragement from my mother, that
inspired my career choice, but it was our family's years in
Kenya and Sierra Leone that sparked a lifelong interest in
Africa. I am sure my father is looking down on these
proceedings with a smile on his face.
The highest priorities for any ambassador are to protect
American lives and to ensure a safe environment for all
personnel in the mission. My sensitivity to this is based on
experience. I was in the embassy in Nairobi when it was bombed
by al-Qaeda in August 1998. For me the events and aftermath of
that day underscored the importance of leadership and
preparedness. If confirmed, I will not lose sight of this
critical responsibility.
Botswana is a leader in the region, with a long record of
political stability and sound institutions. Yet, for all its
storied success, Botswana still faces critical challenges that
will affect the sustainability of its remarkable development.
Although democracy and good governance are firmly established,
civil society organizations are not yet fully mature. Working
with the government, civil society, and the media, I will
strive to foster robust and dynamic democratic institutions.
Diamonds account for a third of Botswana's GDP, and the
government has used this resource wisely to spur development.
But 30 percent of Botswana's citizens still live in poverty and
the gap between rich and poor is growing. With diamonds
expected to run out in the not distant future, there is an
urgent need for greater economic diversification with less
reliance on the public sector. To this end, the United States
is helping Botswana become more competitive in the global
marketplace and to take full advantage of the African Growth
and Opportunity Act. If confirmed, I will work to foster
economic growth and seek to expand United States commercial
engagement with Botswana.
The devastating coepidemics of HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis
touch everyone in Botswana. Through the President's Emergency
Plan for AIDS Relief, the U.S. has provided over $300 million
to support prevention and treatment efforts and to help the
Government of Botswana achieve its goal of an AIDS-free
generation by 2016. If confirmed, I will be proud to champion
the continued development of this vital program.
Additional important objectives would be supporting
Botswana's role as a regional partner on peace and security
issues through the International Military Education and
Training Program, maximizing the impact of the International
Law Enforcement Academy in Gaborone, and working to help
protect Botswana's environment and unique natural heritage.
If confirmed, I would build on Ambassador Canavan's efforts
to identify areas for closer collaboration with the Southern
African Development Community. We already enjoy useful
cooperation on trade expansion and environmental protection,
and more recently SADC has shown leadership in coordinating a
regional response to the electoral crisis in Zimbabwe. It is
important that we continue to engage with SADC, encouraging its
expanding role as an advocate for constructive economic
policies and deepening democratic institutions.
Mr. Chairman, Senator Isakson, should I be confirmed, I
promise to work hard to maintain and expand our excellent
relationship with Botswana for the betterment of both the
American and Botswana people.
Thank you for this opportunity to address you. I look
forward to answering your questions.[The prepared statement of
Mr. Nolan follows:]
Prepared Statement of Stephen James Nolan, Nominee
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today as President Bush's nominee to serve as the next
United States Ambassador to the Republic of Botswana. I am grateful for
the trust placed in me by the President and Secretary Rice. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee to further the
interests of the United States in Botswana and in the region as the
Secretary of State's Representative to the Southern African Development
Community.
With me today is my wife, Judy, who has been a source of strength,
support, and wise counsel since we were married 30 years ago in Dakar,
Senegal, our first Foreign Service post. While I have also served in
Europe and the Near East, two thirds of my career has been at our posts
in Africa or in the Bureau of African Affairs in Washington. On the
continent, I have had the pleasure to serve as Consul General in Cape
Town, two tours in Nairobi, and tours in Harare and Dakar. This
affinity for Africa is not accidental. My father, Bernard Nolan, was a
Foreign Service officer until his death in Yemen in 1973. His example,
with encouragement from my mother, inspired my career choice, but it
was my family's years in Kenya and Sierra Leone that sparked my life-
long interest in Africa. I am sure he is looking down on these
proceedings with a smile on his face.
During my career with the Foreign Service, I have been responsible
for handling a variety of management and policy issues, most recently,
as Executive Director of the Bureau of African Affairs. The rapid
growth of health, development, and security assistance programs at many
embassies in recent years has stretched human and financial resources,
but I am proud of how our bureau's dedicated American and locally
engaged personnel have risen to the challenge. This is an issue I plan
to remain focused on as we need to ensure that we have adequate
staffing to match the increase in program funds for proper management
and accountability. Africa stands at a critical juncture, and Botswana
is destined to play a key leadership role in the realization of
Africa's future, particularly in southern Africa. If confirmed, I will
work with dedication to promote stronger United States-Africa relations
and to deepen our excellent bilateral relationship with Botswana.
The highest priority for any ambassador serving overseas is to
protect American lives--whether private citizens or those working in
the mission. My extreme sensitivity about this is based on my
experience; when al-Qaeda bombed our embassy in Nairobi in 1998, I was
serving there as the administrative counselor. This catastrophe and its
aftermath underscored the importance of leadership and experience.
Should I be confirmed, I will use both in carrying out this critical
responsibility.
Botswana's stability and legitimacy derive from the strength of its
leadership and institutions, adherence to democratic norms, and prudent
management of revenues from its diamond industry. Yet Botswana, for all
its storied success, still faces many critical challenges that will
affect the sustainability of its remarkable development. Although
democracy and good governance are firmly established in Botswana, the
ruling party has won every national election since independence in 1966
and civil society organizations are not yet fully mature. The success
of diamonds and the related broad-based and deeply rooted growth of the
public sector have limited the emergence of a robust and
entrepreneurial private sector. Diamond dependency (diamonds account
for 33 percent of GDP) highlights the need to diversify the economy.
The gap between rich and the poor is wide and growing. An estimated 30
percent to 40 percent of Batswana live in poverty, largely in sparsely
populated rural areas. Furthermore, coepidemics of HIV/AIDS and
tuberculosis have devastated families and affect every member of
Batswana society. If I am confirmed, helping Botswana address these
challenges will be central to my tenure.
Our strong relationship with Botswana provides many opportunities
for positive engagement. Today, I would like to focus on several areas
where the United States can contribute to the continuing success of
Botswana and an even brighter future. First, with the inauguration of a
new President in Botswana and a general election approaching in 2009,
the United States has a unique opportunity to help Botswana move
forward with improved democratic practices and respect for human
rights. Working with the government, civil society, and the media, I
will endeavor to foster more robust and dynamic democratic institutions
to ensure more Batswana feel like they have a stake in their own polity
and economic future.
Economic development and expansion of trade will also be key
priorities. Botswana has already made great gains in just over four
decades, financed largely and prudently by Botswana's ``diamonds for
development'' program and guided by sound fiscal and monetary policies.
Despite these gains, uneven development, skewed income distribution,
and highly visible and palpable poverty are clear signs that more must
be done. The realization has increasingly set in that ``diamonds are
actually not forever,'' and there is an urgent need for greater
diversification in Botswana's economy. The United States is currently
helping Botswana to become more competitive in the global marketplace
and to make maximum use of the African Growth and Opportunity Act
(AGOA). Our Government is also working with Botswana to help develop
its energy resources, agricultural exports, and public-private sector
policy dialog. If confirmed, I will make fostering increased and
diversified economic growth a priority, while seeking to expand United
States commercial engagement with Botswana.
I will continue our close collaboration with the Botswana
Government in the fight against the coepidemics of HIV/AIDS and
tuberculosis. As with many of its neighbors, Botswana has been
devastated by HIV/AIDS. The national HIV/AIDS prevalence rate is
estimated to be 24.1 percent, with a much higher rate in certain age
categories. Botswana also has one of the world's worst tuberculosis
(TB) epidemics and about 80 percent of TB patients also have HIV.
Through the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), the
United States has provided roughly $300 million in funding to support
prevention and treatment efforts and to help the Government of Botswana
achieve its goal of an AIDS-free generation by 2016. If confirmed, I
would be proud to shepherd the continued development of this critical
program.
Supporting Botswana's role as a regional partner on peace and
security issues through the International Military Education and
Training Program, maximizing the impact of the International Law
Enforcement Academy in Gaborone, and working to help protect Botswana's
environment and unique natural heritage would also be important
objectives, should I be confirmed.
Finally, as the Secretary of State's Representative to the Southern
African Development Community, known as SADC, if confirmed, I would
continue Ambassador Canavan's efforts to identify areas for closer
collaboration with this important regional organization, where we have
already enjoyed useful cooperation in the areas of regional trade
expansion and management of Southern African ecosystems. More recently,
SADC has shown leadership in coordinating a regional response to the
electoral crisis in Zimbabwe. It is important that we continue to
engage fully with SADC, supporting its expanding voice as an advocate
for constructive economic policies and deepening democratic
institutions throughout southern Africa.
Mr. Chairman, committee members, should I be confirmed, I will work
hard to maintain and expand our excellent relationship with Botswana
for the betterment of both the American and Batswana people. Thank you
for this opportunity to address you. I look forward to answering your
questions.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Mr. Nolan.
And finally, Ms. Marianne Matuzic Myles, to be the
Ambassador to the Republic of Cape Verde.
STATEMENT OF MARIANNE MATUZIC MYLES, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR
TO THE REPUBLIC OF CAPE VERDE
Ms. Myles. Thank you. Mr. Chairman and Senator Isakson, it
is truly a great honor for me to be before you here today as
President Bush's nominee to serve as United States Ambassador
to the Republic of Cape Verde. Like my fellow nominees before
me, I am grateful to the President and to Secretary Rice for
the confidence and trust that they have shown by nominating me
for this position.
It is a tremendous pleasure for me to take a moment to
introduce the many family members, friends, and colleagues who
are with me here today. I am joined by my husband Stan, a
retired Foreign Service officer, and my partner for almost 20
years now; our daughter Lee-Ellen, who is a seventh-grader at
Roberto Clemente Middle School's Magnet Center; my sister,
Nancy Edwards; her daughter Kate; good friend and neighbor, Jim
Gierula; Lee-Ellen's classmate from Roberto Clemente, Frieda
Lindroth. And from my current office, I would like to introduce
Deputy Assistant Secretary Linda Taglialatela and colleagues,
Bruce Cole, Margaret Dean, Bill Pope, Dick Christianson, Rachel
Friedland, and Tijen Aybar.
Senator Feingold. I will ask the whole audience to rise.
[Laughter.]
Welcome all. Thank you very much for coming. Go ahead.
Ms. Myles. Mr. Chairman, I joined the Foreign Service at
the young age of 22 because of a very strong commitment to
public service. I look forward to the opportunity, if
confirmed, to utilize the skills I have acquired during my 30-
plus year Foreign Service career to advance our interests in
Cape Verde. My multiple assignments in Brazil, which is a
country that shares many common interests with Cape Verde,
fluent Portuguese, the work I oversaw on remittances, and the
disaster relief I provided while Consul General in Naples, my
work to protect American citizens in Bogota, as well as my
interagency training at the National War College, and
background as an economist have given me a wide range of useful
tools. If confirmed, I will put those tools to best use.
Mr. Chairman, the Republic of Cape Verde is an African
success story. It is one of Africa's oldest and strongest
democracies with an unbroken tradition of civilian rule since
independence in 1975. It is politically stable. Corruption is
low. Transparency is high. And perhaps most important, Cape
Verde's human rights record is excellent.
In the brief time I have this morning, I would like to
mention a few important aspects of the United States-Cape Verde
bilateral relationship. That relationship is strong, in part
because it is a longstanding one, beginning with the opening in
1818 of our first consulate in sub-Saharan Africa.
Extraordinarily close family ties also strengthen the
relationship as a large number of Cape Verdeans are resident in
New England, particularly in Massachusetts and Rhode Island.
The first factor of our strong relationship is that we
share a common commitment to democracy. The United States has
supported Cape Verde's continuing efforts to strengthen its
democracy, and the commitment by Cape Verdeans and their
political parties to democratic dispute resolution is
extraordinary. Closely contested elections in 2001 and 2006
were resolved according to the constitution without political
violence or heated rhetoric.
The second factor is a shared commitment to security. Cape
Verde's location strategically positions it in major north-
south sea routes. The Government of Cape Verde has provided
strong support on security cooperation. Cape Verde's hosting of
NATO's first live military exercise in Africa in June of 2006
was an historic event.
As you mentioned in your opening remarks, Mr. Chairman,
there is much more to do with regard to maritime security. Cape
Verde's solid support of United States ship visits and
counternarcotics activities are indications of their policy to
be an active, constructive partner, as well as a regional role
model.
A third factor is economics. Cape Verde's AGOA eligibility,
its new WTO membership, and its recent partnership status with
the European Union offer Cape Verde the chance to become a
transatlantic bridge for tourism, trade, and investment. Its
economy is also benefiting from its selection in 2005 as one of
the first Millennium Challenge Account countries.
Mr. Chairman, the United States remains a strategic partner
with Cape Verde focused on three main goals: accelerating
economic expansion, consolidating a stable democracy, and
strengthening the rule of law. If confirmed, I will be eager to
pursue these efforts, as well as develop other strategic
partnerships. But as a first priority, I would carry out the
chief of mission's responsibility to ensure the safety and
welfare of all Americans and U.S. Government employees. I
understand and embrace the obligation to ensure the fair
treatment and high morale of mission staff and family members.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you
and your colleagues and to welcoming you to Cape Verde.
I would be happy to answer any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Myles follows:]
Prepared Statement of Marianne Matuzic Myles, Nominee
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Cape Verde
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an honor to appear
before you today as President Bush's nominee to serve as United States
Ambassador to the Republic of Cape Verde. I am grateful to the
President and Secretary Rice for the confidence and trust they have
shown by nominating me for this position.
It is my pleasure to take a moment to introduce the family members,
friends, and colleagues who are with me here today. I am joined by my
husband, Stan, a retired Foreign Service officer, our daughter, Lee-
Ellen, a seventh grader at Roberto Clemente Middle School, my sister,
Nancy Edwards, and her daughter, Kate, good friend and neighbor, Jim
Gierula, and Lee-Ellen's classmate, Frieda Lindroth. From my current
office, I would like to introduce Deputy Assistant Secretary Linda
Taglialatela, and colleagues Bruce Cole, Margaret Dean, Bill Pope, and
Tijen Aybar.
I joined the Foreign Service at the young age of 22 because of a
strong commitment to public service. I look forward to the opportunity,
if confirmed, to utilize the skills I have acquired during my 30-plus
year Foreign Service career to advance our interests in Cape Verde. My
multiple assignments in Brazil, a country that shares many common
interests with Cape Verde, my fluent Portuguese, the work I oversaw on
remittances and the disaster relief I provided while Consul General in
Naples, my work to protect American citizens in Bogota, as well as my
interagency training at the National War College and background as an
economist, have given me a wide range of useful tools. If confirmed, I
will put them to best use.
Mr. Chairman, the Republic of Cape Verde is an African success
story. It is one of Africa's oldest and strongest democracies with an
unbroken tradition of civilian rule since independence in 1975. It is
politically stable. Corruption is low and transparency is high. Perhaps
most important, Cape Verde's human rights record is excellent.
In the brief time I have this morning, I'd like to mention a few
important aspects of the United States-Cape Verde bilateral
relationship. That relationship is strong, in part because it is a
long-standing one, beginning with the opening in 1818 of our first
consulate in sub-Saharan Africa. Extraordinarily close family ties also
strengthen the relationship, as a large number of Cape Verdeans are
resident in Massachusetts and Rhode Island.
The first factor in our strong relationship is that we share a
common commitment to democracy. The United States has supported Cape
Verde's continuing efforts to strengthen its democracy. The commitment
by Cape Verdeans and their political parties to democratic dispute
resolution is extraordinary. Closely contested elections in 2001 and
2006 were resolved according to the constitution, without political
violence and heated rhetoric.
The second factor is a shared commitment to security. Cape Verde's
location 300 miles from the west coast of Africa strategically
positions it in major north-south sea routes. The Government of Cape
Verde has provided strong support on security cooperation. Cape Verde's
hosting of NATO's first live military exercise in Africa in June 2006
was an historic event. And Cape Verde's solid support of United States
ship visits and counternarcotics activities are further indications of
their policy to be an active, constructive participant in a strategic
partnership, as well as a regional role model.
A third factor is economics. Cape Verde's AGOA eligibility, its new
WTO membership, and its recent partnership status with the European
Union offer Cape Verde the chance to become a trans-Atlantic bridge for
tourism, trade, and investment. Its economy is also benefiting from its
selection in 2005 as one of the first Millennium Challenge Account
countries. Cape Verde's recent graduation to lower middle income status
means that it has to make further progress to meet higher policy
performance standards; but Cape Verde has already made many
improvements and has achieved very high levels of performance--even
when compared to its new peers in this higher income group--in the
areas of accountability, civil liberties, control of corruption,
government effectiveness, and rule of law.
Mr. Chairman, the United States remains a strategic partner with
Cape Verde, focused on 3 main goals--accelerating economic expansion,
consolidating a stable democracy, and strengthening the rule of law. If
confirmed, I will be eager to pursue these efforts, as well as develop
other strategic partnerships. But as a first priority, I would carry
out the chief of mission's responsibility to ensure the safety and
welfare of all Americans and U.S. Government employees. I understand
and embrace the obligation to ensure the fair treatment and high morale
of mission staff and family members.
I would be happy to answer any questions you might have.
Senator Feingold. That was the first place I ever set foot
in Africa, but it was for refueling. [Laughter.]
So I hope to have a better visit.
Ms. Myles. Maybe you can stay longer next time.
Senator Feingold. Thanks to the whole panel, and I will
start with a round of questions.
Mr. Bodde, Malawi has one of the higher HIV prevalence
rates in the world, but has not been a focus country for PEPFAR
or a leading recipient of United States assistance. If
confirmed as ambassador, how would you see your role and
efforts to combat HIV/AIDS? What could or should the United
States and other international partners do in this effort?
Mr. Bodde. Thank you, Senator, for the question.
While it has not been a focus-country recipient of PEPFAR,
it has been a tremendous recipient of U.S. Government funding
in our battle against AIDS. The role I see as chief of mission
is to coordinate the entire U.S. Government approach to this,
to be an advocate for this, to make sure that all the available
sources of funding are adequately used and appropriately used.
I think there are tremendous opportunities here. When you see
the proportion of aid that is spent on health, it is almost
over half. Close to 60 percent of all assistance going to
Malawi is already spent on health. And I think there is
tremendous room for expansion there.
But I think we also have to look beyond the health issue
itself and look at the economy and what can be done there
because what has happened in the impact of AIDS on the economy
in Malawi is desperate. It has caused desperate problems, and I
think it is affecting Malawi's potential for economic growth.
So I would also be looking to expand our programs in those
areas.
Senator Feingold. Prison conditions and restrictions on
freedom of expression remain serious concerns in Malawi. How
will you address these issues?
Mr. Bodde. Senator, I think there is only one way to deal
with those issues and that is head on. I have lived in
countries and worked in countries where this is sadly an issue.
One has to confront the government. One has to be consistent in
this. We also have to look a little broader, and one has to
provide training. One has to encourage things like the training
of investigative journalists. We have to encourage NGO's. One
of my concerns, with the election coming up so quickly next May
in Malawi, is how quickly can we get programs like this started
and on the ground.
Another concern I have, quite frankly, is at this point in
time, there is only about half a million dollars set aside for
these programs. I have worked very closely with NDI, IRI, IFIS,
NGO's like this over the years. They do tremendous work, and
they are also very helpful specifically in how to address the
lack of freedom of speech and expression.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Booth, how do you intend balance a desire for
diplomatic relations with the Zambian Government with continued
pressure for what is obviously central governance reforms?
Ambassador Booth. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I think the situation in Zambia is one where we have had
now two elections where you have had democratic change.
President Kaunda who was the first President, the liberation
hero, of the country did, under pressure, agree to step down
back in 1991, and there was a change of government to the MMD,
President Chiluba. He stayed in office 2 terms. His attempt to
continue in office for a third term was beaten back, and it
appears that President Mwanawasa now will, indeed, step down at
the end of his second term in 2011.
So I think we have a good engagement with Zambia on the
democracy front. I think what we want to do is try to engage
Zambia more in a regional context where there are some players
that have not embraced that commitment to democracy.
Senator Feingold. According to a recent investigation by
Human Rights Watch, domestic violence and a lack of access to
health care, legal services, and basic economic rights, make
Zambian women extremely vulnerable to HIV infection and general
mistreatment. How is the United States supporting the removal
of barriers to women's access to health care and legal
services, and the protection of women against violence?
Ambassador Booth. Thank you very much for that question.
One of the programs we are about to initiate in Zambia is
the Women's Justice and Empowerment Initiative, and it has a
budget over 3 years of about $11 million. It is just being
launched now. There are three components to it. One is to try
to improve how the police deal with gender-based violence
crimes. Second is to work the Zambians in drafting legislation
that would provide better protections to women, and the third
is in providing assistance through USAID and CARE to the
victims of gender-based violence.
Access to education for girls is a problem not only in
Zambia. It is a problem that has to be dealt with in terms of
trying to make sure that there are adequate facilities at
schools, separate lavatory facilities, for example. And also
there is a problem of parents who feel that educating their
girls is not as high a priority as educating their sons and,
therefore, unless there is some incentive, they will tend to
take them out of school first. This is a problem we have seen
in Liberia as well. So things like school feeding programs have
been helpful. We do not have one of those in Zambia now, but
certainly when I go out there, this is something that I will be
looking at, how to make sure that there is not only access to
the schools, but that, indeed, girls in particular stay in
school.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Nolan, can you discuss Botswana's role with regard to
human rights and political crisis in the neighboring country of
Zimbabwe? And to this end, how is the United States embassy
working with the Government in Botswana? What impact, if any,
has the Zimbabwe situation actually had on Botswana?
Mr. Nolan. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I think it is remarkable that President Khama--in office
for just a matter of days-- was one of the first SADC leaders
to invite Morgan Tsvangirai to come and speak with him about
the crisis in Zimbabwe. I think this is an indication of
President's Khama's intention to take a more proactive
approach. He was supportive of the SADC initiative to call the
heads of state to Lusaka to discuss this issue. It is promising
that SADC is beginning to engage on these issues of human
rights and to look at ways to solve problems in their own
region.
Botswana is a front-line state, so to speak, by virtue of
its long border with Zimbabwe. While only 150 or so Zimbabweans
are formally registered as refugees in Botswana, there are
250,000 Zimbabweans who have moved across the border and are
living in Botswana. They are putting strains on the delivery of
services in Botswana. Zimbabwe has become a millstone for the
entire region, and SADC is a potential vehicle for addressing
the issue. Botswana is a country that will play an important
role in helping to achieve, I think, a more productive
resolution to the crisis and hopefully soon.
Senator Feingold. And as to human rights within Botswana
itself, some human rights groups remain concerned about
periodic reports of secret executions taking place in Botswana.
What is the U.S. Government doing to investigate these reports?
Mr. Nolan. Mr. Chairman, I would have to take that
question. I have no specific knowledge of that. I am not aware
of those reports, but I will certainly look into that and give
you a response.
Senator Feingold. Thank you for that.
And just one question for Ms. Myles, and then I will turn
to Senator Isakson.
Although nearly 70 percent of the population in Cape Verde
lives in rural areas, I understand that up to 90 percent of
Cape Verde's food must be imported. How has the current food
crisis affected Cape Verde, and how are the current government
foreign donors, including the United States, responding?
Ms. Myles. Thank you for that question, Mr. Chairman.
It is true that the vast majority of Cape Verde's food is
imported. In fact, some sources put that estimate up to 98
percent of food.
At the moment, they are doing well with regard to feeding
the population. I think that there is some worrisome aspect to
the future in the sense that Cape Verde's climate is not
conducive to agriculture. It is very arid, and although there
are advances being made to diversify crops, including under the
Millennium Challenge Account, there is a project underway of
drip irrigation to produce crops that have not been produced in
Cape Verde before. It is true that they are vulnerable to
climatic changes and to drought in particular. I think you know
that in the 1940s-1950s, the drought that took place at that
time drove many people out of Cape Verde to the United States
and other places.
So it is a situation that bears watching. It is a situation
that could become critical. At the moment, it appears that they
are able to produce sufficient food for their population.
Senator Feingold. Thank you.
Senator Isakson.
Senator Isakson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Booth, you made a reference to gender-based violence in
your statement. In my trips to Ethiopia, Egypt, some of the
other countries in North Africa, where NGO's were taking United
States foreign aid and investing it in basic education for
Africans, post 9/11 we started making sure that women were not
being discriminated against. There were some countries that
were predominantly Muslim where they would not let women go to
school. So gender-based discrimination in terms of both
violence and education seems to be prevalent at least in some
countries in Africa.
Have you worked with the NGO's in this area to ensure that
as U.S. aid is being invested, it is invested while ensuring
that there is no discrimination against women?
Ambassador Booth. Thank you, Senator, for that question.
In Liberia, this question of sexual exploitation and abuse
has been a prime topic, both for the U.N. peacekeeping mission
there and also for the NGO's that are providing assistance
initially to internally displaced persons and returning
refugees. And this is something that just simply requires
constant attention to make sure that the staffs that are coming
in are continually trained in how not to utilize their position
of power, when you have very poor and vulnerable people that
you are assisting, not to use your position of power to take
advantage of women in particular.
In Zambia, the Muslim population is only about 5 percent,
and so the attendance of girls in school is very high. There is
about a 96 percent attendance rate at the elementary level, and
that cuts across both sexes. However, we do find that the girls
tend to drop out of school earlier, and so the illiteracy rate
for girls is higher than for boys by about 10 percent.
But certainly the drive of all of our education programs,
including the ones that I have had the pleasure to work with in
Liberia, have focused very much on trying to encourage girls to
stay in school, and I have certainly used my public speaking
events in Liberia to push that and I encourage people to stay
in school.
Senator Isakson. On that same topic, Ms. Myles, what is the
general human rights situation in Cape Verde now?
Ms. Myles. Thank you for that question, Senator. I am happy
to be able to talk briefly about that question because it is
also part of Cape Verde's success story.
Cape Verde stands out as a model for promoting human rights
in Africa and particularly in western Africa. And the
Government of Cape Verde is committed to the promotion of human
rights. The annual human rights reports consistently show that
the Government of Cape Verde respects the human rights of its
people and that it is indeed a model.
That being said, Senator, there is always room for
improvement in any situation. One of the areas that is not as
positive as it could be is lengthy pretrial detentions, and
there is some evidence of police abuses during detentions. And
those are areas that, if confirmed, I would work hard to help
improve.
Senator Isakson. Thank you very much. I was reading a brief
bio on you. Is this your first duty station as an Ambassador? I
know you have had a myriad of responsibilities, including
recruitment in the Department, but is this your first duty
station as an ambassador?
Ms. Myles. Yes, sir.
Senator Isakson. Well, congratulations to you.
Ms. Myles. Thank you.
Senator Isakson. Mr. Nolan, I know CDC has had a tremendous
presence in Botswana, and Botswana is one of the 15 targeted
countries and one of the largest recipients of PEPFAR money.
Are the results on reducing AIDS infection turning the corner?
Are we making good progress in Botswana?
Mr. Nolan. Senator Isakson, thank you for that question.
I think that there is no greater challenge to the future of
Botswana than HIV/AIDS. There is a good story to tell here. It
is one of the countries that is making a difference in the
fight against HIV/AIDS. One of the most serious infection rates
in the world, but it has stabilized in large part because of
the government's aggressive action. They have a very coherent,
organized national plan.
We are closely partnered with the Government of Botswana.
Our support of their programs is critical to their success. We
have contributed over $300 million in the last 5 years, but
more heartening than that is that the Botswanans themselves
contribute $150 million a year for HIV/AIDS programs. These
programs are beginning to have an impact and the penetration of
the message is near universal. People who need access to
antiretroviral drugs have them free of charge. There has been a
remarkable drop in mother-to-child transmission from a rate of
about 40 percent down to 4 percent. I think that is a signal of
where this is going to go. It is a long struggle ahead, but the
Government of Botswana's own goal of an AIDS-free generation by
2016 is not only a worthy goal but it is an achievable one.
Senator Isakson. Thank you very much.
Mr. Bodde, I appreciate your comments about the Peace
Corps. My predecessor, one Senate session removed, was Paul
Coverdell who was the director of the Peace Corps and did a lot
of expansion of the Peace Corps in Africa.
In terms of the Republic of Malawi, how many Peace Corps
operatives do we have there?
Mr. Bodde. Sir, I understand we have 120 volunteers right
now. It is one of our larger programs. It is a long-established
program with great success.
Senator Isakson. Well, I appreciate your supporting them. I
know President Kennedy started that program, and they have been
the great ambassadors for our country for now almost a half a
century.
Ms. Davis, would you stand up? After all the bragging
everybody has been doing about you, I thought we ought to
recognize you. [Applause.]
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Feingold. I want to thank all the nominees on both
panels for their participation, their statements, and their
answers to questions. And I especially want to thank Senator
Isakson for his very extensive involvement here today.
This concludes the hearing.
[Whereupon, at 11:15 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
ADDITIONAL MATERIAL SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD
Prepared Statement of Chuck Hagel,
U.S. Senator From Nebraska
Mr. Chairman, thank you for convening today's nomination hearing of
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. One of the nominees, Peter
Bodde, is the President's choice to be the Ambassador of the United
States to the Republic of Malawi. Peter has had a long, distinguished
career in the Foreign Service, and I am proud to support his nomination
to this position.
As Ambassador of the Republic of Malawi, Peter will be America's
diplomatic face to an important African partner. Today, the Republic of
Malawi, much like the whole of Africa, faces a number of daunting
challenges and exciting opportunities. Heavily dependent on strong
agricultural exports, Malawi must confront dangerous vulnerabilities
from the rising cost of fuel and the ongoing threat of drought.
Population growth, the global food crisis, and continued instability
and violence will continue to be a difficult burden for the entire
region to bear.
Despite these challenges, Malawi is in an encouraging position to
prosper and grow. The country's transition to a multiparty democratic
institution has been an impressive testament to its leaders and its
people. The Republic of Malawi maintains strong diplomatic ties with
western nations as well as all African countries and has played an
important role in past humanitarian assistance for refugees from
Mozambique, Rwanda, and Congo.
As the President's representative, the United States Ambassador is
responsible for the development of an increasingly strong United
States-Malawi relationship. Since 2005, Malawi has worked with the U.S.
Millennium Challenge Corporation to reduce corruption and increase
transparent, responsible, and effective government. Its success in this
area led Malawi to be named as an eligible MCC Compact country in
December 2007. In addition, the United States maintains a U.S. Agency
for International Development mission and a strong contingent of Peace
Corps volunteers there. As ambassador, Mr. Bodde will need to work
closely with international organizations such as the International
Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the World Food Program, as well as
international NGO's and other countries in the region to leverage the
world's assets in support of economic progress and regional stability.
Since joining the Foreign Service in 1981, Peter has served his
country with the professionalism that defines the best of our country's
proud diplomatic history. He brings an impressive record of public
service in foreign posts throughout the world--most recently as Charge
d'Affaires and deputy chief of mission at the United States Embassy in
Pakistan. He has done much to help manage a complex and difficult
United States-Pakistan relationship over the last several years. Mr.
Bodde has also served in India, Nepal, Guyana, Germany, Bulgaria, and
Denmark, as well as Washington, DC.
Mr. Bodde has dedicated nearly three decades to the Foreign
Service, and he is well qualified to take on this important new
responsibility. I enthusiastically support his nomination.
I want to acknowledge and thank Peter's family--his wife, Tanya,
and his two children, Christopher and Sara--for their own service to
our country. Each of us knows how fundamental the support of family is
to such a demanding occupation such as this.
The committee looks forward to hearing the testimony of Charges
d'Affaires Bodde, as well as that of the other nominees here today. I
believe that each of these nominees are qualified and deserve positive
consideration by the committee. I wish all the nominees here today
continued success and want to thank them all for their important
service at this critical time in our country's history.
Thank you.
______
Responses of Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What, in your view, are the most pressing human rights
issues in Senegal and Guinea-Bissau? What are the steps you expect to
take, if confirmed, to promote human rights and democracy in these
countries? What do you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Senegal's traditionally vibrant democracy has been
characterized by some worrying developments in recent years. The
executive has gained a disproportionate amount of power over parliament
and the judicial branch, while the police appear to have clamped down
on press and media actors. Four journalists were arrested in less than
2 months in the fall of 2007, and most recently the government forced
one private television station to stop broadcasting a live feed of
protesters and security forces clashing after the government ordered
the break up of a demonstration against the rising cost of living.
The health of Senegal's democracy writ large is the most
significant human rights issue facing the country and will remain my
central priority, if confirmed as Ambassador. As chief of mission, I
will ensure that the United States Government continues to pay close
attention to freedom of expression, the powers of parliament and the
judiciary, and the rights of civil society organizations and Senegalese
individuals. I will maintain a frank dialog with government, business
leaders, political party, and civil society counterparts in order to
press the importance of human rights and democracy to Senegal's
international standing.
Guinea-Bissau's human rights situation is adversely affected by the
country's struggles with poverty, political instability, and most
recently drug trafficking. Prison conditions are poor, impunity and
corruption are problems, and violence and discrimination against women
continue--as does the practice of female genital mutilation (FGM). If
confirmed, I will support the Government of Guinea-Bissau in its
efforts to strengthen democratic institutions, the rule of law, and
service delivery.
Security sector reform will also be a top priority. The size and
expenses associated with Guinea-Bissau's military pose a threat to the
country's stability and resources. If confirmed, I will work with
Guinea-Bissau, the U.N., and other donor nations on security sector
reform. In addition, I will press the Government to improve the overall
conditions in Guinea-Bissau.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous responses? What challenges will you face in Senegal and
Guinea-Bissau, which have very different histories and records on these
issues, in advancing human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. In spite of their different histories and records on these
issues, Senegal and Guinea-Bissau both, though to a different degree,
lack in resources, training, and institutional capacity for addressing
human rights concerns. These shortcomings constitute the primary
obstacles to effectively addressing human rights concerns. The United
States and other donor countries have programs in both countries to
assist in overcoming these impediments.
In Senegal, a number of nongovernmental organizations, both
national and international, monitor human rights issues. Our embassy
works with many of these groups, and, if confirmed, I will continue
this cooperation. I will also work closely with contacts within the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the government at large to underscore
United States concern over the deterioration of press freedom and
checks and balances within the different branches of the Senegalese
Government.
In Guinea-Bissau, achieving political stability and national
reconciliation after years of conflict are prerequisites for improving
the human rights situation. I will work closely with contacts across
the Government of Guinea-Bissau to assist institutions in developing
their ability to resolve internal conflict and in improving operational
capacity. I also believe that education plays a key role in improving
human rights conditions, and, if confirmed, will work on effective
public diplomacy strategies for both Senegal and Guinea-Bissau to
inform and generate debate about human rights conditions.
Question. If confirmed in your new position, what steps will you
take to ensure that promotion of human rights objectives will be an
integral part of the U.S. Embassy's activities? If confirmed, what
steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage
in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded
for superior service?
Answer. Promoting democracy and human rights in Senegal and Guinea-
Bissau is a top priority for the country team in Dakar. Until recently,
Senegal has been viewed as a model for democracy and human rights
within the region. Its unique brand of moderate Islam and longstanding
traditions of democracy have created a solid architecture for tolerance
and freedom. The embassy works to support this model. Our assistance to
Senegal--including USAID programs, the Ambassador's Self-Help Program,
Democracy and Human Rights funds, Public Affairs programs, and DOD
humanitarian assistance, all reinforce our human rights goals.
While the human rights situation in Guinea-Bissau brings its unique
set of capacity and resource challenges, Embassy Dakar is working with
that country on improving conditions. If confirmed, I will ensure that
human rights issues continue to be at the forefront of Embassy Dakar's
programs and daily work. Also, I am a strong believer in the awards
system, and, if confirmed, will recommend outstanding employees at
Embassy Dakar for awards, including those who handle human rights
issues concerning Senegal and Guinea-Bissau.
Question. What are the most significant actions you have taken in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? Why were they
important? What was the impact of your actions?
Answer. I am proud to acknowledge that throughout the course of my
career, and in my life, I have endeavored to encourage democratic
principles and promote improved human rights. In addition to reporting
on human rights conditions and supporting a multiplicity of programs in
all of my postings, there are several efforts of which I am
particularly proud:
In Mali, as manager of the Ambassador's Self Help Program, I
made a priority those projects that improved the health,
education, and the economic situation of women and children,
recognizing that they are too often the majority of victims of
abuse and denied even rights guaranteed to them by their own
governments.
In India, I supported the ambassador's initiative to provide
Indian officials responsible for human rights with copies of
the Christopher Commission Report as a framework for how to
provide accountability in the wake of human rights abuse cases.
The tactic completely disarmed these officials, who expected to
be lectured on their failure to protect human rights, opening
an unprecedented and candid dialog on this key issue.
I helped develop strong and productive relations between a
professional army--Malawi's strongest institution--and a fast
growing civil society in that country 6 years after it made the
transition from a 30-year dictatorship to a multiparty
democracy.
For the last year and a half as the office director in the
South Asia Bureau responsible for guiding our day to day
relations with India, Nepal, and Sri Lanka, I have worked
relentlessly, especially with Human Rights Watch and the
European Union, to get the Sri Lankan Government to improve its
human rights practices, particularly to stop abusing its
citizens and to release child soldiers. When the government
remained largely nonresponsive to United States and
international concerns, I worked in concert with Congress and
my Department of Defense counterparts to restrict all military
assistance to Sri Lanka except for limited funds to support the
maritime interdiction of arms and other supplies to the Tamil
Tigers. This has underlined the United States message to the
Sri Lankans that, as a democracy, they have a responsibility to
maintain the highest human rights standards, including in
battle.
Question. Narcotrafficking is becoming an issue of increasing
concern in West Africa. If confirmed as ambassador, how would you seek
to address it? How do you see this issue intersecting with or affecting
efforts to further develop democracy and reduce corruption?
Answer. Narcotics Trafficking is a growing issue that threatens to
derail West African countries' efforts to develop democratic
institutions and establish the rule-of-law. If left unchecked, the
infusion of trafficking rings into West African societies will
undermine countries' security and exacerbate corruption at all levels.
Guinea-Bissau's geography is especially conducive to illicit
trafficking, though media reports and intelligence indicate
that traffickers have also gained a foothold in Guinea, Ghana,
and other countries throughout the region. Colombian cartels
are using Guinea-Bissau's ungoverned coastline and numerous
small airfields as transshipment points for smuggling cocaine
into Europe. Press and other sources have consistently
highlighted military and other high-level government
involvement in the drug trade.
If confirmed, I will first increase United States official presence
in Guinea-Bissau by encouraging frequent travel, especially by United
States Embassy staff and by those members of the interagency whose
primary goal is to fight transnational crime. We will closely monitor
and assess this issue and, together with the United States interagency
and our European counterparts, develop an aggressive plan to deny
traffickers access to the region modeled on the programs we executed
when I served in Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean. I will also place
narcotics trafficking high on the agenda as I engage with Guinea-
Bissau, Senegal, and regional organizations and partners. If confirmed,
I will also ensure that the embassy's public diplomacy efforts support
this plan, promote awareness of the trafficking problem, and encourage
support in the fight against it.
______
Responses of Linda Thomas-Greenfield to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What, in your view, are the most pressing human rights
issues in Liberia? What are the steps you expect to take, if confirmed,
to promote human rights and democracy in Liberia? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions?
Answer. The most pressing human rights issues in Liberia are
lengthy pretrial detentions, a weak judiciary, official corruption and
impunity, gender-based violence, racial and ethnic discrimination, and
incidents of child labor. There are also some reports of discrimination
based on religious belief or practice. In confronting these problems, I
would, if confirmed, help Liberia overcome the legacy of 14 years of
civil war, rebuild its civil society organizations and government
institutions, and achieve social and political reconciliation.
If confirmed as Ambassador to Liberia, I would make the promotion
of human rights a central part of my work, particularly vis-a-vis the
reform of Liberia's justice system. Today, Liberian police are
relatively ineffective, vigilantism and mob justice are common,
pretrial detention can stretch into years, and a culture of impunity
pervades Liberian society. If confirmed, I would seek to strengthen
existing U.S. programs that are establishing legal aid clinics;
combating gender-based violence with victim abuse centers; training
alternative dispute mediators; conducting public legal education;
renovating courtroom facilities; conducting prosecutor and public
defender training; and implementing criminal case management and case
tracking systems. The key task is to help Liberia build the capacity of
its police, prosecutors, defense attorneys, judges, court
administrators, and others in the judicial system so that public
confidence improves, the rights of detainees and prisoners are
respected, and impunity is replaced by the rule of law.
As Liberia's leading partner in the reconstruction effort, the
United States is also well-positioned to confront official corruption.
As I said to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, if confirmed as
ambassador I would not hesitate to publicly attack corruption, human
rights abuses, and the ``old ways of doing business'' in Liberia that
contributed so much to its breakdown and civil conflict.
If confirmed, I would also seek to build bridges between Liberia's
racial, ethnic, and religious groups to promote reconciliation and
prevent discrimination. Through public diplomacy campaigns and by
supporting Liberian efforts such as the Truth and Reconciliation
Commission, I would lend my support to Liberia's reconciliation
process. I would also continue our embassy's tradition of hosting
interfaith events, supporting faith-based civil society organizations,
and meeting regularly with prominent members of various religious
communities.
Labor conditions in Liberia demand close attention, particularly
with respect to child labor. Ongoing U.S. Government programs have made
strong headway in preventing child labor and returning children to
school; if confirmed, I would support these programs. I would also
support the Liberian Government's efforts to dramatically expand public
education for all children. Liberia's recovery will likely span
generations rather than years, and we must invest in Liberia's future
by investing in education.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous responses? What challenges will you face in Liberia in
advancing human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. The most daunting obstacle to addressing human rights
issues in Liberia is the sheer magnitude of Liberia's destruction
during the civil war. Liberia's institutions were literally destroyed
in the fighting and during years of mismanagement, misrule, and
corruption under former President Charles Taylor. Even now, nearly 5
years after the signing of the Accra Comprehensive Peace Agreement,
Liberia's economy, Government, civil society, and social institutions
are struggling to rebuild.
At the same time, Liberia enjoys an opportunity to break with the
past and build institutions that will uphold human rights and promote
democratic values. For example, in 2005, the United States took the
lead in completely demobilizing the 14,000-strong Armed Forces of
Liberia, replacing it with a new, well-trained 2,000 member force that
has been vetted and trained in human rights to protect Liberia's people
rather than prey on them. The United Nations has taken the lead in
reforming Liberia's police force, and the United States is now engaged
in building a police emergency response unit that will receive
extensive human rights vetting and training. In addition, U.S. programs
will emphasize the importance of oversight of the police force to
ensure accountability. In the same way, Liberia's efforts to rebuild
its government ministries, in partnership with the United States and
other donors, represents a break with the past and a focus on best
practices.
If confirmed as ambassador, I would help Liberia seize this
opportunity to build a new Liberia that will be an example of hope for
other conflict-affected societies.
Question. If confirmed in your new position, what steps will you
take to ensure that promotion of human rights objectives will be an
integral part of the U.S. Embassy's activities? If confirmed, what
steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage
in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded
for superior service?
Answer. I firmly believe in the value of leading by example, and if
confirmed, I would demonstrate through my own actions the value of
promoting human rights. I would not only expect embassy officers in
every section to promote human rights in their day-to-day work, but I
would also show them how to do it through my own actions. I would make
it clear that outstanding Foreign Service officers whose
responsibilities include human rights and democracy will be recommended
for promotions and performance awards.
Liberia, with more historical ties to America than any other
African country, is fertile ground for human rights promotion through
direct personal engagement. As security and road conditions improve, I
would encourage embassy officers to travel throughout Liberia and make
connections with Liberians on the social, political, economic, and
human rights issues that confront their communities. I would encourage
officers to engage in public speaking with youth groups, religious
leaders, NGO representatives, and civil society to promote tolerance
and respect for human rights. I would also seek to do the same myself.
Question. What are the most significant actions you have taken in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? Why were they
important? What was the impact of your actions?
Answer. I have devoted the vast majority of my career as a Foreign
Service officer to working on refugee and humanitarian issues and the
promotion of human rights and democracy. From 1993-1996, I served as
the refugee coordinator in Nairobi, Kenya, covering the Great Lakes and
the Horn. I had the misfortune of being in Kigali for 5 days during the
genocide. This experience has had a major impact on how I approach my
work since the genocide was the result of the failure of efforts to
promote human rights and democracy. Immediately following that period,
I devoted the weeks following the genocide to assisting Rwandans
fleeing the genocide, including the embassy's locally engaged staff to
escape and benefit from resettlement to the United States or elsewhere.
As the refugee counselor in Pakistan, I worked to assist Iranian
Christians and Bahais resettle in the United States and assisted Afghan
women and other victims of the vicious Taliban rule in Afghanistan from
1993-1999.
As the Deputy Assistant Secretary in the State Department's Africa
Bureau, I was part of the effort in 2006 to bring Charles Taylor to
justice for crimes against humanity and human rights violations. This
sent an important message to the Liberian people who were victims of
his actions that he would be held accountable.
I strongly believe that the most important impact of efforts I made
during my career saved lives and gave hope to people who had no hope.
If confirmed, I hope to bring that experience to bear in my efforts to
promote human rights and democracy in Liberia.
Question. What are the foremost challenges facing Liberia as it
seeks to move beyond a post-conflict state to a more stable democracy?
Answer. The key challenges facing Liberia today are lack of
infrastructure, high levels of unemployment, lack of judicial capacity,
and pervasive corruption. The United States development and diplomatic
strategy in Liberia is designed to confront these problems.
Recent studies show that some 40 percent of post-conflict countries
revert to civil war within 10 years. A key factor reducing the risk of
conflict is rapid, broad-based economic growth, which in turn depends
on (1) adequate security, (2) governance and rule of law (including
anticorruption measures and contract enforcement), (3) investments in
infrastructure and key economic sectors, and (4) investments in people
to improve the quality of the work force.
U.S. programs are making major investments in all these areas. We
are improving Liberian security forces so they can take over as U.N.
peacekeepers draw down and eventually depart. We are engaging the
justice sector to provide effective police and justice services and to
adjudicate commercial and land disputes. We are working with the
Governance and Economic Management Assistance Program (GEMAP) to help
the Liberian Government fight corruption and maximize its resources for
economic development. We are investing heavily in infrastructure,
focusing on roads and electricity, and we are improving key sectors
such as agriculture, forestry, and mining. Finally, we are improving
education and health care services so that Liberians are healthy,
educated, and ready to work.
Question. In 2005, I posed the following question to the then-
nominee for ambassador to Liberia: There is a history of deep-rooted
corruption in Liberia, and there are serious allegations of corruption
among members of the transitional government. How does the
international community, including the United States, plan to address
the problem of corruption? What plans do the United States and other
countries have to ensure that corrupt government officials are held
accountable for their actions? Liberia has made progress in many ways
in the last 3 years. How would you assess its progress in fighting
corruption? What areas need to be prioritized in the coming years?
Answer. The fight against corruption has taken major steps forward
under the donor-funded Governance and Economic Management Assistance
Program (GEMAP). GEMAP was initiated partly because of the allegations
of corruption under the National Transitional Government of Liberia,
and to address the need for outside expertise in the financial
management of Liberian Government structures. Progress under GEMAP has
been strong and should, along with progress in fighting corruption
through the judicial system, result in significant improvements in
anticorruption efforts. In addition, GEMAP has helped the Liberian
Government raise and retain more revenues, which in turn helps improve
corruption-fighting capacity.
GEMAP has brought the Liberian Government and key donors together
to place financial controllers and other experts in key positions in
Liberian ministries and state-owned enterprises. These experts have
cosignature authority, which gives them effective oversight of
financial transactions. In addition, and perhaps more importantly,
these experts have a mandate to pass on their knowledge and expertise
to their Liberian counterparts so that anticorruption efforts will
outlast the GEMAP program.
Another area of improvement is the Liberian Government's efforts to
indict and prosecute former officials for corruption under the
transitional government. Several prosecutions are moving forward, and
the United States and other donors are helping the Liberian judicial
system build its capacity to handle these and other cases.
Through GEMAP and prosecutions, the Liberian Government has shown
its willingness to roll back the culture of impunity that dominated
Liberia for decades. President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf has, on several
occasions, made a public stand against corruption. The Liberian
legislature is currently investigating claims of corruption in its
ranks, and the outcome of that investigation will be an important
indicator of anticorruption efforts.
In the coming years, the reform process will include several key
priority areas. GEMAP will continue for at least another year (it will
expire upon Liberia's reaching the ``completion point'' under the
Heavily Indebted Poor Countries debt relief program), while justice
sector efforts will continue well beyond then. Civil service reform
efforts, already underway with United States and other donor support,
will be an important way to attract honest and capable Liberians into
government service. Economic reforms will help broaden the base of
economic opportunity for Liberians, and will provide a path to wealth
and influence outside the realm of government rent-seeking.
______
Responses of Hon. Donald E. Booth to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R, Biden, Jr.
Question. What, in your view, are the most pressing human rights
issues in Zambia? What are the steps you expect to take, if confirmed,
to promote human rights and democracy in Zambia? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Trafficking in persons and gender-based violence remain
serious problems in Zambia. Excessive use of force and unlawful
killings by security personnel, overcrowded prisons, lengthy pretrial
detentions, child labor, and government corruption are other areas in
which Zambia could improve.
If confirmed, I will work with the Zambian Government and civil
society to help address these human rights issues and support
democratic institutions in Zambia. I would utilize our Women's Justice
and Empowerment Initiative (WJEI) to counter gender-based violence
(GBV) by helping the government strengthen its GBV laws, improve their
enforcement, and provide care and support to victims of GBV. To counter
trafficking in persons, I would, if confirmed, work to strengthen laws
against trafficking and to see that they are better enforced.
Additionally, I would continue our efforts to improve the Zambian
police by sending police officers to the International Law Enforcement
Academy in Gaborone, Botswana for training. I would also speak out on
these and other human rights concerns in speeches and interviews so
that there would be no doubt about United States interest in, and
support for, human rights in Zambia.
Government corruption perpetuates impunity for human rights
offenders and undermines confidence in democratic institutions. If
confirmed, I would utilize resources from the Millennium Challenge
Corporation (MCC) to tackle the corruption that most affects the
average Zambian and attempt to restore confidence in democratic
governance. I would also utilize Treasury Department advisers to help
the Zambian Government establish tighter fiscal systems so it can
better control and account for government revenues, as well as work
with other international partners in supporting the government's
efforts to hold past and present officials of government accountable
for corrupt practices. This will build on the success of the
government's efforts, to date, to convince office holders that they
will be held accountable for acts of corruption.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Zambia in advancing
human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. A relatively weak judiciary presents obstacles to combating
gender-based violence, trafficking in persons, police abuse and
systemic corruption. Persons who perpetrate these abuses must be
successfully prosecuted and punished in order to convince others not to
engage in those behaviors. These human rights issues are exacerbated by
widespread poverty, unemployment, lack of quality education, and the
widespread incidence of HIV/AIDS and malaria, as those issues have
priority claim on the Zambian Government's attention.
Question. If confirmed in your new position, what steps will you
take to ensure that promotion of human rights objectives will be an
integral part of the U.S. Embassy's activities? If confirmed, what
steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage
in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded
for superior service?
Answer. If confirmed, I will make it the responsibility of all
United States and locally hired staff of Embassy Lusaka to respect and
promote respect for human rights. Whether it is the consular officer
who hears of human rights abuses, the economic officer who reports on
mining and other economic activity, or the public affairs officer who
identifies human rights activists to participate in exchange programs,
all members of Embassy Lusaka would have a role to play in promoting
respect for human rights.
If confirmed, I will provide leadership on human rights issues by
highlighting them in my speeches and interviews and by ensuring
officers are encouraged to incorporate human rights activities into
their work. I would recommend that those officers of Embassy Lusaka
whose responsibilities specifically include human rights be recognized
and rewarded for outstanding contributions toward advancing our human
rights objectives in Zambia.
Question. In response to a question before your confirmation as
Ambassador to Liberia, you described how you have worked to advance
human rights quite personally and eloquently. How has your post in
Liberia, which is seeking to solidify itself as a democracy after years
of terrible conflict and mismanagement, influenced your perspective on
this issue?
Answer. My experience in Liberia has reinforced my belief that
American diplomats can play decisive roles in promoting democracy and
improving respect for human rights.
Following the 2005 presidential elections in Liberia, I played a
leading role in convincing the loser of the runoff election to accept
the results. The losing candidate had secured a plurality in the first
round election, in which 22 candidates ran for the presidency, and he
assumed he would win the runoff election held a month later. When he
lost, he claimed ballots had been added by the opposition. However, he
lacked evidence of widespread fraud and his allegations to that effect
were not credible given the widespread monitoring of polling stations
by multiple international observer groups as well as of representatives
of both parties. Thousands of his youthful supporters took to the
streets to support his claim of victory. I went to see him and spent 2
hours, one on one, explaining why his claims of vote rigging and of his
victory were not credible and how his persistence in those claims could
send the country back into renewed civil conflict. He decided he would
present his case to the courts and ask his supporters to cease
demonstrations. After several more conversations, he agreed to withdraw
his legal challenge so the inauguration of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf as
President could proceed without lingering legal questions about the
election results that could have facilitated a return to violence in
Liberia.
As Ambassador to Liberia, I supported the utilization of United
States assistance to renovate some of Liberia's decrepit prison
facilities so that women and minors could be separated from adult male
prisoners. I also instituted a justice sector support program that
trained Liberia's first public defenders. The new public defenders
secured the release of numerous indigent prisoners who had been held in
prison for months pending trial for minor or first offenses.
If confirmed as Ambassador to Zambia, I will continue to use the
influence inherent in that position to strengthen democracy and respect
for human rights. I would ensure that U.S. assistance is used to
address issues such as gender-based violence, trafficking in persons,
and corruption.
Question. Women and girls are economically, biologically, and
socially more vulnerable to HIV/AIDS, and young women in southern
Africa are far more likely than their male counterparts to be HIV
positive. Violence against women is also all too common in much of the
region. If confirmed as ambassador, how would you seek to address these
issues?
Answer. Women suffer disproportionately from HIV/AIDS, partly
because of their lower social and economic status. If confirmed, I
would work to elevate the status of women in Zambian society by
promoting girls' education through scholarships and other interventions
that encourage parents to keep their daughters in school. I would speak
out frequently against gender-based violence and enforce a zero-
tolerance policy on sexual harassment within the embassy. I would
ensure PEPFAR activities in Zambia seek to reduce the risky sexual
behavior that results in large numbers of women becoming HIV-infected.
Most importantly, I would ensure effective implementation of the
Women's Justice and Empowerment Initiative (WJEI). The goals of WJEI
are to strengthen laws against gender-based violence and expand
enforcement of such laws. Gender-based violence will not decline until
those who perpetrate it are consistently punished. Another goal of WJEI
is to provide effective support to victims of gender-based violence. To
achieve this, I would look at emulating programs that have proven
successful in other countries of southern Africa.
______
Responses of Hon. Gillian Arlette Milovanovic to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What, in your view, are the most pressing human rights
issues in Mali? What are the steps you expect to take, if confirmed, to
promote human rights and democracy in Mali? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Mali generally respects the human rights of its citizens,
although there are problems. Prison conditions remain poor, the
judicial system's large case backlog results in long periods of
pretrial detention, and discrimination against women persists, with
social and cultural factors continuing to limit economic and
educational opportunities for most women. Trafficking in persons
continues to be a problem, although increased government attention has
contributed to more successful efforts to arrest traffickers and
protect trafficking victims. Slavery is illegal in Mali but hereditary
servitude relationships between and within certain ethnicities continue
to impact groups such as the Bellah, or black Tamacheks, in rural
areas.
If confirmed, I will support the continuation of our Shared
Governance Program. This program supports Mali's decentralization and
local governance efforts by providing training to local (commune)
officials, including mayors, communal councils, civil society
organizations, media outlets and local Non-Governmental Organizations
(NGO) in budget planning, financial management, establishing communal
development plans and transparency in managing local resources.
Community radio stations play a critical role in the program by
broadcasting local debates on development priorities, budget
preparation, tax collection and other local government issues. The
program also assists women to participate to a greater extent in local
government, and provides technical assistance to help women's
organizations undertake revenue-generating projects. Finally, the
program helps Malians advocate for greater independence in the
management of local tax revenues and decision making. With this
program, I hope to help the Malian Government and society strengthen
their understanding of democracy and their democratic institutions.
If confirmed, I will also make a priority the improvement of the
social and health issues that prevent women from full participation in
the economic life of the country. Specifically, I hope to maintain
programs that encourage girls and young women to attend (and stay in)
school, including a scholarship program supported by my predecessor
through the President's Africa Education Initiative, that offers
educational support to 7,570 girls in 117 schools, principally in
northern Mali. As for trafficking in persons, if confirmed, I will
encourage the Malian Government to consolidate and fully implement the
bilateral agreements it has signed with neighboring states to prevent
the trafficking of women and children, and I will further encourage it
to establish a law that outlaws all forms of trafficking. I will work
with the Malian Government and local NGOs to improve their capacity to
protect and reintegrate victims of trafficking and, to the extent
possible, training of officials from the Malian judicial branch, to
improve prosecution and enforcement efforts.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous responses? What challenges will you face in Mali in advancing
human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. The Malian Government is committed to improving its already
respectable human rights record. There are, however, several obstacles
that prevent Mali from addressing specific human rights concerns.
Ingrained societal attitudes toward the treatment of women and minority
groups, for instance, have made it difficult for Malian political
leaders to pass legislation that would provide improved rights for
women and children, eliminate the practice of female genital mutilation
(FGM), or increase protections for marginalized groups. While there is
evidence that many of these societal attitudes are shifting, changing
deeply rooted viewpoints poses a long-term challenge. I heartily
support the educational efforts I outlined in response to your first
question, as well as our public outreach because I believe that
education and good communication are fundamental tools in changing
societal attitudes.
Mali's level of development poses another serious challenge to the
advancement of human rights and democracy. In 2007, Mali ranked 173 out
of 177 countries on the U.N.'s Human Development Index. This ranking
was due, in large part, to Mali's poor health and education indicators
which are among the lowest in the world. Individuals and NGOs working
to improve Mali's human rights' practices often cite education levels,
even amongst officials within the Malian judiciary and security forces,
as one of the main obstacles to progress. Mali is the beneficiary of
several Presidential Initiatives in both health and education, and I
will help ensure that programs such as the President's Malaria
Initiative and the African Education Initiative are effectively
implemented.
Severe resource constraints constitute a third major obstacle.
While the Malian Government is clearly committed to improving human
rights, Mali remains one of the poorest countries in the world. As a
result, many good-faith and sincere attempts by Malian officials to
improve human rights and democratic practices lack basic funding. To
address Mali's resource constraints, I will work with the Malian
Government and NGOs to encourage economic growth, particularly in the
areas of agriculture and commodities. This is in line with the Malian
Government's recent initiative to invest in its agriculture with the
goal of becoming a net exporter of grains. Our goals for Mali are
increased incomes and poverty reduction. Our strategy is transforming
agriculture and value-added commodities, expanding and strengthening
markets, and facilitating access to finance. Our program works to
develop and reinforce the private sector by targeting opportunities in
the production, processing, and trade of selected commodities in key
geographic areas. We are encouraging Malian Government policy changes,
for example, in regional and international trade that can in turn
improve the country's incomes. Our program includes the introduction,
dissemination, and replication of improved technologies such as seed
varieties, fish stock, and management practices in all aspects of
agriculture--fisheries/aquaculture, millet/sorghum, and livestock. If
confirmed, I will make sure that the mission carefully implements these
economic programs which expand economic prospects beyond subsistence
level productivity. Economic growth will help supply Mali with the
resources it needs for stability and further democratization.
Finally, Mali is a huge country, with a long and porous border,
much of it across the trackless expanse of the Sahara Desert. Tuareg
unrest in the north is detrimental to progress because it requires the
government's attention and resources that could be used instead on
human rights efforts. The unrest destabilizes a region that is readily
used for arms and drug trafficking. If confirmed, I will coordinate my
efforts with those of the other United States Ambassadors to
neighboring Trans-Saharan Counterterrorism Partnership countries to
help stabilize Mali and the region.
Question. If confirmed in your new position, what steps will you
take to ensure that promotion of human rights objectives will be an
integral part of the U.S. Embassy's activities? If confirmed, what
steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage
in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded
for superior service?
Answer. It has been my practice throughout my professional career
with the Department of State to place a priority on the promotion of
human rights in my country of assignment, and, if confirmed, I will
ensure that human rights and democratization remain priorities for
Embassy Bamako. I believe that all members of the mission--political
and economic officers, consular officers, our public affairs staff, our
USAID mission, and Millennium Challenge Account staff--have a
responsibility to promote greater respect for human rights in Mali and
the consolidation of the country's democratic institutions. If I am
confirmed, I will make clear to all who work these critically important
issues at Embassy Bamako that they enjoy the full support of the chief
of mission, and I will recognize their achievements through the
evaluation process, the mission awards program, and through active
involvement in their search for an onward assignment.
Question. In response to a question before your confirmation as
Ambassador to Macedonia, you described how you have worked to advance
human rights in previous posts, particularly in South Africa. How has
your posting to Macedonia, your first as chief of mission, influenced
your perspective on this issue?
Answer. My posting to Macedonia has served to further strengthen my
belief in the importance of human rights, particularly with regard to
guarantees and respect for minority rights, and the need to support the
development of multiethnic societies. These cornerstones of democracy
are critical in South Africa, in Macedonia, and in Mali. In Macedonia,
a prime goal has been to work with the Government of Macedonia,
municipalities, political parties, and other societal actors to ensure
continued implementation of the provisions of the 2001 Ohrid Framework
Agreement. State Department, USAID, Department of Justice, Department
of Defense, Treasury and other United States Government agencies each
contributed to helping Macedonia reinforce its multiethnic democracy.
We have worked to achieve more equitable representation of nonmajority
populations in the public service, and the defense establishment. We
have successfully assisted Macedonia's efforts to decentralize power
and responsibility to the municipal level in order to bring government
closer to the people, thereby providing more efficient services while
allowing greater opportunity for citizens of all ethnicities to have an
impact on municipal life and policies.
Also in Macedonia, I worked to promote human rights of the Roma.
Along with the Government of Macedonia, the United States Government
assisted a number of Roma to file for and receive citizenship, has
provided scholarships that allow talented secondary and university
students, many of them young women, to attend school and obtain
degrees. With strong United States support, the Macedonian parliament
passed legislation 2 years ago on the equitable preparation of
electoral lists that resulted in a significant increase in the number
of female members of parliament, making Macedonia a leader in this
regard. A Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Tier Two country in danger of
falling to Tier Two Watch List when I arrived, Macedonia is on the
brink of Tier One status today. Indeed, women's rights, as well as the
fight against trafficking in persons, domestic violence, and child
abuse have been central to my work throughout my career. My time in
Macedonia did not change my perspective on human rights issues, because
I have always felt their importance. But it provided an opportunity to
focus on human rights issues and to participate, firsthand, in their
development in a new and emerging democracy.
______
Responses of Patricia McMahon Hawkins to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What, in your view, are the most pressing human rights
issues in Togo? What are the steps you expect to take, if confirmed, to
promote human rights and democracy in the country? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions?
Answer. Among the most pressing human rights issues in Togo is the
uneven respect for basic human rights, including freedom of press,
association, and speech. Unfortunately, Togo has experienced a long
history of human rights abuses. Such abuses included abridgement of
citizens' rights to change their government; severe restrictions on
freedom of speech, movement, assembly, association, collective
bargaining, and the press; unlawful beating and killing of civilians;
unlawful imprisonment of journalists, political opponents, and critics
of the government; torture; arbitrary arrest and detention; unfair and
delayed trials; and harsh prison conditions.
President Faure Gnassingbe's declarations of his intention to
institute political, electoral, and economic reform offer some hope
that he will lead Togo on the path to democracy. The peaceful, free,
and fair parliamentary elections in November 2007 sent a positive
signal about President Gnassingbe's commitment but continued vigilance
is required. If confirmed, I will press the Government of Togo to
implement further political, economic, and electoral reforms.
Trafficking in persons, in particular of children, is another
important human rights concern. Although the laws of Togo provide for
free primary education, in practice there are financial and cultural
constraints that prevent this from becoming a universal reality. The
Code of the Child, passed in July 2007, contains harsh penalties for
trafficking in children and strengthened the child trafficking
provisions of Togo's 2005 Child Trafficking Law. The code should help
address this problem, although the government must strengthen efforts
to enforce, and raise public awareness about, this legislation. If
confirmed, I would urge Government of Togo officials to actively
prosecute human traffickers and to cooperate with neighboring
governments to control its borders to prevent the trafficking of
children through its territory.
Many of Togo's human rights challenges stem from a general
disregard for the rule of law, and a lack of trust in the judiciary,
security forces, and military. Bringing about lasting change will be
difficult and will require the willingness and commitment of all
parties--NGOs, civil society in dialog with the Government of Togo and
the political opposition--as well as resources and time. If confirmed,
I will make continued use of public diplomacy resources to encourage
dialog, including digital video conferences, International Visitors
Leadership, Humphrey Fellowships, Fulbright Scholar programs, and the
use of experts and speakers from the United States to convene seminars
in the areas of rule of law, access to media and freedom of the press,
and strengthening the role of the judiciary.
If confirmed, I also intend to make effective use of Democracy and
Human Rights fund monies in support of activities that address the main
problems noted above. By taking these steps, I would hope to improve
the political climate and thereby help influence Togo's evolution
toward democracy.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous responses? What challenges will you face in Togo in advancing
human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. If confirmed, the biggest obstacles I will face are those
created by the interests and attitudes of persons still in positions of
power and influence who have long benefited from practices that
disregard human rights and democratic norms. Thirty-eight years of rule
by one person inculcated behaviors and practices intended to reinforce
the position of one small group of people. It will take time to
overcome that legacy.
Specific obstacles include a culture of distrust of the government;
an unsophisticated and inexperienced opposition that has unrealistic
expectations; and the country's below par human rights performance.
These obstacles can only be overcome by broadening the ethnic makeup of
the military, allowing a more vibrant free press, and engaging with the
opposition while being careful not to threaten long-time ruling party
loyalists with a zero-sum outcome. Ethnic unevenness, particularly in
the armed forces, and long-held biases are also problems. The
judiciary, the security forces, and the military are badly in need of
reform.
The challenges will include convincing political actors to keep
their focus on a better future and not on past wrongs; convincing the
opposition and the government, each deeply distrustful of the other, to
engage in a genuine dialog; convincing the military that its real role
is defending the country from external threat rather than maintaining
the status quo related to one group's political control. The task of
combating human trafficking, especially in children, will be
complicated by the economic cost of providing real educational
opportunities for all the children at risk, and by the force of the
tradition or habit of putting children to work at an early age.
Question. If confirmed in your new position, what steps will you
take to ensure that promotion of human rights objectives will be an
integral part of the U.S. Embassy's activities? If confirmed, what
steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage
in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded
for superior service?
Answer. The promotion of democratic systems and practices is a
primary goal of the United States and therefore of Embassy Lome. If
confirmed as chief of mission, I will continue my predecessor's efforts
on this goal and provide highly visible leadership on this issue. The
mission will actively look for opportunities to use our Democracy and
Human Rights funds and our Ambassador's Self-help Funds for projects
that advance the cause of human rights in Togo. All sections of the
embassy, consular, political, economic, public diplomacy, and
management have roles to play in this important endeavor. I will use
the embassy awards program to recognize the valuable contributions in
the field of human rights for all members of the embassy team.
Question. What are the most significant actions you have taken in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? Why were they
important? What was the impact of your actions?
Answer. In all my Foreign Service posts the promotion of democracy
and human rights has been one of my primary objectives. As a public
diplomacy officer, I have been able to use all of the program tools--
the International Visitors Leadership Program, the Fulbright Scholar
and Humphrey Fellows programs, U.S. Speakers, libraries (now called
Information Resource Centers), Educational and Cultural exchanges of
all sorts--to advance these essential U.S. values.
In 1984, in Zaire, now the Democratic Republic of Congo, I guided
the National Bar Association in its efforts to print copies of the
Electoral Code in Lingala, the most commonly used language, thus making
previously inaccessible information available to an enormous number of
voters. The financial grant covered the translation, printing, and
distribution costs.
In Burkina Faso, as the public affairs officer, I was able to use
the programming resources available to support several women's groups
as they worked to improve access to health care and political rights
and in their fight against domestic violence.
In Colombia, I worked with a local Civitas group to promote civic
education in primary and secondary schools, organizing workshops and
training programs that brought United States speakers to schools in
Colombia. I also funded the translation into Spanish and the
publication of educational materials provided by the Center for Civic
Education in Los Angles. These materials were the first of their kind
to be used in Colombian schools and are still in use in many Latin
American countries. In fact, when I arrived in the Dominican Republic,
5 years later, I found the same materials in use in the local civic
education programs. I subsequently facilitated an intra-post purchase
of hundreds of copies of the books and shipped them to my counterpart
in Havana for distribution there. I received an award from the
Government of Colombia in recognition of my efforts to further civic
education and voter participation in that country.
In Cote D'Ivoire I continued my focus on human rights, again
working with women's groups in their fight against domestic violence,
trafficking in children, and uneven access to legal recourse. I helped
to equip and fund the first-ever Legal Aid clinic, staffed by female
lawyers and legislators, who worked to help women regain custody of
their children or an equitable settlement in a divorce. I instituted a
program to bring books on democracy, human rights, rule of law, an
independent judiciary, and free markets, in French, to all 17 regional
information centers throughout the country--many of which had no
material of this kind available. I followed up with speaker programs on
the same subjects at as many of the centers as possible, using local
talent from the mission if we could not find an American expert willing
to travel to such far-flung and sometimes dangerous locations.
Following the first coup d'etat, during a time of great political and
social unrest, I concentrated on programs concerning the media, and the
training and protection of journalists.
In the Dominican Republic, greatly concerned with the increasing
number of dangerous and illicit voyages across the Mona Passage to
Puerto Rico, I created the first-ever public service campaign to expose
the dangers and to focus public and governmental attention on the
problem. Long an issue of concern to United States authorities and the
United States Coast Guard and a bone of contention with the Dominican
Government, these trips were blatant examples of trafficking in persons
and exploitation of both men and women into indentured servitude and
prostitution. Furthermore, the boats that transported people were
increasingly used to smuggle narcotics. I worked with the narcotics
affairs section of the embassy to produce a campaign that covered all
fronts--TV and radio spots, large billboards, press articles,
interviews with survivors of shipwrecks, pictures of heroic Coast
Guardsmen rescuing Dominicans at sea--the full story of what was
actually happening to get across the message that this was a Dominican
human rights issue, not a United States immigration control problem.
The campaign was an enormous success. Not only did the number of
illegal trips diminish, but we succeeded in sensitizing the Dominican
public and Government to the harm it was doing to the fabric of their
society. The Dominican Navy started cooperating with our Coast Guard in
interdiction and prevention, the GODR prosecuted, for the first time,
the organizers of such trips for trafficking in people, and the
Dominican media continued the campaign without our funding--as a public
service. The campaign itself won several international awards for
creativity and impact, and the President of the Dominican Republic
publicly thanked the United States mission for its help to the
Dominican nation.
______
Responses of Marianne Matuzic Myles to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What, in your view, are the most pressing human rights
issues in Cape Verde? What are the steps you expect to take, if
confirmed, to promote human rights and democracy in Cape Verde? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. The Government of Cape Verde is committed to the promotion
of human rights and, as a whole, has a remarkably good human rights
record. However, there are occasional reports of police abuse of
detainees, prison conditions are poor, the judicial system is
overburdened, and lengthy pretrial detentions and excessive trial
delays are common. Domestic and other violence and discrimination
against women are serious problems, as are mistreatment of children and
child labor practices.
If confirmed, I would stress accelerated progress on human rights
as a major point in our dialog with Cape Verde. I would urge Cape
Verdean officials to use their country's continued eligibility for
trade benefits under the African Growth and Opportunity Act as a
vehicle to further improve Cape Verde's human rights record. I would
also encourage nongovernmental organizations to work to increase Cape
Verdeans' capacity in safeguarding human rights. Furthermore, I would
use the reports on human rights and trafficking in persons to sensitize
officials to human rights abuses in Cape Verde, and to stimulate
improvement in the respect for those rights.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous responses? What challenges will you face in Cape Verde in
advancing human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. The latest annual Country Report on Human Rights Practices
notes that the government generally respects the human rights of its
citizens. There are appropriate constitutional and legal prohibitions
against domestic violence, sex discrimination, and child labor. The
government, civil society, and the media actively encourage reporting
of abuses in these areas. However, longstanding social values and
cultural traditions inhibit victims from doing so. Also, while there
are mechanisms to deal with spousal abuse, for instance, these
mechanisms neither ensure punishment of those responsible nor prevent
future violence. Effecting change is, therefore, a considerable
challenge.
Question. If confirmed in your new position, what steps will you
take to ensure that promotion of human rights objectives will be an
integral part of the U.S. Embassy's activities? If confirmed, what
steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage
in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded
for superior service?
Answer. It is the responsibility of all United States and locally
employed officers and staff at Embassy Praia to promote human rights.
This pertains to the consular officer who hears of human rights abuses
while conducting visa interviews and prison visits, to the public
affairs officer who identifies human rights activists who should
participate in our international programs, to the economic officer who
learns of child labor violations.
As chief of mission, if confirmed, I will provide leadership on
this issue and will recommend commendations for the outstanding
contributions of staff members at my mission who are responsible for
advancing our human rights objectives in Cape Verde.
Question. What are the most significant actions you have taken in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? Why were they
important? What was the impact of your actions?
Answer. During my 30-plus year Foreign Service career, I have
worked to protect human rights and advance democracy in many places and
in multiple ways. In Bogota, Colombia, I made regular visits to
Americans in prison, ensuring that they understood their rights,
received adequate nourishment and medical attention, and were not
physically abused. While there, I made it a point to meet other
prisoners and learn about their treatment. I believe those expressions
of interest alone served as a deterrent to potential abuse. In southern
Brazil, I ensured the consular officers under my supervision
established a regular schedule of such visits, and I met frequently
with a wide range of law enforcement, media, and judicial and
legislative branch officials to encourage improvement in Brazil's human
rights record. I also oversaw our International Visitor Program
selection process in which we carefully chose participants for rule of
law, civil society, and democracy and journalism programs.
In Italy, I worked closely with law enforcement and military
officials to address human rights and rule of law issues associated
with the activities of the Camorra and Mafia. In Uruguay, I established
strong relationships with the military to uncover, to the maximum
extent possible, information about human rights abuses during the past
period of military dictatorship--especially in the area of disappeared
persons. Those cooperative efforts helped strengthen democracy and
human rights in Uruguay by bringing under scrutiny the tragedy of past
abuses and creating the opportunity for victims' families to have the
benefit of closure on the past.
These activities and others were important for a number of reasons,
not least among them the goal of ensuring that foreign publics knew
that the United States stood squarely on the side of freedom,
democracy, and respect for human rights. Similarly, foreign governments
and officials knew that our close monitoring of these issues ensured
that lapses or the abused would not go unnoticed and would affect our
bilateral relations.
______
Responses of Donald Gene Teitelbaum to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What, in your view, are the most pressing human rights
issues in Ghana? What are the steps you expect to take, if confirmed,
to promote human rights and democracy in Ghana? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions?
Answer. The Government of Ghana generally respects human rights.
Continuing problems in Ghana include vigilante justice, the use of
excessive force by police, harsh prison conditions, police corruption,
impunity, violence against women and children, human trafficking, and
child labor. Recently, the Government of Ghana has made significant
steps to improve protection of human rights, including passing
legislation on domestic violence and criminalizing the practice of
female genital mutilation (FGM).
If I am confirmed, I will continue the broad programmatic outreach
the embassy conducts under the Democracy and Human Rights Fund, and
program funds from INL--Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement Affairs--to address existing human rights problems. As a
result of past INL work with Ghana Police, human rights training has
been incorporated in basic skills police training courses offered to
new police recruits in Ghana's police academy. My public diplomacy
section will also bring human rights issues to the forefront with
speakers, NGO functions, journalist training sessions, and other
activities. We will thus inform the public, work to address abuses, and
engage closely with the local NGO community and the government.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous responses? What challenges will you face in Ghana in advancing
human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. The main obstacle that I foresee in addressing the human
rights challenges in Ghana is lack of resources. The Ghanaian
Government has the political will to effect change, and it has
expertise in many areas. However, its capacity to engage on a broad
front of human right issues is limited by budget shortfalls and staff
capacity. Ministry officials with responsibility for assisting
trafficking victims lack proper reception facilities, and have only
limited funds for reintegration programs. The Justice Ministry lacks
sufficient trained prosecutors for trafficking cases. Prison
authorities have long acknowledged the harsh conditions in their
prisons, conditions the result of dilapidated prison infrastructure and
limited financial resources. The police have limited training
facilities and training budgets to instruct officers in proper
procedures. While Ghana's democracy is vibrant and respect for the rule
of law is widespread, Ghana's institutions are still rather new and
relatively fragile. Other obstacles to addressing human rights are
corruption and some traditional practices which, in a modern context,
would constitute abuse. If confirmed, I would work to engage Ghanaian
society at all levels, throughout the country. I would remind Ghanaians
of their challenges, but I would also remind them of our shared values
of human rights and democracy, and consistently offer America's
partnership and assistance.
Question. If confirmed in your new position, what steps will you
take to ensure that promotion of human rights objectives will be an
integral part of the U.S. Embassy's activities? If confirmed, what
steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage
in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded
for superior service?
Answer. If confirmed as Ambassador to the Republic of Ghana, I
would seek to ensure that the activities of the United States Embassy
consistently reflect the objectives of United States foreign policy and
the core values of America. Support for human rights has been a
cornerstone of our policy and values from the assertion of the
unalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness in
our Declaration of Independence to Franklin Delano Roosevelt's
enunciation of the ``Four Freedoms'' in 1941 to our current National
Security Strategy which states that ``People everywhere want to be able
to speak freely; choose who will govern them; worship as they please;
educate their children--male and female; own property; and enjoy the
benefits of their labor. These values of freedom are right and true for
every person, in every society--and the duty of protecting these values
against their enemies is the common calling of freedom-loving people
across the globe and across the ages.''
If confirmed, I would seek to ensure that my own actions and
statements make clear the importance of human rights promotion inside
and outside the embassy. When embassy employees see the ambassador
raising human rights issues frequently and assertively, they know that
it is a mission priority. Actions usually speak louder than words. If
confirmed, I would want to be sure that the embassy's internal policies
and actions set a positive example. In particular, I would want the
embassy's treatment of its American and Ghanaian employees to reflect
the value that Americans attach to diversity, equal opportunity, and
the respect and dignity due to all people.
If confirmed, I would encourage and recognize superior performance
in human rights activities. Department-wide and embassy awards programs
provide a tool for that purpose. I believe that being open about the
Department's recognition, via promotion and assignments, of my own
efforts on human rights will help encourage members of my staff to work
for similar recognition.
Question. What are the most significant actions you have taken in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? Why were they
important? What was the impact of your actions?
Answer. During my 23 years in the Foreign Service, many of my most
professionally significant and personally rewarding moments have been
linked to the promotion of human rights and democracy.
In Somalia, from 1992 to 1994, I worked with the United States
Liaison Office and was attached on several occasions to the United
States Marine Corps and the United States Army as a political advisor.
In that capacity, I helped create a secure environment for the
distribution of food and humanitarian supplies. I also worked to
encourage Somali efforts toward reestablishment of government. The
distribution of food and humanitarian supplies directly saved thousands
of lives from starvation. Sadly, the cost of the failure of Somali
leaders to take advantage of the opportunities provided by
international intervention from 1992 to 1994 is starkly evident even
today.
Working on Sudan issues from Nairobi from 1997 to 2000 and at the
National Security Council from 2003 to 2005, much of my focus was on
human rights and democratization. I believe that my work on North-South
issues contributed to reaching the North-South Comprehensive Peace
Agreement. I worked with USAID and Southern Sudanese officials to
reopen the Rumbek Senior Secondary School, at the time the only
secondary school in South Sudan. I do not know what the future will
hold for South Sudan. In the long term, however, creating educational
opportunities for Southern Sudanese children will allow them to
participate in their own governance, whatever shape it may take.
Since 2000, much of my time has been dedicated to the issue of HIV/
AIDS. In Uganda from 2000 to 2003, I worked with USAID and CDC on HIV/
AIDS programming which provided models of success that have been
emulated globally. During that period, the United States Embassy in
Kampala became what I understand to be the first in the world to
establish a formal policy of providing ARV treatment for locally
employed staff. Beyond the direct benefit for our staff, we used this
program as a model for local employers. We showed them our cost-benefit
analysis, demonstrating to them that providing ARVs was a sound
financial decision as well as a morally correct decision. At the
National Security Council I worked on the early phases of the
President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). With bipartisan
support from Congress, this program is well on its way to achieving its
goals of supporting treatment for 2 million HIV-infected people,
prevention of 7 million new HIV infections, and care for 10 million
people infected and affected by HIV/AIDS, including orphans and
vulnerable children. In South Africa I have worked on the
implementation of the world's largest PEPFAR program. We are currently
on track to meet our target of achieving 25 percent of global goals.
Question. Ghana has a relatively strong record on human rights. Do
you think it can serve as a model for other countries in the region
that have struggled on this front?
Answer. Ghana does have a strong record on human rights and I
believe that it does serve as a model for other countries in the
region. However, we must always remain vigilant to ensure that this and
any future Ghanaian administration continues to respect and protect
human rights of its citizens. If confirmed, I would advocate continued
respect for human rights in Ghana and urge the Ghanaian Government to
encourage and to assist countries in the region which face human rights
challenges to emulate their many successes.
______
Responses of Peter W. Bodde to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What, in your view, are the most pressing human rights
issues in Malawi? What are the steps you expect to take, if confirmed,
to promote human rights and democracy in the country? What do you hope
to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. While the Government of Malawi generally respects human
rights, serious violations still occur in some areas. As indicated in
the 2007 Country Report on Human Rights, unlawful killing by security
forces, police use of excessive force including torture, occasional mob
violence, and harsh and life-threatening prison conditions are problems
in Malawi. Arbitrary arrest and detention, including politically
motivated arrests have occurred in the past and threaten to undermine
the legitimacy of the political system. Government restrictions on
freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and societal violence against
women, child abuse, trafficking in persons, restricted worker rights,
and forced child labor were also problems.
Over the past 8 months, an ongoing dispute between the ruling party
and the opposition has become an increasing concern, as well. This
dispute centers around the right of members of parliament to switch
political parties during their terms. As a result of this dispute,
there have been long periods during which Parliament has not met and
Parliament has not been able to conduct any routine business. This
matter has been put to the courts and there are ongoing negotiations
between the ruling party and the opposition to resolve this dispute,
which remains a significant obstacle to the smooth functioning of the
democratic system in Malawi. If I am confirmed, and this matter remains
unresolved, I will strongly encourage all parties to resolve the
dispute as quickly as possible.
Furthermore, I will also work with the Government of Malawi and
civil society to help address the broad range of human rights issues
and support democracy in Malawi:
Through diplomatic outreach, ensure embassy officers, as
well as myself, continue to raise human rights issues with
appropriate Malawian Government officials and nongovernmental
organizations.
Through public diplomacy programs, promote discussion among
American and Malawian academics, civil society representatives,
and opinion leaders on issues such as corruption, good
governance, and women's rights.
With Human Rights and Democracy Fund grants, partner with
nongovernmental organizations and civil society to raise
awareness and support human rights and democracy activities.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous responses? What challenges will you face in Malawi in
advancing human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. The inability of the Parliament to address any routine
business is one of the biggest obstacles to addressing human rights in
Malawi at this time. In light of the ongoing dispute between the ruling
party and the opposition and upcoming presidential and parliamentary
elections in 2009, it is critical that the international community make
every effort to support Malawi's democratic institutions and processes.
If confirmed, I will continue Ambassador Eastham's efforts to encourage
a resolution of the dispute over the right of members of parliament to
switch political parties during their terms. I will also continue
Embassy Lilongwe's efforts, through diplomatic and public interventions
and financial assistance, to support preparations for the upcoming
elections and key players in the electoral process including the media,
nongovernmental organizations and international and domestic observers
who will help ensure the legitimacy of the electoral result.
Question. If confirmed in your new position, what steps will you
take to ensure that promotion of human rights objectives will be an
integral part of the U.S. Embassy's activities? If confirmed, what
steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage
in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded
for superior service?
Answer. The promotion of democracy and human rights has been, and
will continue to be, a priority of the United States Embassy in Malawi,
if I am confirmed as ambassador. I attach great importance to human
rights issues, and if confirmed, I will ensure that all mission staff,
no matter their agency affiliation, continue to collaborate with
Malawian leaders and civil society organizations to promote democracy
and human rights to the greatest extent possible. I will also ensure
that employees working on human rights issues under my direction are
professionally acknowledged, nominated for awards, and otherwise
appropriately rewarded for superior performance.
Question. What are the most significant actions you have taken in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? Why were they
important? What was the impact of your actions?
Answer. I believe it is the personal responsibility of all U.S.
diplomats to work to promote human rights, on both a systemic and
individual level. While it can be difficult to know the direct impact
of our efforts, even simple inquiries when made on behalf of the U.S.
Government, can lead to improved treatment of detained individuals,
stronger democratic processes, and increased independence for the
media. I have made promoting democracy and respect for human rights
cornerstones of my career and will continue to advance these objectives
in Malawi if I am confirmed.
Supporting free and fair elections is an important element of the
democratic process. I have extensive experience as an elections
observer from my time in Bulgaria in 1988 to my work on elections in
Nepal in 1994-1995. Recently, I led the embassy's efforts during the
2008 elections in Pakistan. Our presence and active engagement in all
these elections helped ensure a more dynamic process and greatly
increased the likelihood of transparent and credible results.
I also have worked to promote the rights of refugees. While serving
in Nepal, I became aware that the then newly-elected Nepalese
Government, in an effort to enhance its relationship with China, had
changed its longstanding policy of allowing Tibetan refugees to transit
Nepal while en route to eventual settlement in India. Thanks in part to
my interventions, the government reversed its policy and returned to
its longstanding practice of allowing Tibetans to transit Nepal. While
in Nepal, I also worked with refugees and victims of torture from
Bhutan, helping ensure they received appropriate medical care and
protection.
As Deputy Chief of Mission in Pakistan, I have worked on the full
range of human rights issues. For example, during a declared state of
emergency, I personally advocated on behalf of political detainees so
that they could have access to critical medicines and meet with family
members and others during their confinement. I also advocated for their
timely release. In addition, I have been a consistent and vocal
advocate for press freedom, intervening on behalf of individual
journalists and interceding with the Government of Pakistan regarding
the issue of press freedom more broadly.
Question. Malawi has one of the higher HIV prevalence rates in the
world but has not been a focus country for PEPFAR or leading recipient
of United States assistance. If confirmed as ambassador, how would you
see your role in efforts to combat HIV/AIDS?
Answer. While not a ``focus country,'' Malawi has received
significant United States Government support through PEPFAR and through
the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria. From fiscal
year 2004 to 2008, PEPFAR will have provided more than $89 million to
support comprehensive HIV/AIDS prevention, treatment, and care programs
in Malawi. These funds are used to leverage Global Fund activities.
Since 2002, the Global Fund committed a maximum of $407 million for
HIV/AIDS programs in Malawi. The United States Government is the
largest contributor to the Global Fund, having provided approximately
30 percent of all resources to date, so that the United States share of
Global Fund grants to Malawi is approximately $122 million.
While the United States has made a significant contribution to
combating HIV/AIDS in Malawi, much remains to be done, particularly
with regard to slowing the spread of new HIV infections and improving
the distribution of drugs for treatment across the country. If
confirmed, I will dedicate myself to maximizing the impact of U.S.
Government and other programs and work hard to fight this terrible
disease.
______
Responses of Stephen James Nolan to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What, in your view, are the most pressing human rights
issues in Botswana? What are the steps you expect to take, if
confirmed, to promote human rights and democracy in Botswana? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. While the Government of Botswana generally respects human
rights, there are still areas of concern, including lengthy delays in
the judicial process; overcrowded prison conditions; some restrictions
on press freedom; violence against women; societal discrimination
against homosexuals, persons with HIV/AIDS, and the ethnic minority
San; and government restrictions on the right to strike. Some
international and local nongovernmental organizations have also raised
concerns about how the death penalty is administered in Botswana. The
government has publicly recognized and sought improvements in several
of these areas.
If confirmed, I will work with the Government of Botswana and civil
society to help address major human rights issues and support democracy
in Botswana. I will raise human rights issues with government officials
and use all means of diplomatic outreach to ensure that these issues
remain at the forefront of our diplomatic dialog. I will also use the
media and public diplomacy programs to promote discussion among
American and Botswana academics, civil society representatives, and
opinion leaders on human rights issues including respect for
marginalized communities, such as the San, if confirmed. Finally, I
will encourage the mission to use Human Rights and Democracy Fund
grants to support nongovernmental organizations and civil society in
Botswana so as to raise awareness of and support for human rights and
promote more active democratic debate.
Through these efforts, I hope to accomplish two goals. The first is
the continued solidification and advancement of Botswana's democratic
systems and processes as they relate to human rights. The second will
be the promotion and encouragement of Botswana as a regional and
continental leader in this critical area.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous responses? What challenges will you face in Botswana in
advancing human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. As Botswana transitions to middle-income status, it becomes
increasingly incumbent on domestic organizations to advocate for
respect for human rights and robust democratic debate. Helping local
organizations and the government understand how to engage on such
issues without relying on high levels of donor support will be one of
my key objectives, if I am confirmed. Following the precedent set by
Ambassador Canavan and our current team in Gaborone, I will seek to use
modest grants, public diplomacy, and diplomatic outreach to increase
the capacity of local organizations so that they are less reliant on
international support and able to advocate effectively through the
media and the domestic political systems on issues which they deem
important to Botswana's continued development as a democratic country
that fully recognizes the rights of all its citizens.
Question. If confirmed in your new position, what steps will you
take to ensure that promotion of human rights objectives will be an
integral part of the U.S. Embassy's activities? If confirmed, what
steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage
in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded
for superior service?
Answer. The promotion of democracy and human rights remains a high
priority U.S. goal to which I attach great importance. If confirmed, I
will ensure that all mission staff--State Department, U.S. Agency for
International Development (USAID), Department of Defense (DOD), Centers
for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and other U.S. agencies active
at post--continue to collaborate with Botswana leaders and civil
society organizations to promote democracy and human rights to the
greatest extent possible. I will also ensure that employees working on
human rights issues under my direction are professionally acknowledged,
nominated for awards, and otherwise appropriately rewarded for superior
performance.
Question. What are the most significant actions you have taken in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? Why were they
important? What was the impact of your actions?
Answer. I have always strongly believed that human rights begin at
home, and that our embassies should be seen as leaders and role models
in terms of employment benefits and labor practices for locally engaged
staff (LES). As Executive Director of the Bureau of African Affairs, I
have made the fair and equitable treatment of LES at our 50 posts a top
priority. Despite tight operational budgets, we have approved salary
increases each year, improved health coverage, and enhanced retirement
plans for LES employees. Another priority area has been to support
training programs that empower our LES personnel, helping them reach
their full potential and enhance their operational effectiveness. I
have also helped ensure that the Bureau of African Affairs has strong
programs in place at our posts to prevent all forms of discrimination.
During my assignment as Consul General in Cape Town, South Africa,
I oversaw an active and effective public affairs program focused on
advancing the United States Government's public diplomacy goals across
the spectrum of human rights issues. We sponsored events on awareness
and prevention of violence against women, child abuse, HIV/AIDS stigma,
and international crime, with an emphasis on trafficking in people. In
the battle for public opinion, we used innovative as well as tried-and-
true means to explain United States policies to South African
audiences. We sent members of the historically disadvantaged black
community to the United States on International Visitor grants,
arranged for speakers, and linked local audiences with top U.S. experts
via digital video conferencing (DVC) and satellite TV programs, helping
to shape opinion by exposing people to points of view they would not
have heard otherwise. We also aligned our Self-Help Program funds to
support these objectives, with particular focus on projects supporting
economic empowerment of women and the historically disadvantaged black
community.
In terms of promoting democracy, our program to reach out to Cape
Town's Muslim community was recognized as one of the most active and
successful of its kind in Africa. The program included a multipart DVC
series on ``Islam in America,'' featuring prominent American Muslims
and exposing South African Muslim journalists and opinion leaders to
facets of United States life that were little known to them. The
participants came away impressed with the breadth of Muslim life in the
United States, and one participant noted that immigrant American
Muslims seemed to have found ``far greater'' freedom of religion than
in their countries of origin. We also provided training for key support
staff of the South African parliament, exposing them to the American
system of government and our legislative process.
Question. What accounts for Botswana's reputation as one of
Africa's most democratic and stable countries? Are there any potential
threats to this stability or to civil rights and liberties in the
country? Can Botswana's democracy serve as a model for countries in the
region that have struggled to create or maintain democratic traditions
or is it a product of circumstances that are not likely to be
replicated elsewhere?
Answer. Botswana's tradition of consensus building, starting at the
village level, has been an important element of the country's stability
and success. Participatory pluralism permeates Botswana's politics, and
the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) has ably ruled since independence
in 1966. It is notable, however, that many local observers say that the
longer one party continues to govern the greater the risk of
governmental ossification, so often seen in other countries with long-
term single party rule. As Botswana prepares for general elections in
October 2009, continued support for the media and civil society will be
vital to help ensure more Botswana feel like they have a genuine stake
in their own polity and economic future, so as to enhance democratic
systems and security, both domestically and regionally.
The uncertain situation in Zimbabwe posses a challenge to stability
throughout southern Africa, and particularly to neighboring states such
as Botswana. The Government of Botswana, through the Southern African
Development Community (SADC), has encouraged actively a resolution of
the Zimbabwean crisis in a manner that fully reflects the will of the
Zimbabwean people. If I am confirmed, I will consider it my
responsibility, both as Ambassador to Botswana and as Secretary Rice's
Representative to SADC, to advocate aggressively for a full resolution
of this crisis. The Mugabe regime and its security forces must stop the
violence and intimidation against the Movement for Democratic Change
and its supporters and recognize that the people of Zimbabwe voted for
change and their will must be respected.
Finally, on the question of Botswana's role as a model for other
countries in Africa, yes, I do believe Botswana can serve as a model
and that other nations have lessons to learn from Botswana's impressive
success. One of the most critical lessons one can draw from Botswana is
the tremendous positive impact of having low levels of corruption.
Botswana has been able to make maximum use of its diamond wealth in
large part because corruption has not sabotaged its mining industry or
warped its government. Thanks to the government's vigilant stand
against corruption, Botswana has successfully provided critical health
and education services to its populace and is in a strong position to
attract foreign investment to help diversify and sustain the country's
economic growth. Respect for human rights and dynamic political debate
are also keys to Botswana's political stability and strength. While all
democracies are a work in progress, Botswana has accomplished much and
is rightly recognized as a model by many of its neighbors.
______
Response of Stephen James Nolan to Question Submitted by
Senator Russell D. Feingold
Question. Some human rights groups remain concerned about periodic
reports of secret executions taking place in Botswana. What is the
United States doing to investigate these reports?
Answer. The Government of Botswana generally respects human rights
and the legal system allows for a full trial and appeals process.
Defendants in capital cases who cannot afford legal representation are
provided legal counsel by the state. Some international and local
nongovernmental organizations, however, have raised concerns about how
the death penalty is administered in Botswana.
In a June 2007 report entitled ``The Death Penalty in Botswana:
Hasty and Secretive Hangings,'' the International Federation for Human
Rights and DITSHWANELO-The Botswana Center for Human Rights (BCHR)
questioned several elements of capital punishment administration
including the quality of public council provided to defendants in death
penalty cases and the lack of notice to families, attorneys, and
advocacy groups when some sentences were carried out. The United States
noted the concerns of BCHR in the 2003 Country Report on Human Rights
Practices saying, ``During the year, the Botswana Center for Human
Rights (BCHR) protested the executions of four convicted murderers,
whose families and attorneys had not received prior notice of the
executions, and criticized the secrecy surrounding executions.''
I take the concerns raised in the June 2007 BCHR report very
seriously. Our embassy in Gaborone reports that while elements of the
administration of capital punishment in Botswana could be improved,
there is no clear evidence of a denial of due process or judicial
review in the cases which have been brought to our attention. Should I
be confirmed, I will continue United States efforts to work with the
Government of Botswana, local and international nongovernmental
organizations, and the media to promote respect for human rights and
civil liberties in Botswana and throughout the region.
______
Response of Marcia Stephens Bernicat to Question Submitted by
Senator Russell D. Feingold
Question. Senegal has been widely praised by Western and African
civil society organizations alike for making strides toward good
governance, rule of law, and adherence to the African Charter on Human
and Peoples' Rights and other human rights instruments. This trend
makes the recent spate of arrests of and violence against gay men in
Senegal all the more surprising and worrisome. If confirmed as United
States Ambassador to Senegal, would you address these sorts of issues
as human rights concerns? Do you believe the United States should play
a role--perhaps by using HIV and Democracy and Governance funding--in
decreasing the stigma against Senegal's lesbian, gay, bisexual, and
transgender community and promoting a broader understanding of human
rights? How?
Answer. The arrest of two gay men as a result of the publishing of
photos of their marriage in a local magazine and the ensuing street
demonstrations against homosexuals underscore widespread concerns about
the state of human rights in Senegal. If confirmed, I would address
these incidents as human rights issues in concert with local human
rights NGOs such as Raddho (African Rally for Human Rights), the local
chapter of Amnesty International, the National Human Rights
Organization (ONDH), and the International Federation for Human Rights
(FDIH).
I believe our role should consist of the continued use of embassy-
sponsored programs and other educational tools to underline the
universality of human rights, as defined in the U.N. Declaration of
Human Rights and other key international covenants. In addition, there
should be a U.S. role in decreasing this stigma through support for the
activities of indigenous institutions and groups. All of the previously
mentioned local NGOs played a role in the release of the two men who
were arrested, and all of these groups have the potential to have an
impact on Senegal's tolerance for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and
transgender individuals.
Senegal's traditionally tolerant society is changing as its
traditional mores confront western ones and is at a crossroads in
accepting homosexuality in its society. Islamic traditionalists see
homosexuality as contrary to the precepts of their religion. However,
Senegal is a moderate country with a constitution that guarantees
individual freedom. There are extremists who would like to see
homosexuality treated as a criminal offense subject to severe
sentencing and are trying to encourage Islamic leaders to lead the
charge. Senegal's influential Sufi brotherhoods have so far elected not
to press for criminalization of homosexuality. The manner in which the
United States approaches the subject, and in which we engage and
cooperate with local religious institutions, will require sustained
effort as well as sensitivity to evolving local culture.
______
Response of Donald Gene Teitelbaum to Question Submitted by
Senator Russell D. Feingold
Question. The State Department's most recent human rights reports
note that in Ghana, ``the law criminalizes homosexuality, and lesbians
and gays faced widespread discrimination, as well as police harassment
and extortion attempts.'' Such governmental abuse and discrimination
have been described in reports by the U.S. Government and numerous
United States and international human rights organizations for years,
and yet the legal and societal issues remain unaddressed. Would you, if
confirmed as United States Ambassador, be willing to meet with Ghanaian
Government officials as well as some of the leaders of the LGBT human
rights community in Ghana to discuss these serious findings?
Answer. If confirmed as United States Ambassador, I would meet with
Ghanaian Government officials as well as some of the leaders of the
LGBT human rights community in Ghana to discuss the findings in reports
by the United States Government and by numerous United States and
international human rights organizations. I believe it is important for
U.S. Embassies to seek and maintain a broad range of contacts. I also
believe that the words and actions of U.S. Embassies must reflect the
core values of America, particularly the rights to life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness.
______
Responses of Marcia Stephens Bloom Bernicat to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. Yes, I have read 04 STATE 258893--Peace Corps-State
Department Relations as well as 07 State 78240, dated June, 6, 2007--
Peace Corps-State Department Relations.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. Yes, I understand and agree to abide by the principles set
forth in 04 STATE 258893 and 07 STATE 78240--Peace Corps-State
Department Relations.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps's role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies''?
Answer. I fully understand and accept that ``the Peace Corps must
remain substantially separate from the day-to-day conduct and concerns
of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace Corps's role and its need
for separation from the day-to-day activities of the mission are not
comparable to those of other U.S. Government agencies.'' Peace Corps'
presence in a host country must be initiated by the host government,
and Peace Corps programs are contingent upon support for and
articulated need of both the host government and local communities in
which volunteers serve. A close working relationship between Peace
Corps and the host government is essential to Peace Corps' ability to
function, and this necessity renders its relationship with the mission
fundamentally different from those of other U.S. Government agencies.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. Per Secretary Rice's requests in 3.B of the cable, I pledge
to exercise my chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide the
Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies.'' Autonomy and flexibility are essential to
the Peace Corps' ability to work effectively at the grassroots level,
and the U.S. mission under my leadership, if confirmed, will not
interfere with the day-to-day operations of the Peace Corps.
______
Responses of Peter W. Bodde to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. I have read 04 STATE 258893, as well as STATE 78240 dated
June 6, 2007, which both concern relations between Peace Corps and the
U.S. Department of State.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. Yes, I understand and agree to abide by the principles set
forth in 04 STATE 258893 and 07 STATE 78240.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps's role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies''?
Answer. Yes, I fully understand that Peace Corps activities must
remain substantially separate from the day-to-day conduct and concerns
of our foreign policy. I very much value the important role Peace
Corps' volunteers play in helping people around the world better
understand and appreciate the United States.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to exercise my chief of mission
authorities to provide Peace Corps with as much autonomy and
flexibility in its day-to-day operations as possible, so long as this
does not conflict with U.S. objectives and policies.
______
Responses of Gillian Arlette Milovanovic to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. Yes, I have read 04 STATE 258893--Peace Corps-State
Department Relations as well as 07 State 78240, dated June, 6, 2007--
Peace Corps-State Department Relations.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. I fully understand and agree to abide by the principles in
this cable that guide the Department's dealings with the Peace Corps.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps's role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies''?
Answer. I fully understand and accept that ``the Peace Corps must
remain substantially separate from the day-to-day conduct and concerns
of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace Corps's role and its need
for separation from the day-to-day activities of the mission are not
comparable to those of other U.S. Government agencies.''
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. Yes. I pledge to do so.
______
Responses of Hon. Donald E. Booth to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. I have read 04 STATE 258893, as well as 07 STATE 78240
dated June 6, 2007, which both concern relations between Peace Corps
and the U.S. Department of State.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. Yes, I understand and agree to abide by the principles set
forth in 04 STATE 258893 and 07 STATE 78240.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps's role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies''?
Answer. I understand and accept that the Peace Corps can only
achieve the purposes for which it was founded if it remains
substantially independent from the day-to-day conduct of our foreign
policy.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to exercise my chief of mission
authorities to provide Peace Corps with as much autonomy and
flexibility in its day-to-day operations as possible, so long as this
does not conflict with U.S. objectives and policies.
______
Responses of Donald Gene Teitelbaum to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. I have read 04 STATE 258893--Peace Corps-State Department
Relations as well as 07 State 78240, dated June 6, 2007--Peace Corps-
State Department Relations.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. I understand and agree to abide by the principles set forth
in this cable.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps's role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies''?
Answer. I understand and accept that ``the Peace Corps must remain
substantially separate from the day-to-day conduct and concerns of our
foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace Corps's role and its need for
separation from the day-to-day activities of the mission are not
comparable to those of other U.S. Government agencies.''
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B
of the cable, to exercise my chief of mission ``authorities so as to
provide the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its
day-to-day operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict
with U.S. objectives and policies.''
______
Responses of Marianne Matuzic Myles to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. Yes, I have read that cable on Peace Corps-State relations
as well as the later one, 07 STATE 78240, dated June 6, 2007.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. Yes, I understand and agree to abide by the principles in
this cable, which guide the Department's dealings with the Peace Corps.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps's role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies''?
Answer. Yes. I understand and accept this.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise our chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. Yes, I pledge to do so.
______
Responses of Patricia McMahon Hawkins to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. I have read 04 STATE 258893--Peace Corps-State Department
Relations as well as 07 State 78240, dated June 6, 2007--Peace Corps-
State Department Relations.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. I understand and agree to abide by the principles set forth
in this cable.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps's role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies''?
Answer. I understand and accept that ``the Peace Corps must remain
substantially separate from the day-to-day conduct and concerns of our
foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace Corps's role and its need for
separation from the day-to-day activities of the mission are not
comparable to those of other U.S. Government agencies.''
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B
of the cable, to exercise my chief of mission ``authorities so as to
provide the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its
day-to-day operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict
with U.S. objectives and policies.''
______
Responses of Stephen James Nolan to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. I have read 04 STATE 258893, as well as STATE 78240 dated
June 6, 2007, which both concern relations between Peace Corps and the
U.S. Department of State.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. Yes, I understand and agree to abide by the principles set
forth in 04 STATE 258893 and 07 STATE 78240.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps's role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies''?
Answer. Yes, I fully understand that Peace Corps activities must
remain substantially separate from the day-to-day conduct and concerns
of our foreign policy. I also understand that the mission of Peace
Corps is not comparable to those of other government agencies.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. If confirmed, I pledge to exercise my chief of mission
authorities to provide Peace Corps with as much autonomy and
flexibility in its day-to-day operations as possible, so long as this
does not conflict with U.S. objectives and policies.
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 18, 2008
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Ayalde, Liliana, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Paraguay
Boswell, Eric J., to be Assistant Secretary of State for
Diplomatic Security
DiCarlo, Rosemary Anne, to be Alternate U.S. Representative to
the Sessions of the General Assembly and the Alternate
U.S. Representative for Special Political Affairs in
the United Nations
Jones, John Melvin, to be Ambassador to the Cooperative
Republic of Guyana
----------
The committee met at 9:36 a.m., in room SD-419, Dirksen
Senate Office Building, Hon. Bill Nelson, presiding.
Present: Senators Nelson and Corker.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BILL NELSON,
U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA
Senator Nelson. Good morning. This hearing on the Committee
on Foreign Relations is going to consider the nomination of
four individuals for key leadership positions in the
administration.
The chairman and Senator Corker are going to forego making
opening statements.
Senator Nelson. And the same with each of you. Instead of
you sitting there and reading us a statement, your written
statements will be entered in the record. What we will do is go
straight on to the questions.
[The prepared statements of Mr. Jones, Ms. DiCarlo, Mr.
Boswell, and Ms. Ayalde are located at the end of this hearing
transcript.]
Senator Nelson. Senator Corker?
Senator Corker. They might want to introduce their
families.
Senator Nelson. Yes, by all means.
I understand you all have your families here. So if you
will, Mr. Jones, if you would introduce your family.
Mr. Jones. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. With me today is my
wife Aaronia; our daughter Christie Jones-Aden; our son- in-
law, Keenan Aden; and a close family friend, Dr. Adam Muhijea
who is at the American Defense College, a representative from
Honduras.
Senator Nelson. Welcome.
Senator Corker. Mr. Chairman, I understand from the son-in-
law that he is a great father-in-law. So that alone ought to be
a good endorsement.
Senator Nelson. That is pretty good.
Mr. Jones. Thank you, sir.
Senator Nelson. A pretty good recommendation.
Mrs. DiCarlo?
Ms. DiCarlo. Thank you. My family is unable to attend
today. My husband, Tom Graham, is in Moscow on business, and my
87-year-old mother is unable to travel, but they are with me in
spirit. Thank you.
Senator Nelson. That is great.
Mr. Boswell?
Mr. Boswell. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am happy to
introduce my wife, Nancy Boswell, who is behind me in the
crowd. Thank you.
Senator Nelson. Good. Welcome, Ms. Boswell.
Ms. Ayalde?
STATEMENT OF LILIANA AYALDE, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE
REPUBLIC OF PARAGUAY
Ms. Ayalde. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would like to
acknowledge the presence of my parents, Jaime and Mercedes
Ayalde; my sister Gloria; and my nieces, Karina, Alexa, and
Bianca. My immediate family is back in Colombia finishing
school actually. So they were not able to be here.
Senator Nelson. I see. What does your family in Colombia
think about you going to Paraguay?
Ms. Ayalde. They are excited.
Senator Nelson. Well, we are glad to have you all.
Just since we have been talking, why do I not start with
you, Mrs. Ayalde?
The recent presidential election in Paraguay--it is always
a constant struggle for some democratic reforms in that part of
the world and the democratic political development. What do you
think is going to be the most significant challenge that is
facing the president-elect, Lugo?
Ms. Ayalde. Well, first of all, it is a historic moment for
Paraguay after 61 years of rule by the Colorado Party. This is
a unique opportunity, I think, for Paraguayans, as well as for
us in our bilateral relation.
He has indicated that he has prioritized poverty reduction
and eradication of corruption as his two primary objectives of
his administration. Those are huge challenges. The fact that he
has been elected based on a coalition from the opposition also
will make it a challenge in terms of the management.
Senator Nelson. You know, they joke down in Paraguay quite
humorously with a spark in their eye that it is part of their
genetic makeup--some of the corruption that goes on. So you are
going to have a challenge. Of course, that is not just
indicative of Paraguay, but many other places across the globe.
What do you think about the new president facing that kind
of endemic corruption that has gone on in that part of the
world?
Ms. Ayalde. Well, it is a challenge, but the fact that he
has prioritized it as one of his administration's main
objectives is important. There is some progress that has been
made based on some of the initiatives that in fact we have
supported. The Millennium Challenge Threshold Program, for
instance, has focused precisely on corruption issues, and in
their report card, there has been some definite progress. Now,
the problem is huge, but the pattern is positive, and I think
that that is what we need to look for is the continued progress
along that front.
Senator Nelson. What do you think is going to be the new
president's relationship with Hugo Chavez?
Ms. Ayalde. At this point, his public statements have been
that he would like to maintain good working relations with all
his neighbors. He has indicated that he--well, he has accepted
invitations to the countries which have invited him. He has
indicated to us, I understand, that he would like to come to
the United States. He has sent a delegation of five designated
ministers up to the United States for a visit. In fact, they
are here right now, I understand. So at this point, it is a
speculation. I would prefer not to get into that, but the
statements that he has publicly made indicate that he would
like to be friends with everyone.
Senator Nelson. Give me some of your thoughts about the
tri-border area and the potential for terrorist activity in the
region.
Ms. Ayalde. It is public knowledge that the tri-border area
is a region that lacks law enforcement, a tremendous amount of
informality, problems with trafficking of drugs and so forth.
Nevertheless, I think that it is an area that the Paraguayan
Government so far has tried to focus with some specific
programs, some of which the U.S. Government has supported, and
we need to focus on that area to try to address some of the
issues of the informality and the high level of corruption, of
course. So it is a priority, and if confirmed, I certainly will
make that a priority of my management team.
Senator Nelson. Have you ever been to Tres Esquinas?
Ms. Ayalde. In Colombia?
Senator Nelson. No, Tres Esquinas in the tri-border area in
Paraguay.
Ms. Ayalde. No, have not, sir.
Senator Nelson. Well, it is quite a place. It will be quite
interesting for you as you look into that, as well as
counternarcotics.
How would you describe our counternarcotics effort with
Paraguay?
Ms. Ayalde. As I understand it, we have had very solid,
strong collaboration on both the counternarcotics and
counterterrorism fronts. It is a good collaboration, and there
is no reason to believe at this point that that will not
continue under the new administration. But we have to see.
Senator Nelson. Senator Corker?
Senator Corker. Well, I want to welcome all of you and
thank you for your public service. I know we are in some cases
at the end of an administration and some important tasks are
being taken on. But thank you all for your commitment and for
what you are willing to do for our country.
I guess I would like to ask our two ambassadorial nominees
here that you, obviously, have been trying to gain an
understanding of what you are going to be dealing with going to
each of the countries that you are going to. I know that, Ms.
Ayalde, I met you in Colombia recently, and I know you have
learned a great deal there about counterterrorism. Uribe has
been just outstanding in that regard.
But I wonder if each of you could just outline, knowing
what you know today, and I know once you get to where you are
going, you will know even more. But what is it you think you
want to address on the front end going to each of the two
countries you are going in? What is sort of your primary
objective, if you will, your primary agenda as you move into
these two countries? Mr. Jones?
STATEMENT OF JOHN MELVIN JONES, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE
COOPERATIVE REPUBLIC OF GUYANA
Mr. Jones. Senator, my primary objective, of course, is to
try to work with the Government of Guyana to protect American
interest there, also promote democracy and human rights. We
understand that there are some small problems, but if
confirmed, I will work closely with the Government of Guyana to
address these issues. We have some instances where problems
have developed, particularly with the growth of things like
HIV/AIDS, trafficking, for example, narco activities. These are
things that I intend to work, again, closely with the
Government of Guyana, to address. That I think will be my main
aim.
Strengthening the democratic infrastructure, working
towards helping them get elections, local elections. The last
election was in 1994. They had municipal elections in 2006 that
were relatively safe. And so I am going to try to work with
them, extend a hand of friendship and cooperation, and
hopefully be able to help them strengthen those institutions
that they need help on right now.
Senator Corker. Have you spent much time looking at our
PEPFAR efforts there, and do you have any thoughts at present
as to how we might enhance our activities there? Or do you have
any assessment of how that is going at present?
Mr. Jones. Our reports are that the PEPFAR program is a
very successful program, sir. It is a major effort on the part
of our Government, and the Government of Guyana has cooperated
fully with us. As you know, it is a program that has had over
$100 million since 2004 addressing this whole issue of HIV/
AIDS. All of our agencies, the Peace Corps, USAID, Center for
Disease Control, Department of Defense, are all working on
small projects and efforts towards making this a successful
program. Again, our reports are that the Government of Guyana
has accepted this. It is a major effort on their part, and it
is a major effort on our part and represents a large amount of
the good will that we want to show the Guyanese people.
Senator Corker. Thank you.
Yes, ma'am?
Ms. Ayalde. Yes, Mr. Senator. I, if confirmed, intend to
focus on governance issues, as well as poverty reduction. I
think those two areas will do a lot to addressing some of the
problems in Paraguay as related to terrorism and narcotics
trafficking. If you do not have a strong presence of the state,
an ability of the state to deliver its services in a
transparent way, then you can invite illegal business of all
sorts.
So our bilateral agenda should continue to focus on
intellectual property rights protection, trafficking in
persons, money laundering, and strengthening the different
institutions of the state that will avoid becoming at high risk
of increasing the corruption and the informality in the
country, as well as addressing some of the roots of poverty
which, if you look around the region and there is an increase
of social discontent, that puts more pressure on the state and
that can drive a country into social turmoil which will
complicate things. So I think those two pillars of work would
be what I would prioritize, if confirmed.
Senator Corker. Both of you are going to challenging
countries, and again, we are very fortunate to have people of
your qualifications going there. And I thank you again for
being willing to do so.
Mr. Boswell, we all have been to Iraq a number of times and
Afghanistan, and I know one of your duties is going to be to
look at the security contractors we are dealing with. You know,
you land in Baghdad and Blackwater basically is the escort
service, if you will. It takes you throughout the country.
I wonder if you have any editorial comments you want to
make about some of the recent events there and just generally
anything you think we ought to be doing differently as it
relates to our security contractors in general, not necessarily
that particular company itself.
STATEMENT OF ERIC J. BOSWELL, NOMINEE TO BE ASSISTANT SECRETARY
OF STATE FOR DIPLOMATIC SECURITY
Mr. Boswell. Thank you for the question, Senator. I was in
Baghdad myself examining this exact issue last fall as part of
the Secretary's panel examining protective security operations
in Iraq in the wake of the tragedy at Nisoor Square. So we
looked at the issue you are talking about in depth, the
appropriateness of using contractors, how the contractors were
managed, what the oversight was of the contractors, and we made
a number of recommendations for improvement and particularly in
the area of oversight and training. I am happy to say that the
Department has taken those recommendations seriously, that it
is complying with all of them. Our recommendations are a matter
of public record, and we would be happy to provide them to you,
sir.
Senator Corker. Basically we have operations in 25 U.S.
cities that you also oversee, and I was wondering if you might
expand a little bit on what those particular efforts are about
and the magnitude of those.
Mr. Boswell. Yes, sir. The Bureau of Diplomatic Security at
the State Department has two primary missions. One is the
protection of life, property, and information overseas. And the
second is it is a very active participant in the global war on
terrorism. And the activities of the field offices to which you
refer are largely in the second category. They are offices that
examine and review cases of passport fraud, visa fraud, all of
which are very important elements in securing our borders and
overall in identifying terrorists in the global war on terror.
That is what they do.
Of course, those offices are also a source of manpower to
assist in overseas surge requirements occasionally, and in
particular, every year they provide a large number of agents to
New York during the UN General Assembly to assist in protection
of dignitaries.
Senator Corker. And what is the order of magnitude right
now of visa fraud? If you were going to say to us how much of
an issue that is today in our country, give us a little bit of
an editorial opinion there, if you would.
Mr. Boswell. I could not tell you exactly the numbers,
Senator, but I can tell you that it is increasing and it is of
increasing concern. That is why the Department dedicates as
much effort as it does to that.
Senator Corker. I know this is not in your area. I know you
deal with the area of fraud itself as it relates to visas, but
as we just look at general immigration issues in our country,
the fact that at many of the motor crossings we check to see if
someone has a visa, but we do not record that, and we have, I
guess, a huge issue of not ever knowing when people overstay.
We have no mechanism in place to be able to do that. And I know
that is not in your particular area, but I wonder if you have
any comments in regards to that.
Mr. Boswell. It is not in my area, Senator, so I will be
careful in what I say. But I know that that is a problem,
particularly the issue of recording when somebody leaves, and I
know that there are significant efforts undertaken by ICE in
that regard. But I really do not have anything further to add
to that.
Senator Corker. In the defense authorization bill, it is my
understanding--I am just going to read some language--that
there is some language that says, ``Private security
contractors are not authorized to reform inherently government
functions in an area of combat operations.'' If this particular
clause were to survive, if you will, in this legislation, what
impact would that have on carrying out the private security
operations that you would be charged with carrying out?
Mr. Boswell. Senator, I am aware of that language, and I am
rather troubled by it, I must tell you. The language, as I
understand it, would prohibit contractors from performing an
inherently governmental function such as use of deadly force in
high-risk, high-threat, volatile areas. That may have the
effect of preventing the use of contractors for protective
security as we use them now in Iraq and Afghanistan. I hope
that is not the intention. The effect would be rather severe on
our--that is, the State Department's--operations, embassy
operations in both countries and would have a rather severe
effect on the goals and objectives--the ability of the United
States to achieve its goals and objectives.
So I hope that some language or way can be found to address
the concerns of the Congress but, at the same time, not to
inhibit the use of contractors in protecting our personnel in
both war zones.
Senator Corker. And my guess is that the addition of that
language possibly was a signal of someone who feels that maybe
we are over-utilizing, if you will, contractors in this area. I
wonder if you can give any editorial comments about that,
meaning that our reliance today on private contractors,
obviously, in Iraq and in other areas, is very, very large at
this moment. Are we in proper balance there? Have we had an
over-reliance? Should some of these jobs be really done by
Federal employees directly? Any comments there.
Mr. Boswell. Yes, sir. The panel in which participated
certainly looked at exactly that issue in Iraq last fall. I
remember talking to Ambassador Crocker in his office and asking
him what he thought, and I think I can speak a little bit out
of school. He said, I would like to have 700 diplomatic
security agents performing this function, but I recognize that
that is a practical, close to impossibility. I feel the same
way and that was the conclusion of our panel.
There are something on the order of 1,500 security
contractors operating in Iraq. There are about 1,500 diplomatic
security employees in the world performing a global function.
It is simply not possible to ramp up sufficiently to provide
the kind of protection that we need for our people exclusively
with diplomatic security personnel.
Having said that, I am extremely concerned that there be
proper oversight of the contractor personnel in Iraq and
elsewhere, and the panel made a number of recommendations to
improve the oversight. One of those recommendations was that
diplomatic security special agents be given operational control
of every motorcade movement and every mission in Iraq, and it
is my understanding that the staff of the regional security
office has been doubled in response to that recommendation and
that every motorcade now has a trained Government employee,
diplomatic security officer, in command of that motorcade.
Senator Corker. Well, thank you for those responses, and I
am sure that because of the sensitivity of that issue, there
will be a lot of folks talking with you about that as it moves
along. But thanks for your responses.
And, Senator Nelson, since I am on a roll, I am just going
to finish up here with Ms. DiCarlo, if I could.
Senator Nelson. Sure. Take your time.
Senator Corker. Ms. DiCarlo, Senator Nelson and I sit at
numbers of hearings here talking about the issues of Darfur and
Zimbabwe and the things that are occurring there. Obviously,
you are going to have a key role. A lot of times our staffs, as
you know, here direct us and guide us in major ways. I know
that you are going to be very much involved in that as it
relates to the Security Council when this nomination process is
over.
It is pretty frustrating to hear reports about the
collective efforts that are taking place in Darfur. It gives
you not a lot of faith sometimes in the UN's ability and the
ability of collectively countries together to deal with that
kind of issue. I just wonder if you have any thoughts going
into this position as to how we might strengthen our efforts in
Darfur, actually create concrete results there instead of this
continual discussion of what ought to happen but is not
happening.
STATEMENT OF ROSEMARY ANNE DiCARLO, NOMINEE TO BE THE ALTERNATE
U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO THE SESSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF
THE UNITED NATIONS AND THE ALTERNATE U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FOR
SPECIAL POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN THE UNITED NATIONS, WITH THE RANK
OF AMBASSADOR
Ms. DiCarlo. Thank you, Senator.
We are also very disappointed that we have not been able to
mobilize the kind of troops and support needed for Darfur, but
we are working very hard at it. And I can assure you that, if
confirmed, this will be a top priority on my agenda.
Ambassador Williamson, the U.S. Special Envoy for Sudan,
was in New York yesterday. Ambassador Williamson, along with
his Canadian counterpart, has organized a group called the
Friends of UNAMID. The objective of this group is to obtain the
kinds of commitments that we will need to have full deployment
of that peacekeeping operation by early 2009.
We have been hampered in a number of ways, and the UN
certainly has been as well. First of all, the Government of
Sudan has put a number of obstructions, refusing to accept
troops from certain countries. They preferred a truly African
force. They have also not granted visas on time, not granted
access to land or water needed. That is one aspect.
We also would like to see greater flexibility and
creativity on the part of the United Nations. We are now
working with a number of countries who have offered to
participate. Their infantrymen would increase the force by
another 5,000, but they do need training, they need equipment.
We are still seeking the kinds of equipment support and are in
fairly detailed discussions with a few countries on that. It is
a very high priority and something that we will devote our
attention to.
Regarding the political process, we would hope that the
Secretary-General would continue to use his good offices to
talk to the parties, to the Government of Sudan. His Special
Envoy for Darfur, Mr. Eliasson, and of course, Ambassador
Williamson will continue his efforts.
Senator Corker. In Zimbabwe where we have a situation more
leaders, in essence, have been defeated, and now we are having
another election for some odd reason. And he has basically
vowed that there will not be a transition to someone who does
not look at the government there the same way that he does,
which obviously the opposition, who is the person running
against him, does not.
What should the United Nations--what is our role in a
situation like that, and what should and could be done?
Ms. DiCarlo. Thank you. We have been trying for several
weeks now to get Zimbabwe on the Security Council agenda.
Secretary Rice will be in New York tomorrow.
Senator Corker. By the way, when you saying ``trying,''
explain to us what difficulties there are in getting something
like that that is pretty important on an agenda.
Ms. DiCarlo. First of all, to get an issue on the Security
Council agenda, one needs to have the consensus of Security
Council members. There are a few countries on the council who
believe that Zimbabwe is an internal problem and not a threat
to international peace and security. We, obviously, disagree. A
number of us disagree. We have been working to get to bring
this to a vote. We need nine votes to get it on the agenda. We
think we are very close.
Secretary Rice will be in New York tomorrow. We are the
President of the Security Council this month. She will be co-
hosting a session with the foreign minister of Burkina Faso--he
is also on the council--on Zimbabwe. Invitees will be member
states, members of the Security Council. They will raise this
issue, raise the visibility of this issue.
The United Nations has sent an envoy to speak to President
Mugabe to talk about elections, election support, the need for
fair and free elections. The UN will be using a trust fund and
the United States is contributing to it for election monitors.
The monitors will come from the African Union and the Southern
African Development Community. The Government of Zimbabwe has
not allowed official monitors coming from Europe or the United
States.
But we agree this is an issue that needs to be resolved.
First of all, fair and free elections but much more. We read
this morning that President Mugabe is now allowing NGO's
working in Zimbabwe to deliver aid, needed food and supplies,
to citizens, but we have a serious problem and one that does
need international attention.
Senator Corker. My understanding is most of that aid is
going to people who support him and not to those who do not. I
wonder if you have any comments in that regard.
Ms. DiCarlo. Well, we do know that there were some
shipments that were confiscated and went to supporters, but
still, there are NGO's working there who are getting assistance
to the right people.
Senator Corker. Senator Nelson, thanks for indulging me. I
will turn it back over to your great leadership here as
chairman.
Senator Nelson. Well, thank you, Senator. I will just pick
up where you left off.
What do you think in your position at the UN you can do to
try to get the peacekeepers into the Sudan?
Ms. DiCarlo. I think, first of all, we will need to get the
kind of force that is appropriate for Sudan, and that is what
we are working on now. We will then need to have very serious
discussions with the Government of Sudan and keeping the
pressure on the need for those peacekeepers to be there. We
have seen attacks on humanitarian convoys, situations that make
it all the more difficult to deliver the kinds of needed
assistance to the people. Without those peacekeepers on the
ground, we are not going to be able to help those who are in
camps, those who are displaced, and the population.
Senator Nelson. Well, how do we, the United States, in the
forum of the United Nations, to which you would be going, bring
about the world pressure on the Sudanese Government to allow
the peacekeepers to come and stay?
Ms. DiCarlo. We have tried with sanctions. Our sanctions,
as you know, United Nations sanctions, are modest, but our
bilateral sanctions are very major. And we are always looking
for ways to increase the pressure on Sudan bilaterally. We
need, however, to look at more ways that we can work through
the UN--we agree with you--but also with the Europeans in
pressuring the government.
We have seen some movement on the part of China in recent
weeks. The Chinese have now named an envoy to Sudan. The
Chinese are on the ground with a contingent of about 300
engineers building the necessary infrastructure so that we can
actually deploy the troops. We need to encourage China and
others that have more influence on Sudan to do more.
Senator Nelson. Speaking of China, what can we do to get
the UN to put pressure on China to stop the arms sales to
Sudan?
Ms. DiCarlo. Well, we have raised this a number of times.
We have certainly raised it bilaterally. We have raised it
within the UN context. The difficulty, obviously, China as a
veto-bearing member of the Security Council--we have great
difficulty in having any kind of formal UN action.
Senator Nelson. Well, do we need to press for an embargo?
Do we need to put sanctions? Do we need to encourage the UN to
put sanctions on China to stop the flow of arms? What would you
suggest?
Ms. DiCarlo. I would say that the most effective means we
have is working with our colleagues in Europe and with like-
minded countries in putting the pressure on China. It is
extremely for us to achieve something in the council, again
where they are a permanent member.
Senator Nelson. Do you think this is a particular time that
China might be sensitive because of the world attention to them
because of the Olympics?
Ms. DiCarlo. Indeed.
Senator Nelson. Then what is the kind of world pressure
that we can put on that you said working through Europe?
Ms. DiCarlo. I think the kinds of things that we have been
doing and intensifying them, which is high level discussions
with them, various points that are made, obviously everything
that we are working on with China in a range of areas. We have
to make very, very clear that while they may be a good partner
in some areas, we need to have them as a good partner in
particular in Sudan.
Senator Nelson. What about the rotating presidency of the
UN Security Council. The U.S. now holds that. What do you think
we can do there to utilize that position?
Ms. DiCarlo. We have made two issues the highlight of our
council presidency. One is Africa. As I said, we are trying
very hard to get Zimbabwe on the agenda. Sudan is another case.
We have had a number of meetings. Ambassador Williamson was
there yesterday. And we will continue to work the Sudan issue
throughout the month.
The other issue that we had as a priority is a thematic
issue and that is women, peace, and security because violence
against women in conflict is high and needs much more attention
from the international community.
Obviously, when we discuss Sudan, we make very clear our
concerns about arms flowing into Sudan. We make very clear our
concerns about the government's obstructionism and deployment.
Senator Nelson. Do you intend on having any direct
conversations privately with the delegation of China?
Ms. DiCarlo. If confirmed, I certainly do. I know that
Ambassador Khalilzad does now routinely.
Senator Nelson. How about with the Government of the Sudan?
Ms. DiCarlo. We have continued discussions with the
Government of the Sudan. I, if confirmed, would continue those
discussions, and as I said, Ambassador Williamson has been very
active in this area.
Senator Nelson. What do you think we ought to do to get
tougher sanctions on Iran?
Ms. DiCarlo. Thank you, sir.
Iran is an issue that, obviously, will be a priority in the
Security Council in the coming months. We have now three
sanctions regimes on Iran, three resolutions calling for
sanctions. We need to, first, make sure that these resolutions
are implemented. There are a number of countries that have
already reported on implementation. There are countries that
have asked us for help, asked the UN for help in implementing
these provisions. Smaller countries in particular have great
difficulty in doing so, and we need to ensure that either the
United Nations or some of the countries like us and the
Europeans are able to help them do so.
We also need to work bilaterally on our own--we do work on
our sanctions, but with the Europeans who are moving in the
right direction in increased sanctions on Iran.
When the Security Council adopted the last resolution,
1803, the council made clear that if Iran did not comply with
the demands of council resolutions and IAEA recommendations,
that the council would consider further action.
Senator Nelson. Do you have the go-ahead from the
administration to discuss these matters privately with the
Iranian delegation at the United Nations?
Ms. DiCarlo. My job is to work within the Security Council.
I am not going to be dealing directly on this issue.
Senator Nelson. Does Ambassador Khalilzad have that
authority?
Ms. DiCarlo. I would have to get back to you on that. I do
not know.
Senator Nelson. Well, I sure hope the answer to that is
yes. We have a missing FBI agent in Iran, and I have talked
directly to the Iranian Ambassador to the United Nations about
trying to find this guy for a widow--let us hope it is not a
widow--a wife and seven children that are left behind in my
State. I would certainly hope that we have the ability to have
conversations with the delegates to the United Nations from
other countries like that. But you do not know the answer to
that?
Ms. DiCarlo. You asked whether he was working with them on
sanctions issues and other issues. I do not know. Again, I
would have to get back to you on it.
I can tell you that, indeed, when we work in a multilateral
forum, we work with countries, even countries we do not have
relations with, on issues that are before the United Nations.
Senator Nelson. Tell us about the UN peacekeeping effort in
Haiti.
Ms. DiCarlo. Thank you, Senator.
A very important mission and a mission that we believe has
had some success. We were very pleased to see what MINUSTAH has
been able to do in the area of elections. The mission is
working with the police, helping to develop a police force,
making progress there. The mission will also be working on
border and maritime security, which we think is an important
issue, obviously helping the Haitian police. The Haitian police
will be setting up a coast guard, but indeed, the support of
the international community is needed there. Patrolling is
needed there also by the UN.
Haiti is a work in progress. There is a lot more to be
done, but we can say that the UN mission there has certainly
made some strides in recent years.
Senator Nelson. Mr. Jones, Guyana has been increasingly a
transshipment point for narcotics that are coming to the U.S.
and Europe. Why do you not tell us about the U.S. efforts to
combat that trend?
Mr. Jones. Yes, Mr. Chairman. We had the reports that
Guyana is, in fact, a transshipment point for drugs, as well as
illegal immigrants. We have worked closely and will continue to
work closely with the Government of Guyana. There are several
programs in place right now with training of police and so
forth that will continue hopefully if we have that opportunity.
And we hope to be able to strengthen both the police
infrastructure to weed out corrupt elements and to see that the
Guyanese take seriously this whole idea that they need to be
securing internally.
As you know, there is a huge interior that is not
controlled. There are borders with Venezuela, Brazil, and
Suriname. And it is very difficult with the size of their
current force to get control over this area. We hope to be able
to work with them to strengthen both their police training and
that area that requires a lot more policing and control.
Senator Nelson. Tell us about those programs working with
the police.
Mr. Jones. These are basic training programs. One of them
we are looking forward to implementing is the reestablishment
of a Drug Enforcement Administration office in Guyana. This is
something that President Jagdeo has asked for and that the
leaders of DEA here in Washington have agreed on. I will try to
implement that once I get on the ground, if confirmed.
The other is to have our military group bring in trainers.
We had approaches from SOUTHCOM and we are looking at trying to
implement civil affairs training for those policemen and for
the Guyana defense forces hopefully, again, in an effort to
strengthen that area of what they actually need to have done.
There is another side and that is to take a look at this
whole concept of preventing the use of fraudulent documents,
and a lot of the transshipment is done by using these
documents. We hope to be able to use our Millennium Challenge
Account to strengthen business registration and so forth to
have a better way of controlling and accounting for business
receipts and so forth. And that includes travel documents.
Senator Nelson. Now, with the rise in crime, when you are
helping out their law enforcement about drugs, certainly help
them with the vigilante death squads that they have had. Do you
want to comment about that?
Mr. Jones. There has been a rise in crime, sir, and we have
had the reports about these death squads. As you know, there is
one case in particular that is in the courts in the State of
New York. This is a problem. It is going to be something that
we will need to address, and hopefully through the use of the
cooperative efforts with the police training, the drug
enforcement, and military cooperation, we will be able to
address it a little bit more properly.
Senator Nelson. By the way, Mrs. Ayalde, I had said Tres
Esquinas, which you correctly identified in Colombia. I meant
to say Cuidad del Este. That is the one that is like the Wild
West there. Anything you want to buy you can probably find it
there. And it may not necessarily be authentic. They have got
quite a knock-off trade there, and the other things that you
are going to be looking at are in such an environment. To what
degree have we got to worry about terrorist activity arising
from that environment?
Ms. Ayalde. At this point, we have no known operational
presence of Al Qaeda or other of these terrorist groups.
Nevertheless, it is an issue because of the lack of, like I
mentioned earlier, law enforcement, corruption, and all these
other factors that lend themselves to attracting these kinds of
activities.
Senator Nelson. Mr. Boswell, this committee has had a
hearing examining American women, contractor personnel, that
have been raped in Iraq and Afghanistan and the lack of help
for the rape victim and the lack of follow-up by the Department
of State, the Department of Defense, and the Department of
Justice. Now, do you want to bring us up to date on what is
happening there?
Mr. Boswell. Yes, sir, Mr. Chairman. I am aware of some of
those cases. I am also aware that the area of jurisdiction and
authority is a little bit unclear.
For the record, I am strongly in favor of legislation that
would hold contractors to account for criminal violations
committed in war zones.
Senator Nelson. Let me just stop you right there. That
legislation is now law. It is on the books. And the question
is, are those three Departments enforcing the law, providing
assistance to the rape victims, as well as referring the
evidence and preserving the evidence, and then referring it to
the appropriate law enforcement agencies--in the case of the
Department of Justice, it is usually the U.S. Attorney--in the
prosecution of those crimes? The law is there. So take it from
there.
Mr. Boswell. Yes, sir, I am aware that the law is there. I
was referring perhaps to the Department of State and embassy
contractors. The law governing them is a little more unclear.
So I want to clarify that. But certainly it is clear in the
area of the Department of Defense.
The State Department does everything it can to investigate
and assist Americans in trouble overseas. It is a particularly
difficult thing to do in war zones, as you can imagine,
Senator. When the Department becomes aware of a problem, as it
did in one of the cases that you referred to, it was in fact
the Department that investigated the case that found the
individual, that liberated, freed the individual, and after
investigation, turned over the results of its investigation to
the Department of Justice.
Senator Nelson. Now, which one are you speaking of?
Mr. Boswell. You mean of a specific case?
Senator Nelson. Yes.
Mr. Boswell. A specific case involving a woman in Iraq.
Senator Nelson. Do you have a name?
Mr. Boswell. I do not have the name in front of me, sir. I
think that case is still under review by the Department of
Justice, so I would want to be awfully careful about anything I
say here.
Senator Nelson. Was it one of the two women who testified
to this committee?
Mr. Boswell. I do not know who testified to the committee,
sir, but I would guess it is.
Senator Nelson. All right. There is another high profile
rape case, a lady named Mrs. Jones who did not testify. But you
do not know that that is the one? Jamie Lee Jones?
Mr. Boswell. I think that is the case that I was talking
about, sir.
Senator Nelson. Okay. She did not testify here. But that
has been in the newspaper quite a bit.
Mr. Boswell. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. And what did you say about that case?
Mr. Boswell. In that case, it is my understanding that it
was the Department of State that first became aware of the case
that investigated the problem, that located the individual who
was in trouble, and followed up in investigating the incident
and turning over what it found to the Justice Department.
Senator Nelson. That is interesting. She was a Defense
Department contractor personnel. She was gang raped by other
contractor personnel. She was stuffed in a storage locker and
held hostage there until a fellow contractor personnel had pity
on her and lent her a cell phone, on which she could make a
phone call back to the U.S. And that is eventually how she got
out of that storage locker. I mean, it was just an incredible
case.
But that was not one of the ones that testified here. Of
course, it would raise the hair on the back of your neck to
hear the dramatic testimony that came before this subcommittee
by two others.
So what would you say is the status of the Department of
State in investigating these types of crimes?
Mr. Boswell. Senator, I think I can assure you that the
Department of State investigates very aggressively the crimes
that are committed in its area of jurisdiction.
Senator Nelson. What about the relationship between the
Department of State and the military and the Justice Department
and their various investigative arms?
Mr. Boswell. I think the Department would assist both of
those other arms in any way that it can.
Senator Nelson. Do you think it has?
Mr. Boswell. I really could not tell you, sir.
Senator Nelson. I can tell you it is has not. And you are
up for Assistant Secretary of State of Diplomatic Security.
Mr. Boswell. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. You would be shocked to see some of this
testimony. Now, most of it has been the problem with the
Department of Defense because most of the contractor personnel
are DOD contractor personnel, but there is the nexus through
contractor personnel for the Department of State and that is
what you are seeking to be the Assistant Secretary of,
diplomatic security.
Mr. Boswell. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. Which would include contractor personnel as
well?
Mr. Boswell. The State Department does have oversight over
contractor personnel that provide a variety of services,
including protective services, to our people overseas.
Senator Nelson. Providing security for them?
Mr. Boswell. One of the areas in which we provide
contractor personnel is that, a very important area, as Senator
Corker referred to during his questioning.
Senator Nelson. Well, let me give you a hypothetical on one
of these particular cases that we have and tell me how you
would respond as the head of diplomatic security.
A woman is raped and she reports this to her superiors and
they do not do anything about it. And when she finally gets to
see a military doctor that confirms the rape, then there is
some question about the evidence from the rape kit having
disappeared. What would you do to make sure that that evidence
is not lost in your position as the head of diplomatic
security?
Mr. Boswell. Senator, diplomatic security agents are
trained law enforcement officials. Part of their training, I am
quite sure, is how to preserve a chain of evidence in a
criminal case, and I would expect if a diplomatic security
agent was involved in such an investigation, that he or she
would carry out their responsibilities in accordance with their
training.
Senator Nelson. Did you serve in this position before?
Mr. Boswell. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. When?
Mr. Boswell. I served as Assistant Secretary for Diplomatic
Security from 1996 to 1998, the same position for which I am
being considered now.
Senator Nelson. 2 years.
Mr. Boswell. Yes, sir.
Senator Nelson. What was your training then with regard to
the preservation of criminal evidence?
Mr. Boswell. I myself am not a law enforcement officer, nor
is the Assistant Secretary. But the people who work for the
Assistant Secretary are all badge-trained law enforcement
officers, and the training was exactly as I described, training
in, among other things, preserving evidence in a criminal case.
Senator Nelson. One of the big problems that we discovered
in this hearing about the rapes was that there was just not
coordination between the various agencies. Since you,
obviously, have some experience having been in this position
before, what do you think that you could do to improve the
communication and coordination so that these criminal sexual
assaults, number one, get reported and evidence is preserved
and that they are reported to the appropriate law enforcement
authorities?
Mr. Boswell. Well, sir, I would say that in a case which
came to the attention of the Department of State and which
possibly could involve a jurisdiction of another agency, such
as you described, it would certainly be a very important part
of the Department's investigation of the case to ensure that
other agencies with jurisdiction are communicated with, liaised
with, and that proper attention be paid to exactly the sort of
issues such as preservation of evidence that you were just
describing.
Senator Nelson. Will you do what you just said?
Mr. Boswell. I certainly will, sir.
Senator Nelson. Now, there was a Blackwater shooting
incident, and the Under Secretary of State Kennedy assured us
that the diplomatic security agents would be accompanying all
the convoys secured by Blackwater and other private security
contractor companies. Is that occurring?
Mr. Boswell. Yes, sir. That was one of the recommendations
that was made by the panel in which I participated, and as I
mentioned in earlier testimony, the Department of State
responded very positively to those recommendations. Additional
personnel, both on a temporary basis and now on a permanent
basis, were assigned to the regional security officer's office
in Baghdad. The size of the office was, I believe, more than
doubled, and there is a diplomatic security special agent in
charge, in operational control of every movement involving
protected people in Iraq, not just in the Baghdad area, but
throughout.
Senator Nelson. In your position, will you oversee the
coordination between the uniformed military and those security
contractors?
Mr. Boswell. Yes, sir. The same panel in which I
participated made a number of recommendations designed to
increase the coordination between the military and State
Department convoys. As you can imagine, there is all sorts of
room for confusion when you have civilian convoys protecting
embassy personnel that are operating in what the military
considers its own battle space. There are areas where things
can go wrong, and we made a number of recommendations to ensure
that nothing did go wrong, including much better coordination
between the tactical operation centers of the respective
commands, providing radios to the vehicles that had access to
military channels, and things of that nature. I think all of
the recommendations that the panel made in that regard have
been carried out.
Senator Nelson. The Department of State just conveyed to
Blackwater an additional 1-year extension on their contract
without other bids being solicited. Can you tell me about why
there was a decision that there would not be competition?
Mr. Boswell. Yes, Mr. Chairman. The contract in question is
what is called a task order under the overall worldwide
personal protective security contract, which is the blanket
contract. That worldwide contract was competed when it went
into effect, I think it was 2 years ago, as were the individual
task orders, including the one you mention, for protective
security in Baghdad. The overall contract or the task orders, I
should say, have renewal clauses, options to renew. I think
there are four of them following the initial award. Those
renewals are commonly and routinely exercised after a period of
review.
In this particular case, the performance of the contractor
was reviewed very closely in connection also with the various
steps that have been taken to improve the oversight of the
contract and the alternatives should the contract not be
renewed. And the decision was made at the time to exercise the
renewal option.
I have got to specify, Senator, that that contract could be
terminated at any time for the convenience of the Government or
otherwise.
Senator Nelson. Senator Corker?
Senator Corker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I think our ambassadorial nominees are thanking God at this
moment they are not dealing with private contractors.
So, anyway, thank you all again for being here.
Mr. Jones, I am curious. In a country like you are going to
that basically is a place where narcotics are being transported
because of the tremendous demand here in our country--let us
face it. I mean, that is why the issue exists. When you get a
country like that and we are working with them to counter
narcotics, what is in it for them to be focused on this issue?
Mr. Jones. Senator, I think there is a great deal of
interconnectivity, as we say. There is a large American
population living in Guyana. There is also a very large
expatriate Guyanese population living here in the States. I
think everyone realizes that this is a question of security,
and I think the Government of Guyana and certainly the
president and those persons in government realize that this is
a question that involves the entire hemisphere. And so I think
they will work closely with us, and I intend to extend our
efforts to work closely with them to see if we can get a handle
on this. But it is interconnected. We believe certainly that
just simply because it passes through Guyana and then makes its
way northward, that it is not going to stay there, that at some
point in time, it is going to have an adverse impact on the
local government.
Senator Corker. Thank you.
Ms. DiCarlo, there has been some discussion about some
missions into Somalia, I guess. Could you give us a status of
that and why that would be something at this point in time that
might be necessary?
Ms. DiCarlo. Thank you, Senator. The Security Council
adopted a resolution a few months ago asking the Secretary-
General to look into the possibility of a UN peacekeeping
operation in Somalia and to do contingency planning for it.
Various assessments are in the process of taking place now.
The situation in Somali is a dire one. We have an African
Union force--it is very small--trying to help protect the
transitional government, a government that is quite pro-Western
and internationally recognized. The AU force, however, will
need support. We have seen traditionally in Africa where the
African Union goes in at a time when peacekeepers cannot, but
then UN peacekeeping forces come in afterwards as the situation
stabilizes somewhat.
We would like the Secretary-General to continue this
planning. We think we do have an opportunity now with a
transitional government in place to help stabilize the country.
We have a very dire humanitarian situation in Somalia. We know
that this would not be an easy operation, and obviously, a lot
of planning, a lot of thought would have to take place, and
should there be such a mission, it would have to be very
targeted and have a very specific mandate. We do know, however,
that Somalia, without additional international support, is
going to have a very tough road ahead.
Senator Corker. You know and you have a great sense of the
culture, if you will, within the United Nations. We have
perceptions based upon our visits and interactions, but you are
there and know it. What is it about the UNDP program and the
lack of transparency that the United Nations continues to want
to have there by not allowing member states access to audits?
That is something that is difficult for me to understand, and I
would like for you to enlighten us a little bit, if you would.
Ms. DiCarlo. Thank you, sir. I will try.
First of all, the UN is very large. It has the Secretariat
in New York, a number of funds and programs that are under the
Secretariat, plus many affiliated agencies. It is quite a vast
system. One of the things that we have asked for is system-wide
coherence in a range of areas, certainly in the area of ethics,
in the area of transparency, accountability.
We have seen within the Secretariat a number of measures
that have been adopted in the last few years. We are very
pleased to see that the office that deals with oversight has
been strengthened. We want to see it strengthened even further
and be more independent, have an independent budget.
What we have not seen is a transfer yet to the various
funds and programs, and, again, affiliated agencies would not
be my responsibility, but certainly the Bureau of International
Organizations at the State Department is working with them. We
want to see the kinds of measures that have been put in place
in the Secretariat also put in place now in the funds and
programs. UNDP is one of them, as is UNICEF.
It is a work in progress. We still need a lot more work in
the Secretariat as well, particularly in the area of oversight
of procurement, better procurement practices. There is an
ethics office now, financial disclosure forms for senior
members. But we do need to see this system- wide.
Senator Corker. You mentioned or something was brought up
about MINUSTAH in Haiti. And General Santos Cruz is most
impressive. He is somebody that just causes you to feel
tremendous faith, if you will, in what he is doing, and
certainly I think, from what I can tell, he is doing an
outstanding job there.
What are the characteristics of that effort that you would
take to other places mentality-wise to say these are the things
that we ought to be doing other places as it relates to
peacekeeping?
Ms. DiCarlo. I think one of the successes of MINUSTAH is
that there are a number of countries in the region, the Latin
American region, in the force. We have strong regional support,
very strong both in terms of troops, police. So we have a real
regional input and that is something that has helped the force
considerably.
Also, I remember I was working on the staff of the National
Security Council when MINUSTAH was established and when the
marines first went into Haiti and then a UN force followed. And
it was a very bumpy start, but one thing that happened, I would
say, within a year into the operation was that the Special
Representative of the Secretary-General realized that if he was
not going to be coordinating the assistance of donors, the
activities of all the many donors to Haiti, that we would not
be making progress. And the UN has done a good job in Haiti of
assuming that role.
Senator Corker. Mr. Boswell, I wonder if you would just
give me a couple of sentences, if you will, on what
transformational diplomacy is and, if you would, its effect on
diplomatic security, and then step down one level and give me
its effect, if you will, on the stovepiping that generally
occurs as it relates to working with other organizations of
Government to counter threats that you, in fact, have to deal
with.
Mr. Boswell. Thank you for the question, Senator. I have
been out of State Department for a number of years, so I am
going to be a little careful about what I say about
transformational diplomacy.
But transformational diplomacy, as the Secretary proposed
it, as I understand it, was to shift the effort from certain
geographic areas where the State Department was heavily
represented such as in western Europe to areas of increasing
concern. It was also an effort, as I understand it, to more
broadly represent the United States overseas in those areas of
concern. That means, for example, diplomatic posts of different
types than the standard embassy/consulate construct that we are
all familiar with.
That poses issues and problems for protecting U.S.
personnel in those kinds of situations, and if I am confirmed,
it is going to be a very high priority of mine to look into
that issue. We do not want diplomats, obviously, clustered only
inside fortress embassies. They cannot do their work properly
that way. So we need to find ways to protect them as they are
out in the field. A very large percentage of Foreign Service
officers have served in Iraq and Afghanistan already, sometimes
more than once, and it is likely that service in those kinds of
zones will continue.
I expect that the State Department will be asked to operate
in zones of conflict in the future where there is no major U.S.
military presence, unlike Iraq and Afghanistan now, and we will
have to find ways to protect our people in those circumstances.
And that will be a very big challenge, but it is a very high
priority of the Department to operate that way and I think it
is the right priority. And the Bureau of Diplomatic Security
has got to find a way to discharge its responsibilities in the
face of those obligations.
Senator Corker. And as to the stovepiping that exists
between the State Department and other Departments of
Government dealing with threats?
Mr. Boswell. I think the Senate had before it for
confirmation--the ICUS had before it for confirmation a couple
of weeks ago the new Director of the National Counterterrorism
Center, Mr. Mike Leiter, who is a colleague of mine at the
Office of the Director of National Intelligence where I work
right now. And eliminating the stovepipes you are talking about
is precisely what the National Counterterrorism Center does. I
think it is a very, very good-news story for the U.S. since 9/
11.
The State Department and the Bureau of Diplomatic Security
is part of that. The bureau has representatives in the National
Counterterrorism Center is part of the meetings, three meetings
a day, video teleconferences a day, that take place on updating
of threat information globally. So I think the stovepipes,
while deeply, deeply ingrained in the culture, particularly of
the intelligence community in the United States, is--I think
the Office of the Director of National Intelligence and, in
particular, the National Counterterrorism Center is doing a lot
to eliminate those stovepipes and ensure the proper sharing of
information for the safety of our citizens.
Senator Corker. Ms. Ayalde, any thoughts about your
hopefully new, very soon future home and their relations with
us as it relates to a free trade agreement? Have there been
discussions, thoughts?
Mr. Boswell. I am afraid, Senator, I am not aware of
discussions between--oh, I am sorry.
Senator Corker. That is all right. That is a good answer,
by the way, coming from you. Thank you. [Laughter.]
Senator Corker. I apologize.
Ms. Ayalde. Thank you, Senator.
I understand that that is a topic of bilateral discussion
in the broader sense and certainly is an opportunity that we
will need to look at as we move forward with this new
administration of President Lugo.
Senator Corker. So there have been no discussions at all
from their side.
Ms. Ayalde. At this point?
Senator Corker. Yes.
Ms. Ayalde. Well, certainly not with the new
administration. They take office on the 15th of August.
Senator Corker. Well, but even his predecessor, no
discussions.
Ms. Ayalde. They are very interested, as I understand it,
in increased market access. There are some issues with some of
the existing preferences programs, and they are currently under
discussion in a very robust way. But beyond that, I would not
venture to say at this point.
Senator Corker. Mr. Chairman, I think we have four very
highly qualified nominees, and I have no further questions. I
hope that when you finish, that they and their families have a
wonderful brunch together and celebrate the survival of an hour
and 15 minutes. [Laughter.]
Senator Nelson. It will not be brunch. It will be lunch.
Thank you all for your public service. Thank you for
offering yourself for public service.
And the meeting is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 10:40 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Prepared Statement of Liliana Ayalde Ambassador-Designate to Paraguay
Mr. Chairman. Members of the Committee.
I am honored to appear before you today as the President's nominee
to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Paraguay. I want to
thank President Bush and Secretary Rice for their confidence and trust
in sending my name to the Senate for your consideration. If confirmed
by the Senate, I look forward to working closely with this Committee
and with your colleagues in the Congress to advance our interests in
Paraguay and in the region.
For most of my 27 years as a career member of the Senior Foreign
Service of the United States Agency for International Development
(USAID), I served in Latin America. I hope that you will find that my
professional experience in the region has prepared me well for this
important assignment as the Chief of Mission in Paraguay. Most
recently, I served as USAID Mission Director in Colombia, where I
managed one of USAID's largest programs in the world and the largest in
the Western Hemisphere. We worked with vulnerable groups, victims, and
those displaced by the violence while developing viable and licit
economic opportunities for those who had been forced to engage in
illegal coca production, trafficking, and at risk of joining illegal
armed and criminal groups. We strengthened governance and helped build
the capacity to expand state presence in territories with weak
institutionality or no state presence. We supported judicial reform and
promoted the respect for human rights. Before Colombia, I served in
Bolivia during a period of much political and social turmoil. I also
served in Nicaragua, re-engaging bilateral relations after a USAID
absence of 12 years. This, plus my experience in Guatemala and
Bangladesh, prepared me well for defending U.S. interests in
challenging environments. I have worked closely with government
counterparts, civil society, private sector, and the U.S. interagency
community in developing synergies and coming to agreement on common
grounds as we promote the fight against poverty, drugs, and corruption.
If confirmed I will arrive in Paraguay at a historic moment. My
experience in development and diplomacy will serve the United States
well as we engage President-elect Lugo, supporting his efforts to
promote a more just and prosperous democracy.
I would certainly draw on my experience administering our foreign
assistance programs to ensure that Embassy resources are wisely used,
and that security remains a top priority. If confirmed, I will also do
everything in my power to ensure the safety of Embassy staff, and of
the thousands of Americans who reside in Paraguay and those who visit
each year.
The United States has long had close and friendly ties to Paraguay.
During the last two years of the Millennium Challenge Corporation
Threshold Program, we have seen the Paraguayans implement many
important reforms to improve transparency, eradicate corruption, and
improve business climate and economic freedom. We look forward to
continuing this process with a second Threshold Program with the
incoming Lugo administration. President-elect Lugo has made fighting
corruption a key part of his platform and our assistance is designed to
support his efforts toward that end.
Paraguay has been a good partner on security and counter-narcotics
issues. Select Paraguayan law enforcement units are effectively
cooperating with us and their neighbors to stem the flow of illicit
drugs, arms, pirated goods, and persons through Paraguay's territory.
Our accomplishments thus far are a prelude to what remains to be
done - and I look forward, if confirmed, to the challenges ahead, to
working with a Paraguayan Government committed to building a more
stable and prosperous Paraguay. Promoting U.S. exports will be one of
my priorities and I am optimistic that there is much the U.S. private
sector can contribute to the development of Paraguayan agricultural
potential. And, Mr. Chairman, members of the Committee, if confirmed, I
look forward to working with you and with your colleagues in Congress
as we pursue our interests in Paraguay. I would be pleased to welcome
many of you to the U.S. Embassy in Asuncion. I will be happy to answer
any questions you may have. Thank you.
__________
Prepared Statement of Eric J. Boswell, Nominee to be Assistant
Secretary of State for Diplomatic Security
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman and members of the Subcommittee, it is an honor to
appear before you today as the President's nominee to be Assistant
Secretary of State for the Bureau of Diplomatic Security and Director
of the Office of Foreign Missions.
I want to thank the President and Secretary Rice for the confidence
they have placed in me, and for this opportunity to be of further
service to the Department of State and to our nation. I believe I am
well qualified for this position.
I served for 27 years as a career Foreign Service Officer in a
variety of assignments both in Washington, D.C., and overseas,
culminating in my service as Assistant Secretary for Diplomatic
Security from 1996 to 1998, the same position for which you are
considering me today. I left the State Department a decade ago, but I
did not leave the security world. While working at the United Nations
in 2004, I was responsible for developing and implementing the security
structure that was put in place for the United Nations system in the
aftermath of the tragic bombing of the UN offices in Baghdad in August
2003. And in my current position in the Office of the Director for
National Intelligence, I have been serving as the top security policy
official for the intelligence community.
But my heart has always been with the State Department and the
Foreign Service. I believe a career in the Foreign Service, whether as
a Foreign Service Officer, or a Diplomatic Security Special Agent, or
any of the other Foreign Service and Civil Service career paths in the
Department of State, is an unparalleled opportunity to serve our nation
alongside patriotic, dedicated, highly motivated colleagues. That is
why I chose to accept this nomination and hope to be confirmed.
Mr. Chairman, our State Department personnel serve in some of the
most dangerous locations on earth. The mission of the Bureau of
Diplomatic Security is to keep them safe, and to provide a secure
environment for the conduct of our nation's foreign policy.
But security for our diplomats is only one of many challenges
facing the Bureau. Diplomatic Security is a global organization with
expertise in international investigations, threat analysis, cyber
security, dignitary protection, security technology, counterterrorism,
and so much more. It is the security and law enforcement arm of the
U.S. Department of State, committed to protecting our nation's people,
property, and information. Diplomatic Security is one of the largest
bureaus in the Department with a workforce of more than 2,500
professionals, consisting of special agents, engineers, technicians,
diplomatic couriers, and Civil Service specialists. These specialists
oversee another 32,000 contract guards and security specialists around
the globe.
Diplomatic Security has a broad range of responsibilities including
the protection of domestic State Department facilities as well as U.S.
embassies and missions overseas. It also plays a key role in combating
visa and passport fraud, and has a robust investigations program that
is critical to homeland security for the nation. It trains foreign
police and security officers to combat terrorism through its
Antiterrorism Assistance program. It also protects foreign dignitaries
who visit the United States. While it is the responsibility of the U.S.
Secret Service to protect visiting heads of state, Diplomatic Security
protects the hundreds of foreign ministers and delegations that visit
the United States every year. Many of these visitors are from the most
politically volatile countries in the world, requiring special
protective measures.
The Office of Foreign Missions is another important element of the
Bureau. Its primary role is to defend national security by coordinating
the activities of U.S. missions abroad and of foreign missions and
international organizations in the United States. It develops and
implements policies to improve the treatment of U.S. overseas personnel
through the application of reciprocal treatment for foreign missions in
the U.S. It also protects the interests of the United States and its
citizens from foreign diplomats' abuses of privileges and immunities.
The security challenges facing the Foreign Service today are
enormous. Drawing on the expertise I have acquired throughout my
professional life, including my most recent experience at the Office of
the Director of National Intelligence, I believe I can provide the
leadership necessary to guide the Bureau at this critical time in our
nation's history.
The Bureau of Diplomatic Security is a critical part of America's
security apparatus. I was proud to be the Assistant Secretary a decade
ago, and would be honored to have the opportunity to serve in that
office once again. If confirmed, I will assume my duties with great
enthusiasm and commitment. I pledge to work cooperatively with the
Congress, with others in the Executive Branch, and to serve the
American people.
Thank you again for the opportunity to appear before you today.
__________
Prepared Statement of Rosemary DiCarlo Nominee for Alternate
Representative of the United States of America for Special Political
Affairs to the United Nations
Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee.
I am honored to appear before you today as President Bush's nominee
to be Alternate Representative for Special Political Affairs to the
United Nations. I am grateful to President Bush for my nomination and
to Secretary Rice for her confidence. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for
convening this hearing during a very busy time.
If confirmed, I look forward to advancing America's interests at
the United Nations at a time of great flux in the international system,
with unprecedented threats to peace and security that go beyond the
traditional security challenges, and at a time of historic
opportunities for the United States. As a career member of the Foreign
Service, I have dealt with many of the issues that come before the
United Nations. I served as Director of the Washington office of the
U.S. Mission to the United Nations in 2001, as the international
community grappled with the horrors of the attacks on the World Trade
Center on September 11. The United Nations Security Council responded
immediately to these attacks with the unanimous adoption of Resolution
1373, which criminalized terrorist acts by non-state actors, and
obliged governments to take the necessary legal measures to prevent
such acts. As Director for United Nations Affairs on the National
Security Council staff, I contributed to the development of Resolution
1540, which criminalized proliferation of weapons of mass destruction,
and worked on a plan for reform of the United Nations that was
deliberated at the 2005 World Summit.
If confirmed, I will help represent the United States at the United
Nations Security Council. Many challenges face the Council, but none
are more serious than preventing proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction. Iran has ignored calls by the International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA) and the Security Council to suspend fully and verifiably
all proliferation-sensitive nuclear activities, including enrichment-
related activities. In response, the Security Council has adopted three
binding resolutions placing Iran under sanctions unless it ceased
uranium enrichment activities and cooperated with the IAEA. The last,
Resolution 1803, made clear that the Council would consider adoption of
further appropriate measures should Iran fail to comply.
The United Nations has served an important role in combating
terrorism, and the Administration is committed to strengthening the
organization's ability to address this threat. Our mission to the
United Nations is working to strengthen the effectiveness of the 1267
Committee, which imposes targeted sanctions on the Taliban, Usama Bin
Laden and Al-Qaeda, and to intensify the efforts of the Counter
Terrorism Committee and its Executive Directorate to develop the
capacity of Members States to prevent terrorist acts.
Mr. Chairman, the Administration believes United Nations
peacekeeping to be in our national interest. Through UN peacekeeping
operations, the United States is able to leverage military and
financial resources to resolve crises throughout the world. It deserves
and receives our political and financial support as well as our close
attention and oversight. Should I be confirmed, peacekeeping would be
one of my major responsibilities. I would work with partners on the
Council to achieve more effective peacekeeping operations that are
appropriate for the circumstances in a given country and achievable
within available resources. Given the growth of our contributions to
peacekeeping, which have almost doubled in the last two years, I would
work with others in the Administration to look seriously at
possibilities for achieving savings in these operations.
The humanitarian crisis in Darfur remains of utmost concern and the
Administration will continue to press for rapid deployment of the
United Nations-African Union hybrid peacekeeping operation in Darfur.
When fully deployed, this peacekeeping mission will be the largest of
existing missions and will contribute to the protection of civilians in
that troubled region. Finding an appropriate means to address the long-
running political and humanitarian crisis in Somalia is another high
priority.
A serious concern for the United States is sexual exploitation and
abuse in UN peacekeeping missions. If confirmed, I will continue our
efforts to ensure that the United Nations carefully monitors the
behavior of UN peacekeepers and enforces its policy of zero tolerance
regarding sexual exploitation and abuse by peacekeepers.
There are many issues where the Security Council has played a vital
role. The Council helped to stabilize the situation in Lebanon by
calling for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Lebanon and
expanding the mandate of the existing United Nations peacekeeping
mission to assist the Government of Lebanon in extending its control
throughout Lebanese territory. We must, however, continue to press for
full implementation of Council resolutions calling for all countries to
respect the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political
independence of Lebanon, and to demand that Syria and Iran refrain from
destabilizing the country.
If confirmed, I will seek opportunities to raise matters of great
concern to the United States before the Security Council. The Security
Council should continue to monitor the political situation and
humanitarian crisis in Burma and actively support the Secretary
General's efforts to engage the regime in a dialogue with the
opposition. The Council should also press for peaceful, fair and free
elections in Zimbabwe.
Mr. Chairman, working through the United Nations, the United States
can bring the full weight of the international community to our foreign
policy objectives. To be truly effective, the United Nations must be
able to address the new threats to peace and security and to implement
reforms aimed at strengthening this important body. American leadership
is essential. If confirmed, I look forward to working with this
Committee to advance our interests at the United Nations and to assist
the international community in meeting these new challenges.
__________
Prepared Statement of John Melvin Jones, Nominee to be Ambassador to
the Cooperative Republic of Guyana
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee: Thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you today as the nominee to serve as the
next United States Ambassador to the Cooperative Republic of Guyana. I
sincerely appreciate the trust and confidence placed in me by President
Bush and Secretary of State Rice in putting my nomination forward. If
confirmed by the Senate, I pledge to work closely with this Committee
and with your Congressional colleagues both to advance our nation's
interests and to protect our citizens in Guyana and the region.
Before I proceed further, and with the indulgence of the Chair, I
would like to introduce two members of my family. With me today are my
wife, Aaronia Jones and our daughter Christie Jones-Aden.
Mr. Chairman, for more than 27 years I have served as a career
Foreign Service Officer, including at hardship posts in several regions
of the world; these experiences have prepared me well to lead the U.S.
mission in Georgetown. Guyana is a country striving to strengthen its
fragile democracy in the face of daunting problems including an HIV/
AIDS epidemic, poverty, racial tensions, drug trafficking, arms and
human smuggling, ever rising rates of violent crime, and corruption
that plagues many of its law enforcement agencies. To make matters
worse, Guyana suffers from a ``brain drain,'' as many of its educated
citizens emigrate. I welcome this challenge to use my experience, my
creativity, and my leadership abilities to represent U.S. interests in
the context of these very serious issues. Guyana's problems affect U.S.
security because of our interconnectedness with countries throughout
the Caribbean region and because Guyana is part of the family of
democracies in the Hemisphere. The United States has a special link
with Guyana through the many Guyanese who have immigrated to our
nation, many of whom are dual nationals and maintain strong ties to
family remaining in Guyana. We are Guyana's largest trading partner,
and we share a commitment to fighting the scourge of HIV/AIDs. The
President's PEPFAR program and the more than $100 million Congress has
appropriated since 2004 continues to make a profound impact in a
country where USAID estimates that 2.5% of the adult population is
infected with HIV/AIDS. Through the partnership that involves USAID,
CDC, Peace Corps, DOD and other donors, PEPFAR has provided AIDS
testing for more than 29,000 people, and over 2,000 individuals receive
life-saving anti-retroviral drug therapy.
Guyana is becoming an ally in regional security and in the fight
against narco-trafficking. In 2007, the government's drug seizures were
up, but Guyana needs assistance to professionalize law enforcement
personnel and to weed out corrupt elements. If confirmed, I hope to
work toward re-establishment of a U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency office
at the Embassy, something that President Jagdeo has requested and which
DEA's leadership also supports. The two-year $6.7 million Millennium
Challenge Threshold program for Guyana began implementation in fiscal
2008. Under USAID direction, the Threshold program seeks to help the
Government improve its fiscal management, including implementation of a
new VAT, and to improve the business climate by modernizing the
business registration process.
If confirmed, I will work to see that this effort proves
successful. As another priority, if confirmed, I will encourage the
government to hold local elections, which were last held in 1994 and
are long overdue. Local elections, the political dialogue and the
empowerment that follows will strengthen democracy and serve the
country well. If confirmed, I will also be accredited to the Caribbean
Community (CARICOM), which brings together 15 Caribbean states and a
number of regional observers. I would look forward to working with
CARICOM members to advance mutual interests in trade, investment,
development, security and social policy.
Mr. Chairman, these are some of the opportunities and tests that
await the next United States Ambassador to Guyana. I would welcome the
opportunity to address them, and if confirmed, I will work diligently
to strengthen bilateral cooperation and to advance U.S. interests in
Guyana and the broader CARICOM region.
__________
Responses of Eric Boswell to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. Why do you want this position? What do you hope to
achieve?
Answer. I am a retired career Foreign Service officer with over 30
years of service in the U.S. Government. I am honored to have been
nominated for the position of Assistant Secretary for Diplomatic
Security and for the opportunity once again to be of service to our
Nation alongside the patriotic, dedicated, highly motivated
professionals of the Department of State.
Question. What will be your top three priorities?
Answer. My priorities are:
To ensure the safety and security of our diplomats, with
particular attention to the safety and security of those
serving in war zones and other high-threat areas.
To participate actively in the global war on terror by
combating passport and visa fraud.
To do my utmost to obtain the resources necessary for the
Bureau of Diplomatic Security to operate at maximum
effectiveness.
Question. What do you regard as the major strengths and weaknesses
of the Bureau of Diplomatic Security? What measures are you considering
to address the weaknesses?
Answer. Based on my previous tenure as Assistant Secretary of
Diplomatic Security and my familiarity with the organization, I believe
that DS's greatest strength lies in the quality of personnel the
organization has recruited through the years and their level of
training. These agents, engineers, couriers, and other Foreign Service
specialists, along with the cadre of Civil Service employees that make
up DS, are a dedicated, flexible, and dynamic force willing to serve in
dangerous and insecure locations around the globe to create an
environment where American diplomatic initiatives can be pursued.
The organization's weakness essentially is that there are many
countries with increasing security problems and a finite workforce that
is already somewhat stretched. The issue of extremism and the resulting
attacks on our diplomatic facilities and other symbols of America
overseas, along with growing instability in many nations and rising
levels of crime and violence, portend a need for additional security
resources and programs if the United States is to maintain its crucial
diplomatic presence overseas.
My plans to address this do include doing my utmost to ensure that
Diplomatic Security has the resources necessary to fulfill its mission.
However, I will also ensure that there is close attention paid to
determining priorities within DS, so that the most crucial requirements
are fully met, with less important requirements perhaps postponed and
moved to a lower priority. Additionally, I fully support the idea that
Foreign Service officers and their families must be provided with hard
skills based security training--``Foreign Service Security Tradecraft''
in essence, so they too can become an important part of the overall
security solution when asked to take assignments to increasingly
dangerous and unstable posts.
Finally, I believe that the Foreign Service must find ways to
operate in dangerous environments, without relying on the U.S. military
having ``boots on the ground.'' This will require DS to have the
ability to use contracted security services, but we must have more
transparent accountability and better contract oversight, and I intend
to make that a priority as well.
Question. You served on the Secretarys Panel on Personal Protective
Services in Iraq. That panel recommended the hiring of 100 additional
DS agents to offset the impact of increased DS staffing requirements in
Iraq. What is the status of the hiring and training of these agents?
Answer. The 100 positions were included in the fiscal year 2008
supplemental and fiscal year 2009 bridge budget request that is
currently with Congress for approval. In the interim, DS reprogrammed
existing positions to create positions in Iraq. Those positions are now
being staffed with current DS Special Agents. Upon approval of the
budget request, DS will recruit and train the 100 additional personnel
received from the supplemental funding.
Question. How many DS agents were assigned to Iraq under chief of
mission authority as of September 30, 2007? How many such agents were
there on March 30, 2008?
Answer. As of September 30, 2007, there were 36 Special Agent
positions assigned for Iraq. Subsequent to September 2007, an
additional 45 positions were authorized.
As of March 30, 2008, 57 Special Agents were actually on the
ground. Upon the completion of the required training by September of
2008, the full complement of 81 Special Agents are scheduled to be at
Post.
Question. The Panel also recommended that a DS agent accompany
every movement of Personal Protective Services in Iraq. On what date
was that recommendation implemented? Please provide a copy of any
relevant memorandum, cable, or directive implementing this
recommendation. Has it been adhered to?
Answer. By early October 2007, the 12 TDY Special Agents (SAs)
deployed to Iraq began accompanying the Private Security Contractors
(PSCs) on protective motorcade movements. Simultaneously, 45 new FTE
positions were established, assignments were made, and the required
training courses commenced. All 45 positions are scheduled to be filled
by September 2008.
The assignment of a DS Special Agent to accompany the movement of
Personal Protective Services in Iraq was a recommendation of the
``Report of the Secretary of State's Panel on Personal Protective
Services in Iraq.'' This recommendation was accepted by the Secretary,
the United States Embassy in Baghdad, and the Bureau of Diplomatic
Security. The recommendation has been fully implemented in Baghdad and
on a prioritized basis in the Provinces as more agents arrive in
country.
Question. How many direct hire positions are authorized for the
Bureau domestically? Of these, how many positions are vacant (use the
most recent date in the last four months for which such information is
available, but indicate the date used)?
Answer. The Bureau of Diplomatic Security is authorized
domestically 715 General Schedule positions and 1,056 Foreign Service
positions. The Foreign Service positions not only include special
agents, but also security engineering officers, security technicians,
and diplomatic couriers. Of the authorized domestic number, there are
132 General Schedule positions vacant and 237 Foreign Service positions
vacant. This information is current as of April 30, 2008, and was
supplied by the Human Resources Monthly Resource Statistic Report.
The total number of DS Special Agents assigned domestically is
approximately 800. Of that, approximately 550 agents are assigned to DS
Field Offices, 150 agents are assigned to full-time protection
assignments, and the remainder assigned to Headquarters and liaison
assignments.
Question. How many direct hire positions are authorized for the
Bureau overseas? Of these, how many positions are vacant (use the most
recent date in the last four months for which such information is
available, but indicate the date used)?
Answer. DS has authorized 698 Special Agent positions overseas. As
of June 20, 2008, DS records indicate that 58 of the 698 overseas
Special Agent positions are currently vacant, due to summer transfer
gaps and a shortfall in the Special Agent manpower pool.
______
Responses of Eric Boswell to Questions Submitted
by Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. How many DS agents are in Iraq and Afghanistan and where
are they located? How many contractors are performing protective duties
in those countries that would otherwise be handled by full-time DS
employees? Please provide a list of the number of contractors, by
location, function, and company in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Answer. There are 81 DS Special Agent (SA) positions authorized for
Iraq: 58 located in Baghdad, 8 in Erbil, 6 in Al Hillah, 5 in Tallil,
and 4 in Basrah. The Regional Security Officer (RSO) retains the
authority to reassign his personnel resources between any of the five
locations as operational requirements dictate. Currently there are 52
permanently assigned SAs and 16 temporarily assigned SAs in Iraq. DS
anticipates that all 81 authorized positions in Iraq will be filled by
September 2008.
The Afghanistan staffing pattern currently consists of 16 DS SA
positions, 4 of which were just recently created in April 2008. Ten of
the 12 full-time DS SA positions in Afghanistan are filled with
permanently assigned Special Agents, and two temporarily assigned SAs
augment the permanent staff. The complement of SAs in Afghanistan will
increase to 15 by the end of September 2008 with the 16th position
being staffed by the end of the year. All DS positions in Afghanistan
are located in Kabul.
As for the number of contractors performing personal protective
services in Iraq and Afghanistan, as the table below indicates, 837
contractors are performing protective security duties that otherwise
would be handled by DS Agents.
WPPS II IRAQ AND AFGHANISTAN STAFFING
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Protective
security Static
Task Order Location Contractor specialist Support guard Total
(PSS)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
004.......................... Kabul.......... Blackwater..... 78 21 20 119
006.......................... Baghdad........ Blackwater..... 474 80 0 554
007.......................... Basrah/Tallil.. Triple Canopy.. 80 33 166 *(45) 279 *(158)
008.......................... Al Hillah...... Blackwater..... 77 17 162 256
009.......................... Kirkuk/Erbil... DynCorp........ 78 23 52 153
010.......................... Iraq Aviation.. Blackwater..... 50 108 0 158
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
h1h1h1h1
Iraq and Afghanistan Authorized Staffing........................ 837 282 400 1,519
Actual Staffing to Reflect TO-7 Basrah Transition............... 837 282 279* 1,398
-----------------------------------------------------------------
TO-7 Basrah guard force authorized 166, but currently staffed 45 due to transition to Basrah Air Station.
TO-8 is returning to full staffing, reflected above.
TO-10 continues to transition to full staffing.
Question. In your testimony you noted that the number of DS agents
in Baghdad dramatically increased following a report in which you were
one of the primary drafters. Please provide before/after DS staffing
numbers that would illustrate this.
Answer. Prior to September 2007, there were 36 Special Agent
positions authorized for Iraq. Subsequent to September 2007, an
additional 45 positions were authorized.
The current staffing for the 45 new positions is as follows: 20
positions have been filled with DS Special Agents on permanent
assignment; 16 positions are filled with TDY DS Special Agents, and 25
DS Special Agents are completing High Threat Training scheduled to
arrive at Post on or before September of 2008.
Question. Please list the location of the domestic offices of
Diplomatic Security and the number of DS employees in each and the
primary function of each office.
Answer. To safeguard the nations borders and ensure the integrity
of the U.S. passport and visa programs, DS Special Agents assigned to
the below field offices investigate criminal attempts to fraudulently
obtain U.S. passports and visas, and detect and dismantle identity
document vendors operating in the United States.
In 2007, DS's domestic field offices opened 4,725 criminal
investigations for passport and visa fraud, arrested 1,550 individuals,
and seized nearly $3 million in assets. DS Special Agents are assigned
to the FBI's Joint Terrorism Task Forces, ICE's Document and Benefit
Fraud Task Forces, and the U.S. Marshals Fugitive Task Forces. DS field
office agents also conduct protective security operations, ensuring the
safety of the Secretary of State worldwide, annually performing 290
protective operations for foreign dignitaries visiting the United
States, and congressional delegations during overseas travel.
Boston Field Office-26; Chicago Field Office-41; St. Louis Resident
Office-2; Houston Field Office-34; Dallas Resident Office-5; Los
Angeles Field Office-52; Honolulu Resident Office-3; Phoenix Resident
Office-3; San Diego Resident Office-7; Miami Field Office-49; Atlanta
Resident Office-8; New Orleans Resident Office-4; San Juan Resident
Office-3; New York Field Office-126; Philadelphia Resident Office-7;
San Francisco Field Office-39; Denver Resident Office-7; Seattle
Resident Office-5; Washington Field Office-121; Greensboro Resident
Office-7.
Question. The Department has made recommendations with respect to
improving the oversight and performance of PSD movements in Iraq. Are
they being fully implemented (please be specific to each recommendation
from the Kennedy report)? How many more DS agents are in Iraq now? How
has this affected operations in other parts of the world?
Answer. Please see the attached chart for the status of each
recommendation from the Kennedy Report.
IMPLEMENTATION OF RECOMMENDATIONS FROM THE SECRETARY OF STATE'S REPORT
ON PERSONAL PROTECTIVE SERVICES IN IRAQ (REVISED 06/19/08)
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Recommendation Status
------------------------------------------------------------------------
1. The State Department should urgently --An interagency working
engage with the Department of Justice and group drafted legislation
the Office of Management and Budget, and to clarify and expand the
then with the Congress, to establish a Military Extraterritorial
clear legal basis for holding contractors Jurisdiction Act (MEJA) to
accountable under U.S. law. hold private security
contractors overseas
accountable for offenses
--The Department of Justice
is taking the lead on
further discussions of this
issue with Senate staff.
--The Department of State's
Legal Advisor's Office is
involved as needed.
--The Department of State's
Legal Advisor's Office will
stay engaged in this
process until legislation
is passed.
-------------------------------------------
2. The Department of State should work --U.S. Embassy Baghdad,
with the Department of Defense to Multi-National Forces-Iraq
determine how to commence discussions (MNF-I), and the Iraqi
with the Government of Iraq on a new Ministry of Interior
regulatory framework for PPS contractors. continue to negotiate a
Status of Forces Agreement
and a Strategic Framework
Agreement.
--This recommendation is
complete. (06/06/08)
-------------------------------------------
3. The requirement to expand security --The Department is
oversight requires an overall increase in reviewing options to
the Diplomatic Security Service's augment personnel to
authorized staffing level. The Department fulfill this requirement.
of State should approach the Office of
Management and Budget and request in the
final appropriations action for fiscal
year 2008 an increase of 100 positions
and the requisite salary and operating
costs in order to provide the needed
staffing in Iraq without stripping other
missions of their security resources.
-------------------------------------------
4. When the FBI investigation into the --The Embassy and the
September 16, 2007, incident is Department are awaiting the
completed, the Embassy should submit its results of the FBI's
recommendation as to whether the investigation.
continued services of the contractor
involved is consistent with the
accomplishment of the overall United
States mission in Iraq.
-------------------------------------------
5. The Regional Security Office should be --Forty-five new full time
provided with additional Department of employee (FTE) DS Special
State Special Agents so that an Assistant Agents positions were
Regional Security Officer can accompany created for Iraq.
PPS movements. The State Department Currently, 11 of these new
should ensure that each A/RSO should positions are staffed at
complete an Iraq-specific orientation Post. Thirty-four DS Agents
program. are completing High Threat
Training and all positions
will be filled by Sept.
2008.
--Additionally, the RSO
staff is currently
augmented by 16 temporary
duty (TDY) DS personnel.
--All DS Special Agents
complete Iraq-specific
training at the DS Training
Center and Foreign Service
Institute prior to
deployment.
-------------------------------------------
6. The Worldwide Personal Protective --The WPPS contract was
Service contract should be amended to modified to require eight
require the contractor to provide a Protective Security
limited number of Arabic language staff Specialist/Translators, as
for use as needed. requested by the RSO, to
serve throughout Iraq.
--This recommendation is
complete. (04/02/08)
-------------------------------------------
7. Additional training modules should be --The WPPS contract was
added under the Worldwide Protective modified to require that
Services contract to enhance the cultural all WPPS personnel complete
awareness of assigned personnel, acquaint the Iraq Cultural Awareness
them with diplomatic structures and training program developed
procedures, and familiarize them with by the DS Training Center
Multi-National Force-I tactics, and the online ``Working in
techniques, and procedures. an Embassy'' course offered
by the Foreign Service
Institute.
--This recommendation is
complete. (06/05/08)
-------------------------------------------
8. To tighten the ground rules for the use --The Departments of State
of deadly force, and to ensure greater and Defense agreed upon
parallelism with USCENTCOM rules on the common principles for the
use of force by contracted security in Rules for the Use of Force.
Iraq, the U.S. Mission Firearms Policy --The updated Mission
should be revised to specify, without Firearms Policy
limiting the inherent right to take incorporating these revised
action necessary for self-defense, if an Rules for the Use of Force
authorized employee must fire his/her was signed into effect by
weapon, he/she must fire only aimed the DCM on February 2,
shots; fire with due regard for the 2008.
safety of innocent bystanders; and make --This recommendation is
every effort to avoid civilian complete. (02/26/08)
causalities.
-------------------------------------------
9. The Regional Security Office (RSO) --To date, video recording
should be provided video and audio systems have been installed
recording equipment for each security into 133 mission vehicles
vehicle, audio recording equipment in the throughout Iraq, and
Tactical Operations Center to record all installation continues.
radio transmissions; and computer --The radio recording system
enhancements to record all Blue Force in the RSO's Tactical
Tracking Data. Operations Center is
operational, and all
Embassy radio transmissions
are recorded.
--Post implemented long-term
recording of all BFT data.
BFT data is stored on
external hard drives,
expanding retention
capabilities.
-------------------------------------------
10. The Regional Security Office should --For operational security
place a readable number (like a license reasons this action is
plate) on the right rear door of each being reviewed. The issue
vehicle utilized, to enable anyone will be discussed with the
wishing to question its mode of operation Iraqi Ministry of Interior
to identify the unit of the Regional during licensing and
Security Office, which can then review registration discussions.
the matter and take appropriate action.
-------------------------------------------
11. The Regional Security Office should --The RSO established a
establish a ``Go Team'' that would dedicated Force
proceed as soon as possible to the scene Investigation Unit (FIU)
of any weapons discharge to gather and reached an agreement
information and material and provide an with MNF-I for military
analysis of what happened and why, and security support for
prepare a report. The Team would work investigators.
with representatives of the appropriate --DS awarded a contract to
Government of Iraq offices and the U.S. provide 8 investigators, 2
military unit responsible for the translators, and 1 Senior
location. Police Advisor/Liaison
contractor personnel to
support the FIU.
--The vendor (USIS) is
currently recruiting
personnel, making
arrangements for training,
and submitting personnel
for required security
clearances. The FIU support
contractors are expected to
deploy to Iraq in July
2008.
--This recommendation is
complete.
-------------------------------------------
12. An Embassy Joint Incident Review Board --The Deputy Chief of
should be established to review all Mission (DCM) approved an
incidents involving the use of deadly Action Memo establishing
force which are known or asserted to have the framework and process
caused injury or death or other serious for convening an Embassy
consequences. The Board should be chaired Joint Incident Review
by the Deputy Chief of Mission and other Board. The Board has not
members should be the Regional Security yet had cause to meet.
Officer, another civilian embassy officer --This recommendation is
with a law enforcement background from an complete. (06/06/08)
agency other than State or Justice, and a
military officer designated by MNF-I. The
Board would hear from the Assistant
Regional Security Officer (A/RSO) who was
in the motorcade, review the statements
provided by the security personnel
involved, as well as any protectee(s),
plus the Go Team report, and then make a
recommendation to the Ambassador on
whether or not the use of force appears
justified. If it does not feel that it
was justified, the Department should be
informed to notify the Department of
Justice.
-------------------------------------------
13. The Regional Security Office and MNF-I --A permanent working group
should establish a permanent working was established in November
group to develop commonly agreed 2007.
operational procedures; establish a --In December 2007, the
robust liaison element; exchange Deputy Secretaries of State
information; ensure optimal situational and Defense signed a
awareness; and ensure that any issues are Memorandum of Agreement to
discussed and quickly resolved. define the authority and
responsibility for the
accountability and
operations of private
security contractors in
Iraq.
--This recommendation is
complete. (11/16/07)
-------------------------------------------
14. In addition to the above, three --Electronic tracking issues
specific items should be on the agenda were addressed to
for the first meeting.. everyone's satisfaction by
--Ensuring that the planning, coordinating Command Post of the Future,
and routing information which currently Blue Force Tracker, and
flows from the Regional Security Office's TAPESTRY. (11/16/07)
Tactical Operations Center (TOC) to Multi- --The RSO and MNC-I
National Force-Iraq (MNF-1) liaison exchanged liaison officers
elements located in the TOC and posted to in their respective
the U.S. Military's Command Post of the Tactical Operations
Future (CPOF) system, is available Centers.
electronically to all operating elements --This recommendation is
under MNF-I;. complete. (05/08/08)
--Providing TOC Spot Reporting --RSO Spot Report language
electronically to any subordinate entered into MNF-I Combined
military element that wishes to receive Information Data Network
it directly;. Exchange (CIDNE) database
--Coordinating the provision of by the MNF-I liaison
frequencies for the military radios and officer. This
the RSO has ordered to enhance recommendation is complete.
coordination.. (11/16/07)
--The RSO received 142 PRC-
152 radios, which have been
loaded and configured with
DOD-compatible channels.
This recommendation is
complete. (04/10/08)
-------------------------------------------
15. Coordination with MNF-I elements could --Post received 142 PRC-152
be further enhanced if the pending order radios.
for Harris Corporation Model PRC-110 --All radios have been
radios were received. The Department of loaded and configured with
State should intervene, including with DOD-compatible channels and
DOD as necessary, to obtain these units. were distributed to RSO
protective security teams.
--This recommendation is
complete. (04/10/08)
-------------------------------------------
16. When the ``Go Team'' is not involved --Pattern analysis software
in investigating incidents, it should be was identified, tested,
employed in pattern analysis. The modified, and Beta tested.
Diplomatic Security service in Washington --DS/SI/IS received and
should provide the RSO with a relational evaluated final version of
database to be used to review incidents revised software.
and determine potential patterns. Such a --Final version of pattern
database would include the following. analysis software should be
installed at Post during
June 2008.
--This recommendation is
complete.
1. Date and Time of incident............
2. Destination and GPS coordinates......
3. GPS coordinates of incident..........
4. Mission identifier...................
5. Vehicle identification numbers.......
6. Incident type........................
7. Names of all security personnel
involved and their assignments in the
motorcade.
8. Such other details as would be useful
Data on each event would be input promptly
after it occurs. Weekly reports should be
generated to look for potential patterns
that would call for systemic or
individual changes.
-------------------------------------------
17. The Embassy should use the venue --The DCM, Embassy Legal
afforded by the Iraqi-U.S. Joint Advisor, RSO, and MNF-I are
Commission to establish a working group involved in discussions
to determine ways to move the licensing with Iraqi officials
process forward in an open and concerning private security
transparent way. company licensing and
registration processes.
--This recommendation is
complete. (05/08/08)
-------------------------------------------
18. The Regional Security Officer should
establish direct channels to senior Iraqi
police and security officials in Baghdad
and in any other city where Provincial
Reconstruction Teams are located. This
should be a major step towards providing
information on incidents in a timely way
so that they can be appropriately
investigated.
--The RSO had multiple meetings with
senior Iraqi officials at the National
Police, Ministry of Interior, and
Ministry of Defense and developed working
agreements on coordination, liaison, and
mutually supportive engagement..
--RSO personnel serving at Regional
Embassy Offices (REOs) and Provincial
Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) have also
established relations with local Iraqi
police and security officials..
--This recommendation is complete. (11/16/
07).
-------------------------------------------
19. In order to be more responsive to --As part of the
Iraqi customs, the Embassy must actively investigative process, the
seek out the families of those innocent RSO coordinates with MNF-I
Iraqi civilians killed or seriously and the Government of Iraq
injured, or those whose property has been to facilitate victim access
damaged by Personal Protective Services to the Embassy Claims
personnel. The Regional Security Office Program.
``Go Team'', assisted by the U.S. --This recommendation is
military unit responsible for the area in complete. (11/16/07)
which an incident has occurred, should
work with counterparts designated by the
Government of Iraq to promptly offer
appropriate condolences and compensation.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
The high number of Special Agent positions required in Iraq and
Afghanistan, now 97 total, plus those agents in predeployment training
impacts our domestic operation. The 1-year tours, training requirement,
and transfers impact our ability to keep qualified agents and
continuity in our programs from which the positions were drawn--
passport, visa, and identity fraud; internal investigations; protective
intelligence investigations; special programs; mobile security
training; and field offices. In addition, TDY support to Iraq has
drained our Office of Mobile Security Deployments by up to 40 percent
of the staff (30 of 72) being deployed to Iraq at the same time. This
impacts our ability to meet critical mission-support requirements in
other areas of the world, such as Afghanistan, Beirut, Sudan, etc. We
have increased the number and sizes of our instruction classes to
accommodate the special hard-skills training that is required in the
high threat environment of Iraq. This has placed additional demands on
our training staff and we have begun to set up an interim training
facility to meet these requirements. With no training float, a Special
Agent who is in training leaves an operational position vacant.
Question. From your perspective, can you comment as to whether DOD
(nonmilitary) motorcades are operating under the same requirements;
specifically are they putting the equivalent of a Federal agent (or a
uniformed officer) in each motorcade? Have (nonmilitary) DOD motorcades
installed cameras in its vehicles? Etc?
Answer. The Secretary of State's Panel on Personal Protective
Service in Iraq did not focus on Department of Defense (DOD) operations
nor did the recommendations. Specific questions regarding DOD
operations and equipment are appropriately answered by the Department
of Defense. However, I do not believe that DOD motorcades have a
Federal agent or uniformed officer in each motorcade, nor do I have
confirmation they have installed cameras or recording equipment in all
DOD vehicles.
Question. Iraqis say civilian motorcades and civilian contract
security are one of their biggest grievances. Please provide a
breakdown of all PSD contractors in Iraq including: (a) How many
operate under the auspices of the Department of State, DoD, USAID,
other agencies? (b) About how many work for other governments? (c)
Others? (d) Are those who protect NGO, aid workers and others
reconstruction contractors covered by any sort of U.S. law or
regulation? How many would that be? (e) What percentage of movements in
Iraq are State Department motorcades compared to OSD motorcades?
Answer. The Department of State only maintains data on Department
of State contractors and, regrettably, cannot answer many of these
specific questions. The Department of State provides protective
security for USAID direct-hire employees and other employees under
chief of mission authority but not for other government, NGOs, or other
reconstruction efforts. The first table attached below provides
staffing information. The second table provides WPPS movement data for
2007 and 2008.
WPPS II IRAQ AND AFGHANISTAN STAFFING
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Protective
security Static
Task Order Location Contractor specialist Support guard Total
(PSS)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
004.......................... Kabul.......... Blackwater..... 78 21 20 119
006.......................... Baghdad........ Blackwater..... 474 80 0 554
007.......................... Basrah/Tallil.. Triple Canopy.. 80 33 166 *(45) 279 *(158)
008.......................... Al Hillah...... Blackwater..... 77 17 162 256
009.......................... Kirkuk/Erbil... DynCorp........ 78 23 52 153
010.......................... Iraq Aviation.. Blackwater..... 50 108 0 158
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
h1h1h1h1
Iraq and Afghanistan Authorized Staffing........................ 837 282 400 1,519
Actual Staffing to Reflect TO-7 Basrah Transition............... 837 282 279* 1,398
-----------------------------------------------------------------
JAN 2008--CURRENT MONTH WPPS MOVEMENT DATA
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Total
Task order Location Contractor ground Average Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec
missions per month
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
6............................... Baghdad............ Blackwater......... 4,257 851 964 814 632 686 1,161
7............................... Basrah/Tallil...... Triple Canopy...... 1,034 207 181 197 259 156 241
8............................... Al Hillah.......... Blackwater......... 140 28 17 17 28 25 53
9............................... Kirkuk/Erbil....... DynCorp............ 646 129 119 129 128 149 121
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2008 Total Iraq Missions (all WPPS 6,077
contractors).....................
2007-2008 Total Iraq Missions (all 18,664
WPPS contractors)................
-----------------------------------
2007 WPPS MOVEMENT DATA
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Total
Task order Location Contractor ground Average Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec
missions per month
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
6............................... Baghdad............ Blackwater......... 9,574 798 708 1,102 943 726 721 784 804 1,104 579 558 881 664
7............................... Basrah/Tallil...... Triple Canopy...... 930 78 3 7 12 3 7 9 87 100 111 202 166 223
8............................... Al Hillah.......... Blackwater......... 364 30 31 32 36 38 43 39 29 26 23 26 26 15
9............................... Kirkuk/Erbil....... DynCorp............ 1,719 143 132 118 104 97 173 168 164 203 150 114 143 153
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2007 Total Iraq Missions (all WPPS 12,587
contractors).....................
2007-2008 Total Iraq Missions (all 18,664
WPPS contractors)................
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The above numbers include missions with protectees, as well as support and administrative missions.
Question. How are non-WPPS PSD's contracted and licensed by the
GOI? Are WPPS contractor so licensed? Are the Iraqis capable of
overseeing and enforcing this process? Are we helping them build that
capacity?
Answer. First part of question: The Department of State does not
contract for other PSD services outside of WPPS.
Second part of question: The Iraqi licensing process involves the
Ministries of Interior and Trade, and security company licenses must be
renewed every 6 months. WPPS contractors Triple Canopy and DynCorp are
currently licensed by the central Government in Baghdad. Blackwater's
application for a license is currently pending. The Government of
Kurdistan has recently imposed a licensing requirement on security
companies, separate from the Iraqi Government requirement. DynCorp,
which provides services in Kurdistan, is applying for its Kurdistan
license.
[NEA must provide the answers to the rest of this question.]
Question. Do you feel we have adequate feedback on the performance
of PSD movements--in Iraq and elsewhere? Have you considered having a
``report card'' filed by the principal passenger after each movement to
provide feedback on how procedures and interactions with locals were
handled? Would this be a useful tool?
Answer. The office of the Regional Security Officer (RSO) feels
that they do receive adequate feedback, both positive and negative,
from the embassy community on the performance of the PSD teams. On May
11, 2008, the RSO office distributed an updated security notice,
regarding the Personal Security Detail (PSD) policy for chief of
mission personnel. In the notice it states ``The Regional Security
Office is committed to working collegially and professionally with
Mission personnel in accomplishing their objectives. Should you have
any questions regarding this policy, or wish to provide feedback
regarding our services . . .'' The notice then lists the Deputy RSO for
the High Threat Protection program as the point of contact.
With the addition of a Special Agent in the protective motorcades,
the RSO also receives daily summaries detailing trip movements that
note any areas of concern. This may be viewed as a ``report card.'' The
RSO office is also in the process of surveying the embassy community
regarding their views on PSD operations. The survey asks respondents to
comment on such questions as, ``Do RSO personnel act professionally on
the venue site? Do RSO personnel treat Iraqi citizens with respect? Do
RSO personnel treat passengers with respect?'' The RSO office will use
this important feedback mechanism to monitor performance and make
management decisions regarding PSD operations.
Question. Discuss the procedures used to ensure that weapons that
are shipped/carried into Iraq for use by PSD's and other nonmilitary
forces do not fall into the wrong hands? In doing so, please provide
the ``blanket'' diplomatic note agreed between the United States
Government and Government of Iraq (signed by the GOI on 14 August
2004), which addresses end-use, retransfer, and security assurances,
now accepted in lieu of normal license conditions as would be reflected
in standard DSP-83s, for direct commercial arms sales to the Government
of Iraq. Does this ``blanket'' diplomatic note also apply to any sales
done under the Foreign Military Sales (FMS) program?
Answer. Every Department of State Protective Security Detail weapon
in Iraq is U.S. Government-procured and shipped via secure means. All
weapons used by WPPS contractors are government furnished equipment.
The WPPS contract requires quarterly inventories of all government
furnished equipment, including weapons. The WPPS Program Office
validates these inventories during periodic visits to the field. In
addition, the Regional Security Office is required to do an annual
sight inventory of all Diplomatic Security weapons, which includes
every weapon used by WPPS contractors. Diplomatic Security's Defensive
Equipment and Armored Vehicle Division (DEAV) Branch validates the RSO
inventory against a master inventory of all DS weapons.
The agreement regarding grants under the Foreign Assistance Act of
1961, as amended, or successor legislation, and such items as the
Government of the United States of America may otherwise furnish, or
authorize under the furnishing of, from time to time, under other
authority, to the Government of Iraq, effected by an exchange of notes
at Baghdad, July 24 and August 14, 2004, does not apply to defense
articles or defense services provided pursuant to the Foreign Military
Sales Program. Such defense articles and defense services are subject
to the requirements of the relevant Letters of Offer and Acceptance. It
is my understanding that a copy of the diplomatic note has been
provided to your staff.
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, JUNE 19, 2008
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Beyrle, John R., to be Ambassador to the Russian Federation
Chaudhry, Asif, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova
Culbertson, James, nominated to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of
The Netherlands
Girard-diCarlo , David F., to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Austria
Kaidanow, Tina S., to be Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo
Reeker, Phillip Thomas, to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Macedonia
Silverberg, Kristen, to be the U.S. Representative to the
European Union
Yovanovitch, Maria L., to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Armenia
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:15 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Benjamin
Cardin presiding.
Present: Senators Cardin, Lugar, Menendez, and DeMint.
Also present: Senators Levin, Specter, Burr, Elizabeth
Dole, Cornyn, and Robert Dole.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN CARDIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MARYLAND
Senator Cardin. The Committee on Foreign Relations will
come to order. I want to thank Chairman Biden for giving me the
opportunity to chair today's hearing.
This is a very important hearing. We are considering eight
nominees for very important positions representing our country
in Europe. I want to thank all of the nominees for their public
service and thank their families for the sacrifices that they
have made and particularly the nominees' willingness to come
forward to serve our country.
Europe is very important to the United States.
Historically, it's important to this country. We have had a
strong tie between the United States and Europe. I have had the
opportunity to personally visit Normandy where valiant American
soldiers, together with our allies, mounted an invasion that
would change the course of European history. One hundred
eighty-three Marylanders are among those interred in the nearby
cemetery, the final resting place for thousands of Americans.
I would like to point out that since 1975 and the Helsinki
Accords that were entered into that year, institutionalized
regional organization where the United States played a critical
role in developing strategies with our European allies dealing
with security, economics, and human rights. So this has been a
relationship that has grown over the years. Some of our top
priorities have been to deal with combating corruption, human
trafficking, sexual exploitation of children, as well as
fighting anti-Semitism and forms of intolerance and promoting
fundamental freedoms in democratic governance.
Today's hearing, we will have an opportunity to hear from
eight individuals in two panels. The first panel will be Mr.
James Culbertson, nominated to be the Ambassador to the Kingdom
of The Netherlands, Mr. David F. Girard-diCarlo to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Austria, Ms. Kristen Silverberg
to be the U.S. Representative to the European Union with the
rank and status of Ambassador.
In the second panel, we'll hear from Mr. John R. Beyrle to
be Ambassador to the Russian Federation, Mr. Asif Chaudhry to
be Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova, Ms. Tina S. Kaidanow
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo, Mr. Phillip Thomas
Reeker to be Ambassador to the Republic of Macedonia, and Ms.
Maria L. Yovanovitch to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Armenia.
We are very honored to have many of our colleagues here
today. I'm going to ask Senator Dole to lead off. Senator Dole,
of course, a very distinguished Member of the United States
Senate, a long history of leadership in this country, but one
role that really I want to just bring out was his leadership on
the Helsinki Commission when he was in the United States
Senate, and I think really elevated the Commission to a very
important part here in the United States and Europe.
Senator Dole, it's always a pleasure to have you back
before our committee.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT DOLE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM KANSAS
Senator Robert Dole. There's another Dole's name up here, a
real Senator, but I need to go first so I can go home and get
dinner ready. [Laughter.]
I have the great privilege today to introduce a woman to
this panel who's highly qualified to be Ambassador of Armenia.
Maria Yovanovitch is someone I've known and someone I've worked
with and someone I know that will do an outstanding job. She's
been the Ambassador to Kyrgyzstan and I've been there and I've
seen how she's worked with American Manas Base and which is
very important when it comes to Afghanistan and I met with the
President of Kyrgyzstan and he told me what a great job she'd
been doing and how she had worked out some of the problems that
they had with America and so this is a country of particular
interest to me, Armenia, and somebody may wonder why. So I'll
tell you in about one minute.
My history with Armenia goes back more than 60 years. As I
recovered from World War II wounds--I was wounded late in the
war and all the good doctors were leaving the Army hospitals--
and so I was running around the country looking for a miracle
to put me back to where I was before and I met a doctor in
Chicago, then Wesley Hospital. An Armenian American named Dr.
Kalikian who has written books on orthopedic surgery and his
son, Arman, is now a great orthopedic surgeon in Chicago.
But to make a long story short, I spent a great deal of
time with him. He became almost a second father and operated on
me at least a half a dozen times and wouldn't let me pay him
one cent because he had lost a brother in World War II and so
I've had contact with--oh, uh-oh. I better get back to my
original text.[Laughter.]
But I think his treatment, just to show his gratitude to
this great country of ours and it's been, as I said, a blessing
for me and I've been a strong supporter of the Armenian
community and the people of Armenia. I've been there a few
times. I planted a tree in honor of Dr. Kalikian and I've seen,
you know, the country's got some very serious problems. They
need an ambassador. They've been without one for almost 2
years.
If it weren't for Kirk Kerkorian, I'm not certain what
would be happening in that country and he's a very modest man,
but I can tell you if you add up what he's been doing as far as
housing and streets and highways and hotels, libraries and
schools and businesses, I've got to believe it adds up to
hundreds and hundreds of millions of dollars that this one
Armenian American has spent trying to help his fellow Armenians
and I think he's been there but once.
But in any event, the country's per capita GDP is less than
$2,000 and it's politically weak and they need help and they're
listed now as only partly free and so they can't get enough
money from remittances from Armenians who live in America.
So the point is, is they need an ambassador and it just
happens that we have an outstanding person who I think will do
an outstanding job. As I said, I got to know Marie in her work
in Kyrgyzstan and I met with the President of Kyrgyzstan. We've
talked about her stewardship there. She's made a very serious
contribution to our national interests in securing our
airport's base and establishing a constructive relationship
with the government after what they call the Tulip Revolution
in 2005.
So she knows all about the Stans countries which is another
one of her best friends is former Ambassador Beth Jones of
Kazakhstan and they worked closely together when Beth was in
the State Department.
So for all those reasons, Marie reminds me a little of the
children of Dr. Kalikian. She is the daughter of immigrants who
escaped the horrors of the homelands and gained a second chance
in the United States and like them, she worked hard. Nobody
gave her anything. She worked for everything that's happened to
her. She attended Princeton, one of our Nation's greatest
universities, and she's sort of a tribute or a symbol of
America, ``the land of opportunity,'' and she's career Foreign
Service, and I recommend her to this committee and I say God
Bless America and God Bless Armenia.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much.
Senator Robert Dole. I'll have dinner ready by 6:30.
[Laughter.]
Prepared Statement of Senator Robert Dole
Mr. Chairman and distinguished committee members, it's my privilege
to introduce Ambassador Marie Yovanovitch to this committee. Marie was
previously confirmed to serve as our Ambassador to Kyrgyzstan and has
now been nominated to serve in Armenia.
As many of you are aware, my history with Armenia goes back more
than 60 years. As I recovered from grave wounds in World War II, Dr.
Hampar Kelikian, an Armenian immigrant surgeon, helped to restore my
health and operated on me repeatedly--for free, in selfless gratitude
for the opportunity and success he enjoyed in his new homeland.
Since then, I've been a friend and supporter of the Armenian-
American community, the people of Armenia, and the country itself--
including its independence and political and free-market development.
It is vital that Armenia and it's American benefactors concentrate
on this development. Armenia's post-independence brain-drain represents
a serious crisis. The country's per capita GDP is less than $2,000.
It's political class is insular and weak.
Seventeen years after independence, Freedom House ranks it as only
a ``partly free'' country--and it is one that needs more than
remittances from Armenian-Americans to make it in today's global
economy.
Armenia has needed an American ambassador for the past couple of
years. Today, it especially needs Ambassador Yovanovitch. I had the
privilege of getting to know Marie and her work during her tenure in
Kyrgyzstan. I met there last year with President Bakiyev, who spoke
highly of the Ambassador and her work.
In her time in Kyrgyzstan, Marie made a serious contribution to our
national interests in securing our air force base and establishing a
constructive relationship with the government after the 2005 ``Tulip
Revolution.''
Marie's expertise in the ``Stans'' and the former Soviet Union is
particularly strong, as is her appreciation of Armenia and it's
diaspora.
Marie reminds me of the children of Dr. Kelikian. Like them, she is
the daughter of immigrants who escaped the horrors of their homelands
and gained a second chance in the United States.
Like them, she worked hard. She attended Princeton, one of out
Nation's finest universities. Marie is a tribute to our ``land of
opportunity'' and to our Foreign Service. I wholeheartedly recommend
her to you.
Thank you. God Bless America, and God Bless Armenia.
Senator Cardin. We will now recognize the Senator Dole that
has a vote.
STATEMENT OF HON. ELIZABETH DOLE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NORTH CAROLINA
Senator Elizabeth Dole. Well, Chairman Cardin, Ranking
Member Lugar, certainly it's a great privilege to introduce Mr.
James Culbertson of North Carolina who's been nominated by the
President to serve as our 64th Ambassador to the Kingdom of The
Netherlands.
It's also important at this time to express gratitude to
the late Ambassador Roland Arnald who previously held the post
until just 10 days before his death last March. He served our
country with great distinction and the post of ambassador has
since remained vacant.
Today, I'm honored to come before the committee to express
my strong support for Jim Culbertson's nomination. My husband,
Bob Dole, and I have known Jim and his supportive, very
supportive and talented wife, Germaine, for many years and I
submit to you today that Jim is amply qualified to join the
ranks of our diplomatic corps.
Indeed, the United States is blessed to have leaders like
Jim willing to serve in our embassies overseas, and I'm
confident he will serve at The Hague with great distinction as
our ambassador.
Jim is an American patriot and military veteran. He
graduated from The Citadel with honors, meaning the top 8
percent of his class, and afterward served our country as an
intelligence officer in the United States Army.
He currently serves as Commissioner on the American Battle
Monuments Commission, guarding America's overseas cemeteries
and memorials which honor the service, achievements, and
sacrifice of the United States Armed Forces at 24 sites around
the world.
Jim is also a successful innovator, entrepreneur, and
business leader. He founded and then served 26 years as
president of Financial Computing, Incorporated, which provides
financial application software and hardware to automobile
dealers and community banks.
As a business leader, he has also served as a member of the
North Carolina Economic Development Board which oversees North
Carolina's economic development research and planning and makes
policy recommendations.
As a member of the board, Jim works side-by-side with State
Government officials, elected officials, nonprofits, economic
development organizations, and private industry in developing a
comprehensive economic development plan and then advocating and
holding entities accountable for the implementation of the
plan.
Jim also served as a member of the North Carolina Banking
Commission, responsible for regulating almost all of the
financial institutions operating in the State, banks, trust
companies, brokers, and other consumer finance companies. As a
business owner, himself, Jim also served on the National
Federation of Independent Business National Board, promoting
the priorities and growth of small and independent businesses
in the marketplace and around the country.
In keeping with his civic responsibilities, Jim has served
on the board of the American Council for Young Political
Leaders, as well as the Board of the Fund for American Studies,
and let me just add here that I can recall when Bob Dole and I
were dating and he was----
Senator Robert Dole. He was in high school at the time.
Senator Elizabeth Dole. Yeah. I went off on a trip with the
American Council for Young Political Leaders. There were 11
Republicans and 11 Democrats, 22 of us, and Bob said, ``What?
Where are you going?'' I said, ``I'm off to Japan for three
weeks,'' and I want you to know, since he happens to be sitting
beside me today, that when I got back, he met me with an
engagement ring and a dozen roses. So that trip was very
productive, Jim. I think he missed me.
But both of these organizations, focusing on the youth of
our country, promote international exchange and dialog. Through
his work in this effort, students from across the country, like
myself in those days, and around the world have the benefit of
knowing the value of freedom and democracy. Future foreign
leaders now know future American leaders and those
relationships are fostered through the years.
This is the type of endeavor that uses the full force of
U.S. diplomacy and the type of effort the 9/11 Commission
recommended to us. Jim Culbertson had the foresight to already
be personally involved in this type of activity. He's exhibited
strong leadership in the past and I have every confidence that
he will continue to show that strong leadership and good
judgment as our Ambassador to the Netherlands.
If confirmed, Jim will be responsible for promoting and
protecting United States interests in the Netherlands, a
country with which the United States has long shared a
beneficial relationship. The partnership between the United
States and the Netherlands dates back to the American
Revolution and it's one of our country's oldest continuous
relationships.
The United States and the Netherlands share common ideals,
a common dedication to individual freedom and human rights. Our
two countries also have strong economic ties where Jim's
economic background will serve us well.
The Netherlands is the third largest direct foreign
investor in the United States and the United States is the
third largest direct foreign investor in The Netherlands.
Dutch, like us, believe in a market-led economy and in Jim, we
will have an ambassador who embodies a market-driven economy.
From our economic, commercial, and trade relationship to
our partnerships in foreign aid and global security, Jim
Culbertson will continue strong United States-Dutch relations.
With his vast experience and numerous talents, Jim Culbertson
is the right person to be our chief representative to the
Kingdom of the Netherlands, possessing the critical diplomatic
and leadership skills needed to succeed in this important
position.
Mr. Chairman, Senator Lugar, you have a wonderful nominee
before you today, and I thank you for the privilege of
expressing my views.
Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Senator Burr, you're here also on the same
nominee?
Senator Burr. I am, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Why don't you proceed at this point.
STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD BURR,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NORTH CAROLINA
Senator Burr. Mr. Chairman, thank you. Senator Lugar, I
thank you, and Senator Menendez.
I looked down the list of nominees and I'd like to speak
for all of them. I'm not sure all of them would have me do it
but I feel like I know most of them and this is an unbelievable
group.
Mr. Chairman, I'm honored to be here to make an
introduction for Jim Culbertson. In the fashion that she always
displays, Senator Dole has mentioned everything that I could
possibly talk about, but let me pick a few things that I think
are important for the members here to know.
One, he has a beautiful wife and Germaine's here, and she's
joined by her daughter, their son-in-law, and two grandsons,
and I say that so Jim won't forget to introduce them as he
makes his remarks.
The United States and the Netherlands have shared strong
relationships since the earliest days of our Nation. This
relationship grew into a deep friendship following the Second
World War when Allied Forces, including two American Airborne
Divisions, helped liberate the people of the Netherlands from
Nazi occupation.
Following World War II, most American servicemen returned
to their homes and their families but many did not. In the
Village of Margratten in the Netherlands, there is today an
American cemetery that's the final resting place for over 8,000
American soldiers. As the commissioner of the Battle of the
American Battle Monuments Commission and as a veteran himself,
Jim knows this place well, and I'm confident that he is the
right man to continue and enhance the already strong
relationship between our two countries.
If confirmed, I have no doubt he will be the best person
that has served this country there. A successful businessman, a
wonderful husband, a father, Jim has in fact been serving the
United States for many years and we in North Carolina are proud
to call him our own.
Following graduation at The Citadel, he was in the Army and
the intelligence arena. As an accomplished small business
owner, Jim initiated his foresight to start his own business in
the early 1970s in my hometown of Winston-Salem. Today,
Financial Computing, Inc., the business he founded and ran for
almost 30 years, continues to be one of the most successful
financial computing companies in the Southeast.
Jim has also been a leader in his community, my community,
and throughout North Carolina, serving on the Banking
Commission and on the North Carolina Board of Economic
Development where he contributed his talents and his time to
enhance life for his fellow North Carolinians.
He's been active on the national level. A 20-year member of
the Board of Trustees of the Fund for American Studies, as
mentioned, and has taken a leading role for over two decades in
educating the next generation of young Americans on the values
of freedom and democracy, the ideals he champions and embodies,
and will continue to promote as United States Ambassador to The
Netherlands.
The United States relations, Mr. Chairman, in Europe are
more important today than they've ever been since the fall of
the Berlin Wall. Once again, we see a familiar Russia seeking
to exert its influence throughout Eastern Europe and the
Baltics. The Netherlands has been a committed friend in the war
on terror and in combating the scourge of the international
narcotics trade.
This crucial time is why we need a man like Jim Culbertson
with his deep understanding of business and foreign relations
to cement the United States-Dutch relationship and reassert the
United States support for a free and democratic Europe.
Mr. Chairman, let me say out of all the qualities, out of
all the experience that Jim brings to this nomination, let me
say he's a good man. He's the type of person we would be proud
to look at and refer to as our ambassador.
I thank the chair.
Senator Cardin. I thank our Senators for the introduction.
Senator Levin.
Senator Levin. Mr. Chairman, could I just put my statement,
the full statement in the record?
enator Cardin. Oh, absolutely. Without objection, your full
statement will be made part of the record.
STATEMENT OF HON. CARL LEVIN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MICHIGAN
Senator Levin. Before Senator Dole leaves, the old Senator
Dole, the ancient Senator Dole, no, the ancient one, I'm going
to send this to you, this introduction of our new Ambassador to
Russia because of the reference that it makes to a World War II
hero whose story is one of the most extraordinary stories I've
ever heard. I know you have to leave, but I want to send this
to you.
John Beyrle, who's the nominee's father, had an experience
which is truly unique and this is kind of an emotional
sentimental moment when kind of history's coming full circle
for reasons you'll understand when you get my introduction, but
I do want to, just before you leave, alert you to it and I'll
send it out to you.
Mr. Chairman and Senator Lugar, Senator Menendez, it's a
pleasure here to be with you to lend my support to John
Beyrle's nomination to be our Ambassador to Russia. It's an
outstanding nomination, first and foremost, because of his
distinguished career in the diplomatic service of this country,
but it's also a wonderful nomination because of his family's
history.
I think that destiny had a hand in John Beyrle's
appointment to be United States Ambassador to Russia. I'm going
to take just a few minutes longer than I do customarily for
reasons which you will shortly understand and, I think,
appreciate.
Usually I talk about the nominee first when introducing a
nominee, but today I'm going to begin with the story of his
dad, Joe Beyrle, truly one of the great members of the greatest
generation and one of my personal heroes.
Joe Beyrle was born in Muskegon, MI, and in 1944, John's
dad, Joe Beyrle, now no longer alive, was called Jumping Joe
Beyrle because he was an expert paratrooper who was selected
for clandestine drops in Occupied France to supply the French
Resistance with gold.
He was captured on D-Day by the Germans. He was put into a
prison camp, was repeatedly tortured, made a number of escapes,
was recaptured, was tortured again. Finally, he showed such a
dogged determination that he finally did escape in an effort to
rejoin his unit.
However, he didn't rejoin his unit, he wasn't able to get
to it and instead hooked up with the Russian Army, and this was
a very courageous decision, as you can imagine. He decided to
join the Russian Army Tank Unit. It was commanded by a woman,
by the way, and Joe actually helped the Russians to liberate
the very same prisoner of war camp from which he had escaped.
He was then wounded. He was sent to a Polish convent for
treatment. He made a remarkable journey then to the American
Embassy in Moscow and that's where the wheel comes full circle,
where American officials had kept him under house arrest for a
week because they thought he was a spy. The reason for that was
that his dog tags had been somehow or other lost during this
entire process and ended up on a dead soldier. His family was
notified in 1944 that he had died and they held a memorial
service in his church back in Muskegon.
But it took about a week for the Americans in Moscow to
finally determine that not only wasn't he a spy, he was a hero,
and that he was who he said he was. He returned to a hero's
welcome in Muskegon, MI, in May of 1945, and a little over a
year later married his wife, JoAnne, and the service was
officiated by the same priest in the same church where the
funeral mass had been held for him in 1944. He is the only
soldier that we know of that fought both with the American and
Russian Armies against Nazi Germany and he was honored by
Presidents Clinton and Yeltsin on the 50th Anniversary of D-
Day.
Now his devotion to his country and his commitment to
service live on in his son, John. John was born and raised in
Muskegon. He graduated with honors from Grand Valley State
University in Allendale, MI, received a Master's degree as a
distinguished graduate from the National War College. His
distinguished career in the Foreign Service has spanned more
than two decades.
During that time, he's held numerous policy positions in
overseas assignments with an emphasis on United States
relations with Russia and Central and Eastern Europe. Prior to
his current appointment as the United States Ambassador to
Bulgaria, John served as the deputy chief of mission at the
United States Embassy in Moscow.
In an editorial in his hometown paper, Muskegon Chronicle
said that ``Beyrle's choice honors family and Nation and that
the President has chosen well and our Nation will be well
served by another Beyrle in Russia.'' We certainly will.
Mr. Chairman, members of this committee, John Beyrle will
do an outstanding job as our Ambassador to Russia. He will
direct the work at the U.S. Embassy where a wounded and
determined young paratrooper named Joe Beyrle sought refuge 68
years ago. We're proud to support his nomination, Senator
Stabenow and I both, obviously. Hess ready to continue that
distinguished career of service to our country, and I only
could wish that his mom and dad were still with us to
experience this day.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Senator Levin follows:]
Senator Cardin. Well, Senator Levin, thank you for sharing
that story with the committee. We need to record the best that
we can of what was done during World War II, and I think your
introduction here honored World War II in our record. So we
thank you for that.
Senator Levin. Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Senator Specter.
STATEMENT OF HON. ARLEN SPECTER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA
Senator Specter. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Lugar, and Senator Menendez.
I congratulate the President on the nomination of David
Girard-diCarlo to be Ambassador to Austria and I congratulate
Mr. Girard-diCarlo for accepting this assignment at this stage
of the administration.
I'm honored to appear here with a man I've known really
intimately for more than 30 years. We are fellow Philadelphia
lawyers, but more broadly than that, we have both participated
very, very extensively in the life of the city on community
matters, on cultural matters, on civic matters, on governmental
matters, on political matters, and very frequently I seek his
counseling. Occasionally he seeks mine. So the President has an
outstanding individual here.
I will submit his resume which is too long to go into
detail here, considering the number of witnesses which the
committee has to hear, but just a couple of items.
He took the helm of a law firm in Philadelphia, Blank,
Rome, some 25 years ago, and it was a moderate size firm and it
now has 1,200 professionals and is extraordinarily active and
has many offices--eight in the United States--stretches all the
way to Hong Kong, and he has been the driving force.
In a move of his customary insights and sagacity, he
recently decided to step down on an interval of a couple of
years to give an opportunity for grooming and was heralded with
his tide of managerial experience. He's been very active in so
many corporations that I won't list them, but he took on the
job of board chairman of the Greater Philadelphia Chamber of
Commerce and served there with great distinction. He was on the
disciplinary board of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, and
his managerial experience, I think, suits him very well for
being in Vienna which has so many different missions--mission
to the United Nations and the mission on Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe.
At a time when the United States is in urgent need of its
best and brightest, we have one here today. So I'm delighted to
give him my unqualified recommendation which isn't based on
hearsay, it's based on firsthand experience.
Thank you. Senator Cardin. Senator Specter, thank you for
your testimony.
Senator Cornyn.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN CORNYN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM TEXAS
Senator Cornyn. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and Senator Lugar,
Senator Menendez.
It's a pleasure to be here before you today to introduce to
you an outstanding public servant and fellow Texan, Kristen
Silverberg.
I was just telling Kristen, she's come a long way from
Alpine, TX, where she was born, and you'll see what I mean in
just a minute.
Ms. Silverberg's been nominated by President Bush to serve
in the capacity of U.S. Representative to the European Union, a
role I have no doubt she will fill with the same sort of
commitment and dedication to excellence that she has
demonstrated through her career up to this point.
Ms. Silverberg currently served as the Assistant Secretary
of State for International Organization Affairs, a position
she's held since 2005. She's led her Bureau of the State
Department in the advancement of U.S. foreign policy, strategic
goals, and U.S. interests through multilateral diplomacy while
ensuring that international organizations through which we work
remain viable and effective.
She's consistently demonstrated the experience, political
acumen, and leadership ability required to represent the United
States to the European Union.
Before her appointment as Assistant Secretary, she served
as Deputy Assistant to the President and Advisor to the Chief
of Staff in the White House, a position in which she assisted
in the coordination and development of White House policy.
She's also served in the capacity of Deputy Assistant to
President Bush for Domestic Policy, Special Assistant to the
President in the White House Office of the Chief of Staff, and
Senior Advisor to Ambassador Paul Bremer in the Coalition
Provisional Authority.
Ms. Silverberg holds a Bachelor's Degree from Harvard and a
Doctor of Juris Prudence from the University of Texas where she
graduated with high honors. She's served on the DC. Circuit
Court of Appeals as a law clerk there and also for Justice
Thomas on the Supreme Court.
She's been recognized for her commitment to public service
by the University of Texas and she's received a Secretary of
Defense Outstanding Public Service Award for her service in
Iraq and so it's with great pride that I recommend and present
to the committee a great Texan, Kristen L. Silverberg.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much, Senator Cornyn.
Senator Cornyn. Thank you.
Senator Cardin. At this time, I would turn to Senator Lugar
for any comments that you would like to make.
Senator Lugar. Mr. Chairman, we can proceed to hear the
witnesses.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Senator Menendez.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have a lot of
questions for the second panel, so I will wait to ask my
questions.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. We will start with Panel 1. We
will start with Mr. James Culbertson, nominated to be the
Ambassador to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
We would ask that if you have your family, that you please
introduce your family to our committee, and again we very much
appreciate your willingness to serve our Nation and the
positions that you have been nominated for.
STATEMENT OF JAMES CULBERTSON, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE
KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS
Mr. Culbertson. Thank you, Senator Cardin. Yes, I do have
my wife, Germaine. Would you stand, please? Next is the
grandson, William, my daughter. Blair, grandson George, and
son-in-law, James Robbins, and we're very happy to have all of
them here today, I am anyway.
Senator Cardin. We know this is a family effort, so we want
to make sure the family gets acknowledged.
Mr. Culbertson. Thank you. And would you like for me to
proceed?
Senator Cardin. Yes.
Mr. Culbertson. Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of
this committee, I am honored to appear before you today as the
President's nominee to serve as United States Ambassador to the
Kingdom of the Netherlands.
I am grateful for the trust President Bush and Secretary
Rice have shown in nominating me to represent our country to
one of the oldest and strongest allies of the United States.
Since graduating from The Citadel in 1960 and serving in
the Army as an officer in military intelligence, I have
maintained a keen interest in the politics and foreign policy
interests of our country.
If confirmed, I will bring my professional experiences and
lifelong interests in community service to bear as chief of
mission for our embassy in The Hague, and I must say Senator
Dole and Senator Burr included many more things that I was
going to say about my personal private life.
I'm going to skip a lot of that and keep you from the
boredom of hearing it again.
I would like to say as a member of the Council of Young
Political Leaders, I made three trips to Europe. We visited
with our counterparts, Young European Leaders, and their
government and on one of the trips, I did visit The Hague and
Amsterdam.
I'll skip the Economic Development Board. I would like to
say a little more about the Fund for American Studies.
We sponsored summer courses for college students from
across America and the world at Georgetown since 1970 and we
teach free markets, free government, and free and open
journalism. We initiated similar arrangements with universities
in Prague around 1991, in Greece in 1996, and in Hong Kong in
2000, and we're getting ready to do one for South America.
One word about our Greek institute. It's the most unique
and held in Crete. It's comprised primarily of Israeli and Arab
students with a sprinkling of American students and a few other
Europeans, but I'd say at least 80 percent of them are from
either Israelis or Arab and when they come there, they
literally hate each other and by the closing week, we had our
10th Anniversary over there in 2006, I believe, and which I
attended, and they are literally dancing and partying together
on closing week and in all of these institutes with our young
people, we hope that these are the young leaders, whether it be
politics or industry or whatever capacity, academic, that will
be make it a little easier to live together peacefully.
One quick word about the American Battle Monuments
Commission I've served on Margratten in the Netherlands. You
know, there are 8,301 of our veterans, war casualties buried
there. It's rather unique. The Dutch people have adopted each
grave--each one of those 8,301 graves--and they personally come
out and bring flowers and paid appropriate moments, like
Memorial Day, come out and visit and we even have a waiting
list of Dutch citizens who want to service those graves--help
us maintain those graves there.
I'll skip everything about my business background and would
like to offer a few words on how I would like to build upon our
strong and enduring relationship with the Netherlands.
The Dutch share our commitment to uphold freedom and
alleviate poverty around the world. Leaders of a major military
contingent in the dangerous Southern region of Afghanistan, the
Dutch are also significant development partners in Afghanistan,
Iraq, Latin America, and Africa. I will strive to enhance our
military and development cooperation and expand Dutch support
for peace, security, and democracy around the globe.
The Netherlands, a nation of fewer than 17 million
residents, is a key trading partner of the United States, and
Senator Dole touched on that and I'll skip the next few
sentences there.
Our embassy has a goal to promote a greater and more
favorable understanding of the United States and its policies.
I would like to expand on a program of dialog and exchange that
has won rave reviews from leaders in the Dutch Muslim community
and contributed to enhanced mutual understanding.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you again for
the opportunity to appear before you. With your consent, I
pledge to serve our country to the best of my abilities.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Culbertson follows:]
Prepared Statement of James Culbertson, Nominee
to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of the Netherlands
Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of this committee, I am
honored to appear before you today as the President's nominee to serve
as United States Ambassador to the Kingdom of the Netherlands. I am
grateful for the trust President Bush and Secretary Rice have shown in
nominating me to represent our country to one of the oldest and
strongest allies of the United States.
Please allow me to introduce my wife, Germaine. She will be an
enormous asset to me, if I am confirmed, a most gracious representative
of our country to the people of the Netherlands. Also, we have with us
today our daughter, Blair, our son-in-law James, and our two grandsons,
William and George Robbins.
Since graduating from The Citadel in 1960, and serving in the Army
as an officer in the military intelligence branch, I have maintained a
keen interest in the politics and foreign policy interests of our
country. If confirmed, I will bring my professional experiences and
lifelong interest in community service to bear as chief of mission for
our embassy in The Hague.
As a 6-year board member of the American Council of Young Political
Leaders, which was composed of an equal number of young Democrats and
young Republicans, I was a member of three State Department-sponsored
delegations to Europe. In 1967, I first saw the Berlin Wall and went
through Checkpoint Charlie for a brief visit to East Berlin. The stark
image of communism, supposedly at its best, contrasted sharply with the
freedom we enjoy, and remains vivid with me to this day. In 1970, our
visit included stops in The Hague and Amsterdam. We were at NATO
Headquarters in Brussels in 1974, and also visited to London and Paris.
During all of these trips we were hosted by young European leaders and
their governments.
For 8 years, from 1985-1992, I served on the Governor's Economic
Development Board in North Carolina. We undertook trade missions to
other countries, as well as receiving trade missions to our State.
For the last 20 years, I have been on the Board of Trustees for The
Fund for American Studies. We have sponsored summer courses for college
students from across America and the world since 1970 at Georgetown
University, which teach free markets, democratic government, and
journalism. We initiated similar arrangements with universities in
Prague in 1991, in Greece in 1996, and in Hong Kong in 2000. Our Greek
institute, which is held on the island of Crete, is our most unique. It
is comprised primarily of Israeli and Arab students. Many arrive
literally hating their counterparts from the other confession, but by
the closing week, they are dancing and partying together. It is our
fervent hope that one day they will be leaders in their countries and
that this experience will hasten their living together peacefully.
For the last 3 years, I have served on the American Battle
Monuments Commission and have visited several cemeteries in France and
Italy. Each is a moving reminder of our dedication to freedom and the
sacrifices we have made to keep it secure.
For 28 years, I owned a company which I started in 1972. We
primarily sold financial software, but also sold the computers,
printers, networks, etc., which the customer needed. Being a ``one stop
shop'' gave us an advantage over our large, national, competitors who
sold software only. My experience as the owner of a medium-size firm
provided insight into the challenges of management and successful
client relations.
I would now like to offer a few words on how I would like to build
upon our strong and enduring relationship with the Netherlands.
The Dutch share our commitment to uphold freedom and alleviate
poverty around the world. Leaders of a major military contingent in the
dangerous southern region of Afghanistan, the Dutch are also
significant development partners in Afghanistan, Iraq, Latin America,
and Africa. I will strive to enhance our military and development
cooperation and expand Dutch support for peace, security, and democracy
around the globe.
Since the tragic events of 9/11 and subsequent terrorist attacks in
Europe, the Dutch have devoted increasing resources to counterterrorism
and law enforcement. Six U.S. law enforcement agencies are represented
at our mission, and I will work with these professionals to deepen law
enforcement ties to combat terrorism, narcotics trafficking, human
trafficking, and financial crimes.
The Netherlands, a nation of fewer than 17 million residents, it is
a key trading partner of the United States. As centers of global
finance and innovation, we have invested billions of dollars in each
other's economies and created hundreds of thousands of jobs. I intend
to facilitate continued trade expansion and will explore new investment
opportunities for U.S. firms.
Our embassy has a goal to promote a greater and more favorable
understanding of the United States and its policies. I would like to
expand on a program of dialog and exchange that has won rave reviews
from leaders in the Dutch Muslim community and contributed to enhanced
mutual understanding.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you again for the
opportunity to appear before you. With your consent, I pledge to serve
our country and nurture our valued relationship with the Kingdom of the
Netherlands to the best of my abilities.
I would be happy to answer any questions you may have. Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much. We appreciate your
testimony.
I will now turn to Mr. David Girard-diCarlo to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Austria.
STATEMENT OF DAVID GIRARD-diCARLO,
AMBASSADOR-DESIGNATE TO AUSTRIA
Mr. Girard-diCarlo. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you,
Senator Lugar and Senator Menendez.
I would like to introduce my wife of more than 35 years,
who's been my closest friend and advisor and confidante over
that period of time, my wife, Connie.
Mr. Chairman, it's my understanding that my full remarks
will be provided for the record, so I will try to summarize
those remarks in the interest of time.
I am honored to appear before you today as the President's
nominee to be the United States Ambassador to the Republic of
Austria.
I am grateful for the confidence and trust that President
Bush and Secretary Rice have placed in me to serve, if
confirmed, as chief of mission. I certainly thank Senator
Specter for his very gracious introduction.
As you heard from Senator Specter, if confirmed, I would
bring to this position more than 35 years of experience as a
lawyer, an advocate, a leader, and a manager.
Over the past 25 of those years, I've had the honor and
privilege of leading Blank, Rome, LLP, a professional service
firm. It is today comprised of over 1,200 individuals.
As you heard, we have eight offices in the United States
and one office in Hong Kong. I believe my management and
leadership background will provide me the experience that is
necessary not only to advance the United States interests with
Austria but to help Embassy Vienna fulfill its multioffice
location operations and I can, I think, ably help provide the
joint management support that is necessary for the trimission
that is in Vienna as well as some joint management
responsibilities we have with the nearby embassy in Bratislava.
As you heard from Senator Specter, in addition to my
professional responsibilities, my experience over the past
three decades has given me the opportunity to actively
participate in the business and cultural organizations within
the communities in which I have lived and worked.
This participation has given me a very keen appreciation
for the interconnections between the public and private
sectors, and I have learned that when these two sectors work in
concert with one another, the whole becomes much greater than
the sum of the parts, thereby enriching the lives and spirit of
the entire community.
The public diplomacy programs that are so important for
our country, such as the Fulbright Program, and other academic,
cultural, professional exchanges, work on those same
interconnections. To increase the understanding and knowledge
of the United States, not just government-to-government but
people-to-people, and if confirmed as ambassador, I would most
heartily support those programs so that the people of Austria
understand the many values and goals that we share.
Mr. Chairman, as you know and we all know, Austria has a
proud history and its capital, Vienna, is a world-renowned
cultural center. It serves as an exemplar of democracy,
freedom, stability, and prosperity and even though a small
country, it has contributed to peacekeeping missions around the
world. In Southeastern Europe, it has contributed troops and
assistance that are vital to the success of the United Nation
missions in Kosovo and Bosnia. It has a contingent of
peacekeepers in Chad which was its first foray into Africa as
part of the European Union mission there, and it has assisted
in aiding victims of civil unrest in Darfur, and in this time
of global insecurity, no issue is of more immediate importance
than our collaboration in the fight against international
terrorism and transnational crime.
As an active partner in this fight, Austria has sent police
instructors to the Iraqi Police Academy in Jordan. It has
provided advisors in Afghanistan. It has deployed peacekeepers
to the Golan Heights as part of the U.N. mission there, and
together with the United States and the European Union, it
operated two counterterrorism-related training programs for
countries in Central Asia.
If confirmed as ambassador, I would continue to press
Austria for its active participation in the Partnership for
Peace and would urge Austria to work more vigilantly with NATO
when our interests converge.
Mr. Chairman, as we know, this is a time of change in
Austria. The European Union's enlargement eastward has shifted
Austria to the center of Europe. Austria has strong historical
and cultural ties with countries to its south and east and sees
a role for itself in helping countries of these regions
integrate more successfully into an enlarged European Union.
The United States encourages that integration which is
important to the stability of Europe as a whole.
Mr. Chairman, distinguished members of the committee,
Austria is a solid friend of Europe. If I am confirmed as
ambassador, I pledge to use my experience as a leader and
manager to build on the strong relations our two countries have
and to lead our U.S. mission team in advancing the United
States interests and forging even closer ties.
I look forward to this challenge and opportunity. I thank
you for the opportunity to speak before you today and I would
welcome the opportunity, if confirmed, to serve my country.
Thank you, sir.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Girard-diCarlo follows:]
Prepared Statement of David F. Girard-diCarlo, Nominee
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Austria
Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee, I am
honored to appear before you today as the President's nominee to be
United States Ambassador to the Republic of Austria. I am grateful for
the confidence and trust that President Bush and Secretary Rice have
placed in me to serve, if confirmed, as chief of mission. I also thank
Senator Specter for his very generous introduction.
If confirmed, I would bring to this position more than 35 years'
experience as a lawyer, an advocate, a leader, and a manager. For the
past 25 years, I have had the honor and privilege of leading and
managing Blank Rome LLP. Currently, Blank Rome is comprised of
approximately 1,200 professionals and nonprofessionals in eight offices
within the United States and one office in Hong Kong. I am proud to
report that during my tenure as the firm's leader, the firm grew more
than six-fold and is, today, one of the top 100 law firms in the United
States.
I believe that my management and leadership experience will enable
me to advance the United States interests with Austria and help Embassy
Vienna fulfill its bilateral mission. My experiences managing
multilocation operations will enable me to assist Embassy Vienna as it
provides joint management support to the United States Mission to the
United Nations and the United States Mission to the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe in Vienna, and it also provides
management and resource support for the nearby mission in Bratislava.
I believe it is noteworthy to comment that relatively early in my
career, I was appointed to the Board of Directors of the Southeastern
Pennsylvania Transportation Authority (SEPTA) by the then-Governor of
Pennsylvania, Richard Thornburgh. Immediately after joining the board,
I was elected chairman and chief executive officer. During my 3\1/2\
year-tenure there, SEPTA employed approximately 7,000 people, had an
operating budget of about $500 million dollars, and had capital
facilities worth several billion dollars.
As the only noncareer professional among a cadre of career
transportation professionals, I learned firsthand the importance of
valuing the commitment, talent, and dedication that those professionals
brought to their jobs. I committed myself to making SEPTA a better
place when I left than it had been when I joined. I believe I
accomplished that goal. If confirmed, I believe my responsibility to
the President, to the American people and to Embassy Vienna should be,
and will be, to do everything in my power to leave Embassy Vienna a
better place at the conclusion of my assignment.
In addition to my professional responsibilities, my experience over
the past three decades has included my active participation in the
business and cultural organizations within the communities in which I
have lived and worked. I have served in leadership positions at the
Greater Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce, the Philadelphia Orchestra
and Academy of Music, the Walnut Street Theatre, the John F. Kennedy
Center for the Performing Arts here in Washington, and the Arizona
Heart Foundation in Phoenix--to name only a few.
Furthermore, I have always been committed to and actively involved
with educational institutions in my community. At the request of
Cardinal Anthony Bevilacqua, for 5 years, I chaired Business Leaders
Organized for Catholic Schools, a Philadelphia-based organization which
raised money for scholarships for children attending Catholic schools.
I have also served on the boards of St. Joseph's University, Drexel
University, Harcum Junior College and Villanova University School of
Law.
I believe my civic activities and community involvement have given
me a keen appreciation for the interconnections between the public
sector and the private sector. I have learned that the whole becomes
greater than the sum of the parts and, when these two sectors work in
concert with one another, together they enrich the lives and the spirit
of the people in the community.
I would bring this experience and understanding to my new position
if I am confirmed as Ambassador to Austria. Public diplomacy programs
such as the Fulbright program and other academic, cultural, and
professional exchanges work on those same interconnections to increase
understanding and knowledge of the United States, not just government-
to-government, but people-to-people, across a variety of sectors.
I look forward to assuring a distinguished beginning to Ambassador
McCaw's initiative for a scholarship exchange program. This 10-year
program would use funds from the Austrian Marshall Plan Foundation for
Austrian and American exchange students to study at universities and
technical colleges in each other's country. If confirmed as ambassador,
I would support these programs so that the younger generation of
Austria would better understand the many values and goals we have in
common.
Mr. Chairman, Austria has a proud history and its capital, Vienna,
is a world-renowned cultural center. Today, Austria serves as an
exemplar of democracy, freedom, stability, and prosperity. Though a
small country, Austria has contributed to peacekeeping missions around
the world. For example, in southeastern Europe it has contributed
troops and assistance that are vital to the success of U.N. missions in
Kosovo and Bosnia. Austria has a contingent of peacekeepers in Chad as
part of the European Union mission there and it has assisted in aiding
victims of civil unrest in Darfur.
In this time of global insecurity, no issue is of more immediate
importance than our collaboration in the fight against international
terrorism and transnational crime. Austria is an active partner in this
fight. Austria has sent police instructors to the Iraqi Police Academy
in Jordan; has provided advisors in Afghanistan; and has deployed
peacekeepers to the Golan Heights as part of the U.N. mission there.
Together with the United States and the European Union, Austria
operated two counterterrorism-related training programs for countries
in Central Asia. If confirmed as ambassador, I would continue to press
for Austria's active participation in the Partnership for Peace and
would urge Austria to work with NATO whenever our interests converge.
Austria faces terrorist threats just as we do in the United States
and other democracies do. This is why we must work to forge strong ties
and fight this threat together. Austria has provided extensive
cooperation to United States law enforcement agencies and has supported
regional antiterrorism initiatives. If confirmed as ambassador, I would
work to strengthen information exchange and cooperation on
counterterrorism, and I would work to expand outreach to populations
vulnerable to radicalization and terrorist recruitment.
Mr. Chairman, this is a time of change in Austria. The European
Union's enlargement eastward has shifted Austria to the center of
Europe. Austria has strong historical and cultural ties with countries
to its south and east and sees a role for itself in helping countries
of these regions integrate successfully into an enlarged European
Union. The United States encourages that integration, which is
important to the stability of Europe as a whole.
Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee, Austria is
a solid friend in Europe. If I am confirmed as ambassador, I pledge to
use my experience as a leader and manager to build on the strong
relations our two countries have and to lead our United States mission
team in advancing America's interests and forging even closer ties
between the people of the United States and the people of Austria. I
look forward to this challenge and thank you for both this opportunity
to appear before you and the opportunity to serve my country.
In closing, I want to thank my wife, Connie, my best friend for
more than 35 years, for her continuing support and counsel and for her
enthusiasm with regard to this possible new venture in our lives.
I would be happy to answer any questions.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much for your comments.
Ms. Kristen Silverberg to be the United States
Representative to the European Union with the rank and status
of ambassador.
STATEMENT OF KRISTEN SILVERBERG, NOMINEE TO BE U.S.
REPRESENTATIVE TO THE EUROPEAN UNION
Dr. Silverberg. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the
committee.
I would like to introduce my mother, Rhoda Silverberg, my
father-in-law and mother-in-law, Judge Charles Ledow and Sue
Ledow, and my sisters-in-law, Renee Lerner Ledow and Alexandra
Ledow. Thank you for being here.
Mr. Chairman, I'm deeply honored to appear before you today
as President Bush's nominee to serve as United States
Representative to the European Union. I would like to begin by
thanking President Bush and Secretary Rice for their trust and
confidence in nominating me for this important position.
It has been my great privilege to serve for the last 3
years as Assistant Secretary of State for International
Organization Affairs and for the previous 4 years as a policy
advisor to the President.
For the last 60 years, our agenda with Europe has been
principally about Europe. From the passage of the Marshall
Plan, to the defeat of communism, to our support for new
democracies in Central and Eastern Europe, the United States
has worked to support a Europe that is free, prosperous, and
united, and while that work continues even today, Europe has
made tremendous strides.
Today, the 27 countries of the European Union form a single
market with, collectively, the largest economy in the world and
Europe's leaders are working to ensure that the European Union
has the will and the capacity to fulfill its responsibilities
as a global leader.
Indeed, today Europe is our leading partner in advancing
democracy and freedom around the globe. As we work to promote
democracy, confront terrorism, prevent the spread of weapons of
mass destruction, and defend human rights, we depend on what
President Bush has called a powerful and purposeful Europe that
advances the values of liberty within its borders and beyond.
With respect to countless global issues, the strength of
our partnership with the European Union will help determine
success or failure in the months and years ahead. Continued
United States-European Union cooperation will be necessary to
convince Iran to comply with four U.N. Security Council
resolutions. Cooperation will be necessary to lower regulatory
barriers and unleash our full economic potential with more
trade investment and innovation.
We must work together to negotiate an ambitious market
opening agreement in the DOHA Trade Round. We must together
encourage Russia to play a constructive role in the
international stage, improve human rights within its borders
and bring energy resources to market within a free and
competitive framework.
We must work to bring all major economies into a global
agreement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. We must work
together to support Israeli and Palestinian peace efforts. We
must strengthen Governments in Iraq and Afghanistan and support
a democracy in Lebanon as it resists foreign interference.
We must defeat HIV/AIDS and malaria and help developing
countries support their own development by promoting good
governance and responsible free market practices, and we must
join forces to defend human rights and promote democratic
reform in countries, like Burma and Zimbabwe and Cuba.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, if confirmed, I
look forward to working with the members and the staff of this
committee to strengthen our relationship with the leadership
and the people of the European Union for the benefit of both
sides of the Atlantic and the global community.
Thank you again for granting me the honor of appearing
before you today. I look forward to answering any questions.
[The prepared statement of Dr. Silverberg follows:]
Prepared Statement of Kristen Silverberg, Nominee to be the U.S.
Representative to the European Union With the Rank and Status of
Ambassador
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am deeply honored to
appear before you today as President Bush's nominee to serve as United
States Representative to the European Union. I would like to begin by
thanking President Bush and Secretary Rice for their trust and
confidence in nominating me for this important position. It has been my
great privilege to represent the United States for the last 3 years as
Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs and
for the previous 4 years as a policy advisor to the President.
For the last 60 years, our agenda with Europe has been principally
about Europe. From the passage of the Marshall Plan, to the defeat of
communism, to our support for new democracies in Central and Eastern
Europe, the United States has worked to support a Europe that is free,
united, and prosperous. And while that work continues even today,
especially as we support Kosovo's independence, Europe has made
tremendous strides. Today, the 27 countries of the European Union form
a single market with, collectively, the largest economy in the world,
and Europe's leaders are working to ensure that the European Union has
the will and capacity to fulfill its responsibilities as a global
leader.
Indeed, today, Europe is our leading partner in advancing freedom
and prosperity around the globe. As we work closely with Europe to
promote democracy and the rule of law, confront international
terrorism, prevent the spread of weapons of mass destruction, and
defend international human rights, we depend on what President Bush has
called ``a powerful and purposeful Europe that advances the values of
liberty within its borders, and beyond.''
With respect to countless global issues, the strength of our
partnership with the European Union will help determine success or
failure in the months and years ahead.
To prevent nuclear proliferation, continued United States-European
Union cooperation will be necessary to convince Iran to suspend
its enrichment and reprocessing activities as demanded by four
U.N. Security Council resolutions;
To strengthen our economies, we must work together to lower regulatory
barriers and unleash our full economic potential with more
trade, investment, and innovation; we must work to negotiate an
ambitious, market-opening agreement in the Doha trade round;
We must together encourage Russia to play a constructive role on the
international stage, improve human rights within its borders,
and bring its energy resources to markets within a free and
competitive framework;
To address climate change, we must work to bring all major economies
into a global agreement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions;
To advance peace in the Middle East, we should work together to support
Israeli and Palestinian peace efforts;
Standing together, we can strengthen Governments in Iraq and
Afghanistan against terrorist threats and support a democracy
in Lebanon as it resists foreign interference;
Working together, we must defeat HIV/AIDS and malaria, and help
developing countries support their own development by promoting
good governance and responsible free market practices;
And, we must join forces to defend human rights and promote democratic
reform in countries like Burma, Zimbabwe, and Cuba.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, on these and many
issues, our relationship with the European Union will continue to be
vital to our ability to support peace, stability, and prosperity.
If confirmed, I look forward to working with the members and staff
of this committee to strengthen our relationship with the leadership
and people of the European Union for the benefit of both sides of the
Atlantic and the global community.
Thank you again for granting me the honor of appearing before you
today. I look forward to answering any questions.
Senator Cardin. Well, thank you for your testimony. Again,
I thank all three of our nominees for their testimony here
today.
Ms. Silverberg, let me start with you, if I might. There's
a lot of issues concerning the United States and Europe, so you
have a very broad agenda. I think about the decision yesterday
on the appeal of the Boeing decision and, of course, there's a
longstanding dispute between the United States and Europe on
subsidies for the aircraft industry.
Both have filed claims with the WTO and there is, at least
in Congress, a concern as to whether the WTO is the forum in
which we can adequately present our claims. Our batting average
there has not been very strong. Add to that the DOHA Round that
you mentioned in which Europe basically underminded our ability
to move forward because of their policies on agriculture.
So I guess my question to you is how do you see your role
in trying to deal with the growing problems between Europe and
the United States on trade where we really seem to be at odds
in using adversarial procedures rather than trying to work out
our problems in a more amicable way?
Dr. Silverberg. Mr. Chairman, I think one thing that
distinguishes this DOHA Round from previous trade rounds is
that in fact the United States and Europe are much closer
together. In previous rounds the real heavy lifting was done
between the United States and Europe and once that agreement
was in place, the rest of the negotiations fell into place. In
this round, United States and Europe are actually relatively
close together and the real heavy lift is whether we'll be able
to persuade the major developing economies to come on board.
Now that's not to say that we don't have persistent
disagreements--we do--and as you point out in this DOHA Round,
we have Ag disagreements on level of subsidies and market
access issues on expert credits, but what we're finding in our
trading relationship with Europe is that the major obstacles
aren't the traditional high tariffs, it's regulatory barriers.
So it's things, regulation in Europe that prevents market
access because it's designed to protect health and safety or to
protect consumers.
That's the kind of thing we've seen with respect to GMOs
where, of course, we have an outstanding WTO favorable
decision. It's the kind of thing we've seen with respect to
poultry where we have a very serious pending disagreement with
the Europeans.
I think on all of these issues, our response is going to
require a number of different tools. Sometimes that will be a
negotiated settlement which is usually the preferable
situation. Sometimes that's going to be a WTO case. In most
cases, I don't think that WTO case indicates that our
relationship is broken down. It really more indicates that our
trading relationship is enormously complex.
If confirmed, I would work to press market access issues in
the strongest possible way.
Senator Cardin. Let me just observe, and I'm sure you are
aware of it, the negotiations between Europe and the United
States in trade has gotten more difficult in recent years.
I agree with you, historically,--well, we've had a lot of
battle with developing countries, but the agriculture issues
are only getting more complicated, considering the world
circumstances on food.
So I would just urge you to really place this as a high
priority area in trying to work out a better working
relationship between Europe and the United States.
Let me move to one other question, if I might, for you and
that is, the future of NATO as it relates to the efforts within
Europe to develop their own security system under the European
Union. Is this compatible or do you see that we may be in
conflict with our strategic needs?
Dr. Silverberg. I think it may be too early to tell. We've
said that we welcome a Europe that's ready and willing to
assume its greater role for international peace and security
and that there's a role for the European Union in that and so
we see European Union missions that we support in Chad which is
critical to help resolve the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. We
have a European Union mission in Afghanistan we strongly
support, but what we've said is that the ESDP should result in
more European resources for international peace and security.
We don't want to see the European Union in competition with
NATO over scarce resources, so we don't want to see an
overlapping bureaucracy in Brussels. We don't want to see the
kind of overlapping conflict between the two organizations.
We've called for what our current Ambassador to NATO, Troy
M. Newland, has called seamless cooperation. This is thankfully
an issue for the French presidency. President Sarkozy has taken
this seamless cooperation on as part of his agenda and so the
French will be hosting a conference this next month but that's
our general approach to the issue.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Mr. Girard-diCarlo, Austria has
been a close ally of the United States. We've had a very strong
relationship.
The popular view in Austria is against Turkey's admission
to the European Union. Our position has been that we want to
see the integration of Turkey within Europe.
How do you see your role as our ambassador to deal with
promoting the United States goal of further integration,
particularly of Turkey, in Europe?
Mr. Girard-diCarlo. Senator, I think that's a very
important issue. It is incumbent upon Embassy Vienna and, if
confirmed, I would use whatever energies I have to be applied
to this issue.
It is in part an educational issue. It is in part perhaps a
commercial issue. It's in part perhaps a religious issue. It's
complex. As I'm sure you know, Austria now has a significant
Muslim population which is not, from what I understand, being
integrated very successfully into its society and that causes
some problems.
So I think it would be incumbent on me as ambassador, if
I'm confirmed, to aggressively pursue educational informational
views so that I can help promote the interests of the United
States and the interests of a global and stable Europe and
without Turkey's participation in that, I think we would be
encumbered somewhat and Europe would be encumbered somewhat.
So I would look forward to every opportunity that I have to
not only inform and maybe influence but certainly engage the
Austrians on this issue.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Let me ask Mr. Culbertson. Let
me--the Netherlands is one of our strongest trading partners,
significant investment back and forth between our countries. We
share a lot of common goals.
There are some concerns developing within the Netherlands
in regard to its policies related to minorities. There seems
like there is a growing intolerance within--concerning the
minority community, and I would just like to get your
observations as to how high a priority that's going to be, if
you're confirmed, in dealing with the respect for the minority
population.
There's a Muslim population in the Netherlands that's
having difficulties, Jewish population. There's been a rise in
anti-Semitism within the Netherlands, and how this will be on
your radar screen.
Mr. Culbertson. Mr. Chairman, that would certainly be one
of the top three priorities. They have had a--we've had a
minority immigration problem, I guess, for several hundred
years. They've had this problem for around 30 years.
I understand they have the second largest Muslim minority
in Europe percentagewise. They're 60 percent now. There's a lot
of hostility there. They haven't, as of this point, done a
great job in integrating that society, assimilating that
society.
We have, on the other hand, developed an outstanding
outreach program to the Muslim community from our embassy. I
think the prior ambassador has done a good job in a good
outreach start. I certainly want to continue that, continue a
dialog with the leaders of the Muslim community, the young
folks, just the key leaders.
By the way, the latest polls, I think, show that 62 percent
of the Muslims have a very unfavorable view of the United
States. Perhaps if we can find out the common interests and
correct some of the incorrect viewpoints and try to deal with
some issues that are more irreconcilable, it will help the
Muslims and the Dutch even come to better terms.
We can talk about our long struggle with civil rights in
this country as well as our immigration problems and the ways
we've dealt with it and sometimes the ways we haven't properly
dealt with it, but it's an ongoing thing and I would--I
understand public diplomacy has made the Netherlands a pilot
country for even more outreach in the Muslim community and I'm
looking forward to doing everything I can to be part of that
program and lead it and see that it's successful.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Senator Lugar.
Senator Lugar. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. In the
interest of time, I'm not going to ask questions of each of the
three because I know we have pressures of potential Roll Call
votes and other witnesses to hear.
I would like to second the chairman's thought that the
intersection of the world food crisis and the world energy
crisis has a dramatic impact on the United States and our
European allies. It is clear we must work together to solve
these crises.
Certainly our farm subsidies are controversial, the
Europeans likewise. Frequently in our Agriculture Committee
meetings, Senators say we're not going to unilaterally disarm
and discontinue subsidies here in the United States. The United
States and European subsidies are disastrous for the world in
light of dangers of food shortages.
Exacerbating this problem is a specific European problem
and that is genetically modified seed. It will be virtually
impossible, despite all the brave talk about increasing
production in the world, for the world to increase production
without the use of technology. We have found in American
agriculture that we are able to triple and quadruple yields in
our lifetimes in corn and soybeans and wheat and other crops,
largely through these breakthroughs.
Europeans in most cases have resisted this. I think this is
a protectionist device against our exports, but this influences
many countries in Africa and in Asia as almost a theological
resistance to genetically modified seeds.
Now, the net result is even in Switzerland, the Financial
Times says in the last couple of days, that people raided a
facility in which experiments on genetically modified organisms
were occurring just to exemplify their antipathy to this.
Now normally we talk about relationships with Russia, with
China, with the European Union and so forth. This is a gut
issue with regard to the possibilities that a lot of people are
going to starve if we are not successful in convincing
Europeans to work with us in this area. It will be a very tough
one because emotion is running against us, both on subsidy as
well as the genetically modified seeds.
But I wish each of you well and you're all well qualified
in my judgment. I appreciate your willingness to serve our
country in these capacities. I wanted to take this opportunity
to say if we're serious and we must be about the world food
crisis, it will not be solved without European and United
States cooperation.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Menendez.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me
congratulate you all on your nominations and your willingness
to serve the country. I appreciate it and I think everyone
spoke very highly about you.
I do have one question for Ms. Silverberg, two actually.
One is I appreciate your statement. At the end of a long list,
you talked about human rights and promoting democracy and you
mentioned several countries.
As we speak, the European Union is thinking about what it
will do as it relates to Cuba. I certainly hope that if you are
successful in being confirmed by the Senate, that you will put
that high on the agenda. It's a challenge. The Europeans don't
necessarily have the same views as us. They espouse that they
believe in democracy and human rights for the people of Cuba
but they have a much different way of approaching it and so I
hope that you will put that not only on your radar screen but
that you'll use the power of your office in a significant way
to promote both the administration's and to this point, the
majority of the Congress's views in that regard.
I do have a question and that is, with reference to the
Middle East: It seems to us, many of us, that we don't quite
understand why United States policy choices seem to differ
often with the Europeans, even though we have largely the same
goals, and yet we seem to come out in very different ways on
how to pursue those goals.
I'm wondering how is it that you assess the United States-
European Union cooperation toward the Middle East, where are
our differences, and how do we narrow those differences to
pursue a common goal?
Dr. Silverberg. Thank you, Senator. First, I can assure you
that if confirmed, Cuba and pressing human rights in Cuba would
be a fundamental priority for my mission. It's been a priority
in my current post and we agree strongly that this is the wrong
time to send that kind of message to the Cuban Government, that
it has somehow removed itself from the list of concerns of the
international community.
President Bush pressed this issue very strongly in his
visit to Europe last week, and so we hope that the European
Union will not take that position and we've been glad to see
some European countries and particularly former Soviet bloc
countries, the ones with the most recent experience with a
repressive government, taking the most responsible line on
that.
On the Middle East, there are disagreements, of course,
between us and the European Union and there may be a lot of
reasons for that. They've had a different approach with respect
to engagement with the Syrian Government than we have had. We
have a closer bilateral relationship with Israel, I think it's
fair to say, but we do cooperate, I think, constructively
across the board on the Middle East peace process. We both
agree on the importance of the bilateral negotiations. We agree
on the importance of building Palestinian institutions. We
agree on building regional support for the process, and I think
the European Union was strongly supportive of the Annapolis
process.
We support--we've cooperated on Iran, very successfully
producing four Security Council resolutions, working with the
Europeans as part of this P5+1 exchange. We've worked very
closely with the French in particular on Lebanon which isn't to
say we've agreed on every tactical issue but on the whole,
we've had very good cooperation, and I think even on Iraq where
I think we had the greatest amount of disagreement, we've moved
closer together in terms of encouraging the European Union to
take on some of the important rule of law activities and other
things.
So generally, I am reasonably optimistic. There will be
disagreements, but I think we can work within a broader
framework.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Senator DeMint.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES DeMINT,
U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH CAROLINA
Senator DeMint. Thank you, Senator Cardin, and I want to
thank all three of you for your willingness to serve as well,
and I'll just maybe make just a quick challenge to Ms.
Silverberg and let you have a quick response.
The tie between the United States and Europe is much
stronger on the economic level and more positive than political
and I really think that's the long-term bond that's going to
keep us as strong trading partners and allies.
My hope is, is that, you will use every opportunity to
promote free trade zone between the United States and Europe,
overcome barriers, such as Senator Lugar was talking about, but
I do believe we can set a model for the world since Europe and
the United States are closest on a lot of their just
humanitarian interests and environmental interests and I just
think that's real important for our country.
I know from having a number of European companies in our
State, that even when we're squabbling with the French or the
Germans on the political side, we're great friends and business
partners when it comes to doing business around the world.
So I just see that as the tie that binds long term and I
hope you see that as a priority going forward.
Dr. Silverberg. Senator, I do, and if confirmed, it would
be essential to continue to break down trade barriers,
especially on Ag, but really across the board, and I know that
the administration has taken this on as part of the
TransAtlantic Economic Council discussions and it will continue
to be a high priority.
Senator DeMint. Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Let me thank our three nominees for their
response to our questions. We will now turn to the second
panel. Thank you all very much.
While we're setting up for the second panel, let me
announce that there's anticipated votes on the Senate floor
starting in about 10 minutes. Senator Menendez and I will
attempt to keep the committee in session during that period of
time by us rotating voting, if that is possible, in order not
to inconvenience the witnesses and those who are in the
committee room.
Senator DeMint. Senator Cardin----
Senator Cardin. Yes?
Senator DeMint [continuing]. Could I ask consent to submit
my formal statement for the record?
Senator Cardin. Absolutely. Without objection, your
statement will be made part of the record.
[The prepared statement of Senator DeMint follows:]
Senator Cardin. On this panel, we do have five nominees for
ambassadorships with European countries. The first nominee that
we will hear from will be Mr. John R. Beyrle to be Ambassador
to the Russian Federation.
Mr. Beyrle has already been introduced by Senator Levin.
Let me just tell you that I was humbled and impressed by
the story of your father, a true hero, and I thank Senator
Levin for sharing that with us, and thank you for your public
service, all of you.
STATEMENT OF JOHN R. BEYRLE, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE
RUSSIAN FEDERATION
Mr. Beyrle. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman and members
of the committee.
I'd like to recognize, if I could, members of my family. My
father- and mother-in-law, Kenneth and Ann Greene, and my
daughter, Allison, who are here with me today. And I'd also
like to thank Senator Levin for honoring the memory of my
father and mother with his kind words. Thanks to him, I feel
like they're here with us today, as well.
Mr. Chairman, I have a longer statement that I'd request be
entered into the record.
Senator Cardin. Without objection, all of your statements
will be entered into the record.
Mr. Beyrle. I'm honored to appear before you today as
President Bush's nominee to be the next U.S. Ambassador to the
Russian Federation. I, too, am grateful for the confidence and
trust expressed in me by the President and Secretary Rice
through this nomination and, if confirmed, I will do my utmost
to advance and defend American interests in Russia and I look
forward to consulting and cooperating closely with the
committee, with its staff, in pursuit of the goals of the
United States.
Mr. Chairman, I have to say it's a special pleasure for me
to be back in Dirksen 419 where I spent so many hours as a
Pearson Fellow on the staff of Senator Paul Simon in the 101st
Congress. When I see Bertie on the job here, I know that we're
in very good hands, indeed.
I've now spent over three decades of my life studying,
working, and living in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, and in
Russia, and I believe, thanks to that, that I've gained a broad
range of experience that relates directly to the challenges and
the opportunities that I would face if confirmed.
I made my first trip to Russia as a somewhat younger
university student in Leningrad in 1976, after 4 years of
studying Russia at college in Michigan. I spent 2002 to 2005 as
deputy chief of mission at our mission in Russia, but my first
posting to the U.S. Embassy was 25 years ago. Obviously the
world has been transformed since then. No longer are the United
States and the Soviet Union pitted in that ideological and
military confrontation of the cold war.
Our bilateral relationship has experienced great changes
over these years and I would say the world is a safer place in
large part for those changes. Today, our relationship is much
more complex, including elements of strategic cooperation and
areas where we have sharp differences.
As much as things have changed, however, I think important
elements remain the same. Russia remains a great power. The
largest country in the world, Russia's attitudes and influence
matter in almost every issue of importance to America, whether
we're talking about the fight against global terrorism,
nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction, or strategic
and regional issues involving North Korea, Iran, or the Middle
East.
The United States recognizes the shared challenges that our
two countries face and we will seek to cooperate with the
Government of Russia whenever and wherever possible because we
will always achieve much more with Russia's cooperation than we
will without it.
This principle was spelled out in the Strategic Framework
Declaration announced by Presidents Bush and Putin in Sochi in
April. A roadmap for the way forward in United States-Russian
relations, the Declaration states that the two countries will
work together to promote security, prevent the spread of
weapons of mass destruction, combat terrorism, and advance
economic cooperation.
In less than two decades, we built a strong record of
concrete cooperative achievements in these areas. For example,
under the Cooperative Threat Reduction Program, the United
States has helped Russia improve physical security at chemical,
biological, and nuclear research production and storage
facilities. The United States has helped Russia dispose of
fissile materials through the agreement. Material from
dismantled warheads is being downblended into nuclear fuel used
in the United States.
Senator Lugar, thank you for your leadership in that from
the very start.
United States-Russia trade is growing. It totals now nearly
$27 billion. There are many other examples and I think the
United States and Russia can point to those examples and should
point to these achievements with pride.
At the same time, our desire to strengthen our relations
with Russia and our desire to see a democratic and a strong
Russia as a constructive influence in world affairs means that
we must be honest and open about the areas in which we have
disagreements or in which we have concerns about Russia's
development.
The President and Secretary Rice have been forthright about
these issues in their public statements and their discussions
with Russian leaders. They include concerns about trends that
are moving Russia away from a stronger democratic future,
weakening the institutions of civil society and endangering the
sustainability of economic growth.
We've seen opposition political parties and supporters
facing increased restrictions. Nongovernmental organizations
and the media have been subject to pressure, harassment, and
sometimes violence. Problems with corruption and the rule of
law persist in ways that hinder the operation of foreign
businesses and dampen the investment climate.
We are also very concerned about Russia's relations with
its closest neighbors. While we appreciate the great influence
that Russia has in the world, we would like to see Russian
leaders exercise that influence in a way that does not increase
regional tensions but contributes to peace and stability.
Russia's long-term interests are best served by having
strong sovereign and prospering neighbors and by energy
dealings in which the terms are transparent, market-driven, and
mutually beneficial.
Mr. Chairman, the United States has a strong stake in
Russia's success. However, that success, as Russian President
Dmitry Medvedev recently acknowledged, can be built only upon a
foundation of democratic and free market reforms. These reforms
are in Russia's own interests and we remain committed to
working with the Russian people and their leaders to implement
them.
If confirmed, Mr. Chairman, I plan to build on the
excellent work of my distinguished predecessor, Ambassador Bill
Burns, to expand the cooperation we've already undertaken with
the Government of Russia and to speak honestly and
constructively with Russian leaders when we encounter areas of
disagreement.
If confirmed, I believe that my experience in and knowledge
of Russia, its history, culture, people, and language, will
enable me to be an effective advocate for United States foreign
policy interests.
I thank you for the honor of appearing before this
committee and look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Beyrle follows:]
Prepared Statement of John R. Beyrle, Nominee
to be Ambassador to the Russian Federation
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today as President Bush's nominee to be the next United
States Ambassador to Russia. I am grateful for the confidence and trust
expressed in me by the President and Secretary Rice through this
nomination. If confirmed, I will do my utmost to advance and defend
American interests in Russia, and look forward to consulting and
cooperating closely with the committee and its staff, and with your
colleagues in Congress, in pursuit of those goals.
It's a special pleasure to be back here in Dirksen 419, where I
spent so many hours during the 101st Congress as a Pearson fellow on
the staff of the late Senator Paul Simon.
've now spent over three decades studying, working, and living in
Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, and in Russia. I believe I have
gained a broad range of experience related directly to the challenges
and opportunities I would face if confirmed for this position.
I made my first trip to Russia as a university student in Leningrad
in 1976, after 4 years of studying Russian in college. In the late
1970s, I spent almost 3 years traveling to dozens of cities across the
USSR on American cultural exhibitions organized by the U.S. Information
Agency. I spent 2002 to 2005 as deputy chief of our mission in Russia,
but my first tour at the United States Embassy in Moscow was 25 years
ago. The world has been transformed since then. Most importantly, no
longer are the United States and the Soviet Union pitted in the
ideological and military confrontation of the cold war. Our bilateral
relationship has experienced great change in these years, and the world
is a safer place for those changes. Today our relationship is much more
complex, including elements of strategic cooperation, and areas where
we have sharp differences.
As much as things have changed, however, important elements remain
the same. Russia remains a great power. The largest country in the
world, the Russian Federation enjoys enormous global influence. It is
the only nuclear power comparable to the United States, and the world's
largest producer of hydrocarbons. As a permanent member of the United
Nations Security Council, Russia's attitudes and influence matter in
almost every issue of importance to America, whether the fight against
global terrorism, nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction, or
strategic and regional issues involving North Korea, Iran, or the
Middle East.
The United States recognizes the shared challenges that our
countries face. We seek to cooperate with the Government of Russia
wherever possible, because we will always achieve much more with
Russia's cooperation than without it. This principle was spelled out in
the Strategic Framework Declaration announced by Presidents Bush and
Putin at Sochi in April. A roadmap for the way forward in United
States-Russian relations, the declaration states that the two countries
will work together to promote security, prevent the spread of weapons
of mass destruction, combat terrorism, and advance economic
cooperation. In less than two decades, we have built a strong record of
concrete, cooperative achievements in these areas. For example, under
the 20-year-old Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty, together we have
eliminated an entire category of our nuclear weapons. Under the
Cooperative Threat Reduction program, the United States has helped
Russia improve physical security at chemical, biological, and nuclear
research, production, and storage facilities. The United States has
helped Russia dispose of fissile material through the agreement--
material from dismantled warheads is being down-blended into nuclear
fuel used in the United States. Two Russian plutonium-production
reactors have recently been shut down and will be replaced by fossil
fuel plants with United States assistance. United States-Russia trade
is growing, totaling nearly $27 billion last year. United States
companies and their foreign subsidiaries have invested more than $16
billion in Russia, and Russian companies have invested more than $5
billion in the United States since 2000. Both Russia and the United
States can and should point to such achievements with pride--and use
them as benchmarks for future progress.
At the same time, our desire to strengthen our relations with
Russia--and to see a democratic and strong Russia as a constructive
influence in world affairs--means that we must be open and honest about
the areas in which we have disagreements, or concerns about Russia's
development. Both the President and Secretary Rice have been forthright
about these issues in their public statements and their discussions
with Russian leaders. They include concerns about trends that are
moving Russia away from a stronger democratic future, weakening the
institutions of civil society, and endangering the sustainability of
economic growth. We have seen opposition political parties and
supporters facing increased restrictions. Nongovernmental organizations
and the media have been subject to pressure, harassment, and sometimes
violence. Problems with corruption and the rule of law persist in ways
that hinder the operation of foreign businesses and dampen the
investment climate. Freedom for civil society to operate and for
citizens to express their political will is vital to the democratic
development of any country, but especially a country as influential as
Russia.
We are also very concerned about Russia's relations with its
closest neighbors. While we appreciate the great influence Russia has
in the world, we would like to see Russian leaders exercise that
influence in a way that does not increase regional tensions, but
contributes to peace and stability. Russia's long-term interests are
best served by having strong, sovereign, prospering neighbors, and by
energy dealings in which the terms are transparent, market-driven, and
mutually beneficial.
The United States has a strong stake in Russia's success. However,
that success, as Russian President Dmitry Medvedev recently
acknowledged, can be built only upon a foundation of democratic and
free market reforms. These reforms are in Russia's own interest, and we
remain committed to working with the Russian people and their leaders
to implement them.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed I will build upon the excellent work of
my predecessor, Ambassador William Burns, to expand the cooperation we
have already undertaken with the Government of the Russian Federation,
and to speak plainly with Russian leaders when we encounter areas of
disagreement. We will work to implement the roadmap of the Strategic
Framework Declaration, including cooperation in the field of nuclear
energy and nonproliferation; the expansion of Russian-American
commercial ties and the integration of Russia into global economic
institutions; the struggle against terrorism and transnational crime;
and the encouragement of the development of democratic institutions,
rule of law, and a vibrant civil society in Russia.
Mr. Chairman, these are but a few of the many challenges and
opportunities that define the relationship between the United States
and Russia today. If confirmed, I believe that my experience in and
knowledge of Russia, its history, culture, people, and language will
enable me to be an effective advocate for the United States foreign
policy interests. Thank you for the honor of appearing before you
today, and for considering my nomination.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much. We'll now turn to Mr.
Asif Chaudhry to be Ambassador of the Republic of Moldova.
STATEMENT OF ASIF J. CHAUDHRY, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE
REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA
Mr. Chaudhry. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. If I may, I would
like to introduce my family. My wife, Charla Chaudhry, my
daughter, Brianna Chaudhry, and my son, Rishan Chaudhry. Thank
you.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an honor
and a privilege to appear before you today as the President's
nominee to be the Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova. I
deeply appreciate the confidence and trust President Bush and
Secretary Rice have placed in me. If confirmed, I look forward
to working closely with Congress to promote United States
interests in Moldova.
Mr. Chairman, the United States is a strong partner with
Moldova as it continues along the path of building viable
democratic institutions and a free market economic system.
While Moldova has made tremendous strides toward achieving
these objectives, the country has faced serious challenges
along this path.
I would like to take a moment today to focus on four United
States priority interests with Moldova that are directly linked
with these challenges.
First and foremost, the United States objective in Moldova
is to help strengthen its democratic institutions, such that
the citizens of that country can have faith in its political
system. I believe that a democratic system supported by a free
media is an essential element in facilitating Moldova's
integration with the EuroAtlantic community.
The second priority area is keeping Moldova on the path of
economic reform and development and making sure that the
government consistently implements the laws on economic reform
that are being passed by the country's Parliament.
Since corruption remains a major obstacle to sustained
economic growth and development, the Millennium Challenge
Corporation has implemented a $24.7 million threshold program
to support Moldova's fight against corruption and is reviewing
a $518 million Compact proposal that will focus on positive
economic growth.
The issue that presents the most serious challenge to
achieving the first two objectives is the unresolved conflict
in Transnistria. The United States is committed to a resolution
of this issue that guarantees Moldova's territorial integrity
and includes the withdrawal of Russian soldiers. This is a key
to establishing Moldova's sovereignty over all its territory.
If confirmed, I will make this a major part of my mission
as Ambassador to Moldova.
The fourth area of priority interest for the United States
is the issue of transporter crime and the tragic prevalence of
trafficking in persons. Better controls over its border and
economic prosperity within the country, along with a more
concerted effort to fight domestic corruption, will do much to
assist Moldova's struggle to protect its citizens, especially
women and young girls, from being exploited.
If confirmed, I will urge the recently-appointed Prime
Minister Greceanii to fulfill her commitment to fight crime,
especially discourage of trafficking persons.
Mr. Chairman, as Moldova is strategically located at the
border of the European Union, it is important for us to engage
its leadership on these key areas of interest. It is worth
mentioning that in spite of these serious issues, Moldova has
made noticeable strides in economic and political development.
It is a friendly country where the United States enjoys
considerable influence. It deserves our support and
encouragement.
Before concluding, I would like to once again take the
opportunity, Mr. Chairman, to thank my wife and children for
all the sacrifices they make as we move from country to country
as a result of my commitment to serve our country around the
globe.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to share my
thoughts. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you
closely to advance the interests of the United States in
Moldova.
Thank you, sir.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Chaudhry follows:]
Prepared Statement of Asif J. Chaudhry, Nominee
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an honor and a
privilege to appear before you today as the President's nominee to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Moldova. I deeply appreciate the
confidence and trust that President Bush and Secretary Rice have placed
in me. If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with Congress to
promote United States interests in Moldova.
I am a career Foreign Service officer with the Foreign Agricultural
Service (FAS) of the United States Department of Agriculture. I am
currently assigned as the Deputy Administrator of FAS, in charge of the
Office of Global Analysis. I have spent most of my career working on
issues dealing with international trade, market reforms, and developing
economic infrastructure in Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union
countries. As the Agricultural Attache at the United States Embassy in
Warsaw, Poland, in the early 1990s, I was fortunate to have been a part
of United States Government efforts to establish rural infrastructure
that was key to the successful transition of its economy to a new
direction.
As the Agricultural Counselor in Moscow Russia during 1996-1999, I
was involved in implementing one of the largest ever United States
Government commodity assistance programs that helped protect a $1
billion dollar market for U.S. agricultural products. During this time,
I also had the opportunity to support United States efforts to reform
parts of the Ukrainian agriculture sector. During my most recent
overseas assignment as the Minister Counselor for Agricultural Affairs
in Cairo, Egypt (2002-2006), I was fortunate to have negotiated the
removal of several trade barriers and restrictions on United States
exports in a number of countries in the Middle East including Egypt,
Lebanon, Jordan, and Israel. If confirmed, I hope that my extensive
leadership experience in working in economies in transition toward a
free market system, especially in the former Soviet Union countries,
and my commitment to the United States values of freedom and democracy
will make me an effective representative of the United States and
Ambassador to Moldova.
The United States is a strong partner with Moldova as it attempts
to deepen its democratic reforms at home and integrate with Europe. The
United States has an excellent relationship with President Voronin,
Prime Minister Greceanii, and other senior officials in the Moldovan
Government. We support those in Moldova who are firmly committed to
democratic principles and to sound economic policies. I would like to
take a moment today to focus on the four United States priority
interests with Moldova: first, democracy; second, economic development;
third, the frozen conflict in Transnistria; and fourth, transborder
crime and, in particular, trafficking in persons.
first: democracy
Moldova will hold parliamentary elections in the spring of 2009 and
the new parliament will elect the next President. The previous
parliamentary elections in 2005, as well as June 2007 local elections,
were judged by independent observers to be generally free and well
administered. Both elections, however, fell short of meeting all
standards central to a genuinely competitive election. The United
States will be closely monitoring the 2009 campaign and election to
encourage Moldova to meet all international election commitments. If
confirmed, I will be personally involved in trying to ensure free and
fair elections. Moldovan Government influence over and restrictions on
the media remain a key concern as we look ahead to the elections. It is
regrettable that overall media freedom has deteriorated in Moldova,
according to international NGOs that monitor media practices. Freedom
House, for example, rated the country's media as ``not free'' for the
past 4 years. Corruption is another serious obstacle to good governance
in Moldova. It undermines Moldovan citizens' faith in their democratic
institutions and impedes Moldova's modernization.
second: economic development
Despite sustained economic growth, Moldova remains one of Europe's
poorest countries, with many of its citizens working abroad, not being
able to find adequate opportunities at home. Moldova still lacks an
adequate investment climate and needs to take a more concerted approach
to economic reform. If confirmed, I plan on working with Moldova on
these pressing issues. Additionally, Moldova remains dependent on
Russia for its energy supplies and as the primary market for its
exports, both of which Russia has disrupted in recent years. It is
important that Moldova employ sound policies to diversify its economic
base and also take advantage of help and cooperation from other
countries to sustain growth and find new markets.
Cooperation with Moldova on the Millennium Challenge Corporation's
(MCC) Threshold Country Program has been very good. Corruption is a
principal constraint to economic growth and saps confidence in the
government. The $24.7 million Threshold Program administered by USAID
is designed to help Moldova combat corruption in government
institutions and improve transparency and accountability. As of the
latest quarterly report in March 2008, the program met all performance
targets. Moldova submitted its MCC Compact Program proposal in February
2008. The proposal requests $518 million in assistance for road and
irrigation system rehabilitation, a transition to high-value
agriculture, energy sector rehabilitation, and support for the
development of rural primary health care. It is now under review by
MCC, which is examining the proposed components to ensure they will
have positive rates of return as well as the size of the funding
request.
third: transnistria
The United States is committed to a resolution of the Transnistria
conflict that guarantees Moldova's sovereignty and territorial
integrity. I am convinced that this long-standing conflict can and
should be resolved. The United States remains committed to the 5+2
process, involving the Moldovan and Transnistrian sides, the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Russia, and
Ukraine, with the European Union and the United States serving as
active observers. Despite the best efforts of many, including the
Finnish Chairmanship of the OSCE, the 5+2 talks have not made progress
on core settlement issues, like the future status of the Transnistrian
region or the withdrawal of the Russian peacekeeping presence. Recent,
informal discussions among the 5+2 parties have focused on confidence-
building initiatives that seek to create favorable conditions for
resumption of formal settlement talks, and have shown some progress. I
am encouraged by the Finnish OSCE Chairman in Office's commitment to
resolving the conflict and intend to do what I can to move an
acceptable solution forward. In this vein, if confirmed, I intend to
follow the example set by Ambassador Kirby and reach out actively to
all parts of Moldova, including the Transnistria region, to show the
interest and support of the United States in Moldova's future as a
united country.
The United States and NATO allies have for more than 8 years urged
Russia to fulfill its 1999 OSCE Istanbul Summit commitments relating to
withdrawal of Russian military forces and facilities from Moldova and
Georgia. NATO allies have made clear that fulfillment of those
commitments is essential for us to complete ratification of the Adapted
Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (the Adapted CFE Treaty).
In fall 2007, the United States developed, and NATO allies endorsed, a
creative package proposal for parallel actions on fulfillment of
remaining Istanbul commitments by Russia, and ratification of the
Adapted CFE Treaty by NATO Allies. That package, which has the support
of the Government of Moldova, is still under discussion. The ideas set
out in the package concerning Russian withdrawal from Moldova are among
the most contentious with Moscow. We will remain in close contact with
Moldovan authorities as those talks go forward. The United States
regards the presence of Russian forces on Moldovan soil, without
Moldova's consent, as a violation of the basic principle--contained in
the CFE Treaty--that countries should be able to choose whether or not
to allow foreign forces on their territory.
fourth: transborder crime and trafficking in persons
Criminal networks that illicitly transport contraband goods, drugs,
counterfeit currency, and people are active in Eastern Europe. The
United States Government provides considerable training to Moldovan law
enforcement agencies or officials to help combat transborder crime. We
are particularly worried about trafficking in persons. Moldova is a
major source country for trafficking in women and girls for the purpose
of sexual exploitation. Labor trafficking of men to work in Russia is
increasingly a problem, as well. The government's lack of visible
follow-up to allegations of government officials complicit in
trafficking in persons is a serious concern. The State Department's
Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons downgraded Moldova
to Tier 3 on June 4, finding that the government does not fully comply
with minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking and is not
making significant efforts to do so. Prime Minister Greceanii, who
recently took office as Prime Minister, has stated that she is serious
about combating trafficking in all forms. If confirmed as ambassador, I
will urge the Prime Minister to make good on these intentions,
particularly in addressing the alleged complicity of some government
officials in trafficking.
in conclusion
Moldova is a country that continues to make strides in its economic
and political development. It is a friendly country where the United
States enjoys considerable influence. It deserves our support and
encouragement.
Mr. Chairman, I thank you again for the opportunity to share my
thoughts about the relationship with Moldova. If confirmed, I look
forward to working with you closely, and would welcome the opportunity
to host you and other members of Congress in Chisinau.
I would be happy to answer any questions you may have.
Senator Cardin. Well, thank you very much for your
testimony, and we'll now turn to Ms. Tina Kaidanow to be
Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo.
STATEMENT OF TINA KAIDANOW, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO KOSOVO
Ms. aidanow. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. If I
might, I'd like to introduce my parents, Howard and Esther
Kaidanow, who are here today and residents of the great State
of Maryland.
Senator Cardin. Take as much time as you want. [Laughter.]
Ms. aidanow. That's what I was aiming for. Thank you very
much.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it's a privilege to
appear before you today as the President's nominee to be the
first United States Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo. I'm
honored by the trust placed in me by President Bush and
Secretary Rice, but success in achieving our goals in Kosovo
and the region will depend on close consultation with this
committee and with others in Congress.
As you recall, Mr. Chairman, it took a NATO military
intervention in 1999 to compel the Serbian Dictator Slobodan
Milosevic to withdraw his security forces from Kosovo and end
the systematic violence of his regime against Kosovo's civilian
population.
In the aftermath of that conflict, the U.N. Security
Council decided to remove Kosovo from Belgrade's governance and
the U.N. mission in Kosovo was established to help Kosovo
recover from war and build its own institutions of democratic
self-government.
The United States supported U.N.-facilitated efforts
beginning in 2005 to determine the ultimate political status of
Kosovo. After months of negotiations between Belgrade and
Pristina, U.N. Special Envoy Maarti Ahtisaari produced a set of
detailed provisions designed to facilitate Kosovo's development
into a stable multiethnic society.
Ahtisaari also recommended that Kosovo become independent,
subject to a period of international supervision.
The United States supported these recommendations which
offered Kosovo and its neighbors the best opportunity to move
beyond the conflicts of the past.
In its first 4 months of independence, Kosovo has made
significant progress in implementing the Ahtisaari protections
for its minorities. The Kosovo Assembly has adopted 40 new laws
needed to implement the Ahtisaari plan and has approved a new
constitution that meets the highest democratic standards.
There are still, of course, many, many challenges ahead. In
particular, Belgrade's opposition to independence as well as
its overt policy of promoting ethnic separation in Kosovo, has
created a serious threat to stability.
Nevertheless, we believe strongly that the resolution of
Kosovo's status has opened the door for Kosovo to assume
responsibility for its future and for the well-being of its
people.
To do this, Kosovo will need help. The European Union has
rightly stepped up to provide the bulk of assistance to the new
state and we will encourage Europe to continue to play this
leading role. Active U.S. engagement, however, will remain
essential.
The United States is helping to strengthen Kosovo's
economy, promote democratic governance, and bolster civil
society with a special emphasis on programs that benefit
Kosovo's ethnic minorities.
Perhaps the single greatest United States priority in
Kosovo is to foster a multiethnic society in which the rights,
security, and culture of Kosovo's ethnic minorities and
particularly the Serb minority are firmly protected.
In the last 2 years, the United States Government has built
infrastructure in Serb communities, advocated on behalf of Serb
concerns, and encouraged Kosovo's Government to provide
political and financial backing for sustainable Serb returns to
Kosovo.
Protecting the holy sites of the Serbian Orthodox Church
has also been a major goal for us.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, the success of
Kosovo is in the United States interests. A strong and focused
United States approach in tandem with our European partners
remains absolutely fundamental to progress in Kosovo and the
region. We and the people of Kosovo have everything to gain
from this kind of active collaboration.
Thank you again for this opportunity to appear before the
committee, and I look forward to answering any questions that
you have.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Kaidanow follows:]
Prepared Statement of Tina S. Kaidanow, Nominee
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is a privilege to appear
before you today as the President's nominee to be the first United
States Ambassador to the Republic of Kosovo. I am honored by the trust
placed in me by President Bush and Secretary Rice at this decisive
moment for the people of Kosovo. Success in achieving our goals in
Kosovo and the region will depend on close consultation with this
committee and with others in Congress. If I may, I would like to say a
special thanks to my parents, who are here today. Both of them came to
the United States many years ago as immigrants, and they could not be
prouder to see their daughter serve the country they love so much.
Kosovo's historic declaration of independence on February 17 marked
the end of Yugoslavia's nonconsensual collapse, one of the most tragic
chapters of European history since World War II. During this period,
United States policy in southeast Europe has been consistent. President
George H.W. Bush, President Clinton and President George W. Bush have
had a single vision for Europe since the fall of communism in 1989: a
continent whole, free, and at peace. To implement this vision in
Southeast Europe, we have acted to end wars, build multiethnic
tolerance and bring the entire region closer to the Euro-Atlantic
family of democracies.
For the last 14 years, many of my assignments in the Foreign
Service have dealt with the conflicts and problems caused by the break
up of the former Yugoslavia. In Serbia, Bosnia, and now in Kosovo as
Charge d'Affaires ad interim, I have witnessed the trauma of war and
the power of U.S. involvement in bringing peace to the region and
sustaining that peace. I traveled to Kosovo repeatedly during the
conflict years of the late 1990s, and I later participated in the 1999
Rambouillet peace conference, as the international community tried to
find a way out of the crisis and obtain Belgrade's agreement to end its
destructive and abusive policies in Kosovo. Kosovo's recent history--
and the key United States role in it--is in many ways personal for me.
As you recall, Mr. Chairman, it took a NATO military intervention
in 1999 to compel the Serbian dictator Slobodan Milosevic to withdraw
his security forces from Kosovo. In the aftermath, the U.N. Security
Council decided to remove Kosovo from Belgrade's governance and the
U.N. Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo was established to help
govern and develop it. Under U.N. guidance, Kosovo gradually recovered
from war and built its own institutions of democratic self-government.
The United States supported U.N.-facilitated efforts that began in
2005 to determine the political status of Kosovo. After months of
negotiations between Belgrade and Pristina, U.N. Special Envoy Martti
Ahtisaari produced a set of recommendations for Kosovo's future. These
proposals--the ``Ahtisaari Plan''--provided a comprehensive blueprint
for Kosovo's development into a stable, multiethnic society on its way
to integration in the Euro-Atlantic community. Special Envoy Ahtisaari
also recommended that Kosovo become independent, subject to a period of
international supervision. The United States supported these
recommendations, which offered Kosovo and its Southeast European
neighbors the best opportunity to move beyond the conflicts of the
past. As chief of mission of the United States Office in Pristina, I
helped explain to the Kosovo leadership the benefits this package could
offer their people, but also urged them to pronounce clearly their
commitment to the substantial rights afforded by the plan to the Serb
community and other minority communities in Kosovo.
On the day after Kosovo declared its independence in line with the
Ahtisaari Plan, President Bush recognized Kosovo as an independent
state and agreed to establish diplomatic relations. Since February, 43
countries have recognized Kosovo, including more than \2/3\ of European
Union and NATO members and several significant countries from every
region of the world. Beyond the question of recognition of Kosovo's
independence, the new state enjoys broad international support. Many
countries that have yet to recognize Pristina formally are nevertheless
providing personnel, technical assistance, and political backing for
efforts in-country to build up Kosovo society.
Although independence marked a significant step forward, Kosovo has
serious problems. Economic development is slow, political institutions
are weak, and interethnic tensions remain. I believe, however, it is a
good sign that Kosovo's minority Serbs have stayed in Kosovo after
independence and that the atmosphere between the two communities has
remained calm and peaceful overall despite serious provocations from
Belgrade and hardline Serbs in Kosovo's north.
In its first 4 months of independence, Kosovo has made significant
progress in implementing the Ahtisaari protections for its minorities.
Prime Minister Thaci, President Sejdiu, and other key institutional
leaders have reaffirmed their commitment to all aspects of the
Ahtisaari Plan and have sent consistent messages of inclusion to
Kosovo's ethnic minorities. The Kosovo Assembly has already adopted 40
new laws needed to implement the Ahtisaari Plan, including legislation
on the decentralization of local government, protection of minority
rights, and cultural heritage safeguards. The Assembly also approved a
new constitution that meets the highest democratic standards. Kosovo is
working to deepen relations with its neighbors and has moved forward
collaboratively with Macedonia to demarcate their mutual border in
accordance with the Ahtisaari Plan.
There are still, of course, many challenges ahead. Belgrade's
opposition to independence, as well as its overt policy of promoting
ethnic separation in Kosovo, has created threats to stability, and it
appears that Russia will act to block Kosovo's entry into those
international organizations where Russia or its supporters have a veto.
There is much work ahead in managing Kosovo's transition from U.N.
administration to supervised independence, a journey unique to Kosovo
given the unusual circumstances of its recent history. Nevertheless, we
believe strongly that the resolution of Kosovo's status has opened the
door for Kosovo to assume responsibility for its future and for the
well-being of its people.
To do this, Kosovo needs help. The European Union has rightly
stepped up to provide the bulk of assistance and guidance to the new
state. The European Union will head up two new international presences
in Kosovo, one responsible for rule of law and one responsible for
supervising full implementation of the Ahtisaari plan. We will
encourage Europe to continue to play this leading role. Active United
States engagement, however, will remain essential to the stabilization
of Kosovo and the region.
Nearly 1,500 United States Army National Guardsmen of a total force
numbering approximately 16,000 currently serve in KFOR, the NATO-led
stabilization force in Kosovo. Although United States troops can and
have operated throughout Kosovo, they primarily help maintain a safe
and secure environment in eastern Kosovo, where a majority of Kosovo
Serbs live. They are universally respected by Albanians and Serbs alike
for their professionalism and effectiveness in dealing with a mixed-
ethnic civilian population. The United States supports ongoing NATO
efforts to carry out certain Ahtisaari tasks, such as the establishment
of a small Kosovo Security Force, which will allow Kosovo--over time--
to contribute to its own security and permit the drawdown of
international forces.
For many years, over 200 United States civilian police officers
have participated in the current U.N. mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). As
UNMIK hands over justice functions to local authorities and to the
European Union, the United States will provide a reduced number of
police, prosecutors, and judges to the European Union's new rule of law
mission, known as EULEX. The United States is also helping to
strengthen Kosovo's economy, promote democratic governance, and bolster
civil society, with a special emphasis on programs that benefit
Kosovo's ethnic minorities. While Europe remains firmly in the lead in
material assistance and provides the ultimate incentive of closer
association with the European Union, our resources will help Kosovo pay
off its share of debt from the former Yugoslavia and accomplish a host
of other important goals.
Mr. Chairman, perhaps the single greatest United States priority in
Kosovo is to foster a stable, multiethnic society in which the rights,
security, and culture of Kosovo's ethnic minorities are firmly
protected. The United States Embassy in Pristina has been and will
continue to be engaged on a daily basis with the Kosovo Government and
with Kosovo's ethnic communities to promote this objective.
Although Kosovo Serbs opposed United States recognition of Kosovo's
independence, many of them recognize that the United States is actively
committed to their community's welfare. Our efforts to reach out
directly to the Serb community and support its needs have had a
tangible payoff in enhancing communication and trust. In the last few
years, the United States Government has supplemented Kosovo's
inadequate resources by building schools, roads and other
infrastructure in Serb communities; we have advocated on behalf of Serb
concerns directly to the Kosovo central government and to local
authorities; we have helped resolve property disputes for Serbs who
wish to return to Kosovo; and we have supported the growth of a nascent
Serb media in Kosovo that can articulate the ideas of that community
without filtering from Belgrade. We have encouraged Kosovo's
government--which has already spent more than $77 million to build
homes and provide support for returning Serbs--to expand those
resources even further and provide political backing for sustainable
returns.
Protecting the holy sites of the Serbian Orthodox Church, as well
as its rights as an institution, has also been a major goal for us. In
addition to possessing churches and monasteries of global architectural
and historic significance, the Serbian Orthodox Church plays an
important role in the everyday lives of Kosovo Serbs. Kosovo's
Government has spent close to $10 million to reconstruct and preserve
those churches that were damaged in the tragic March 2004 riots. This
is an effort we have supported vigorously over the past 2 years. We
have also worked successfully with local governments to modify
development plans that might affect the Church's holy sites, and we
have facilitated understanding between religious leaders and local
populations when Orthodox authorities have sought permission for
construction that affects the wider community.
Mr. Chairman, the success of Kosovo is in the United States
interest. The circumstances of the breakup of the former Yugoslavia
posed--and in some ways continue to pose--a fundamental challenge to
stability in southeast Europe, and history has shown that broken
societies attract the great scourges of our age, including
transnational crime, ethnic conflict, trafficking in persons, and
terrorism.
To counter the impact of these forces, a strong and focused U.S.
approach, in tandem with our European partners, remains absolutely
essential. I believe our efforts in Kosovo and the region make a
meaningful difference each and every day, and our continued involvement
will promote long-term stability in this part of Europe. If confirmed,
I will work closely with our allies and with you to help Kosovo take
those steps necessary to become a productive member of the Euro-
Atlantic family of democratic nations. We and the people of Kosovo have
everything to gain from this collaboration.
Thank you, again, for the opportunity to appear before this
committee today. I look forward to answering your questions.
Senator Cardin. Thank you for your testimony. We'll now
turn to Mr. Philip Thomas Reeker to be the Ambassador to the
Republic of Macedonia.
STATEMENT OF PHILIP REEKER, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE
REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA
Mr. Reeker. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator Menendez,
Senator DeMint.
I'm privileged to appear before you today and I'll be
pleased to submit my full statement for the record.
I'm also very privileged to be joined at this dais by such
a distinguished panel of colleagues. It's a great honor for me
to join the people I've known in the Foreign Service for many
years.
If I may, I would like to begin by introducing my adorable
wife and partner in service to our Nation, Solveig Johnson
Reeker, herself a career member of the United States Foreign
Service, and I'd also like to recognize my father, Larry
Reeker, and the two youngest of my four siblings, my brothers,
Greg and Seth. Today happens to be Greg's 28th birthday and we
wish him all the best. Seth, in fact, spent the summer of 1998
with me in Macedonia, when he was just 8 years old, while I was
serving at our embassy in Skopje as the public affairs officer
under Ambassador Christopher Hill.
Should the members of this committee and the full Senate
confirm my nomination, I will do my utmost as ambassador to
validate the trust placed in me to advance our Nation's goals
in Macedonia and in Southeast Europe and to represent our
country to the best of my abilities.
I am certainly struck by how far Macedonia, as a country,
has come since I last served in Skopje. Indeed, no period since
its independence in 1991 has been an easy one for Macedonia and
the last 9 years have been no exception.
The country has suffered setbacks and challenges to its
stability but has overcome each to regain its bearings and
press forward again in pursuit of a better future.
Today, Macedonia is a stable unitary model of multiethnic
democracy in the Balkans, still in transition, but with much
stronger democratic and entrepreneurial traditions of vibrant
inclusive political process and steadily maturing institutions
of government and civil society.
Mr. Chairman, our relations with Macedonia have never been
closer. Pro United States sentiment among Macedonians of all
ethnicities is extremely strong. Americans and Macedonians
share an affinity of values and we are partners in the major
endeavors and challenges of our time.
I just returned last week from service in Iraq and just
last month in my previous capacity as counselor at our United
States Embassy in Baghdad, I had the opportunity and honor to
meet with the Macedonian Ranger and Infantry Platoons deployed
with American forces at Tajik. They are brave and professional
soldiers serving with distinction and high morale alongside
United States troops since 2003 in Iraq.
Macedonian troops in Iraq receive the highest praise and
respect from the United States commanders. Macedonia is a small
country but punching above its weight in United States-led
coalitions. Once a net security consumer, Macedonia is today a
net security producer, keen on bringing its unique capability
into NATO as a full-fledged member.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed as ambassador, I would strive to
uphold and continue on the distinguished record of the men and
woman who have held this position before me, promoting United
States goals in Macedonia while maintaining a solid partnership
with the host country.
If confirmed, I and the mission I would lead will continue
to help the leaders and people of Macedonia build on their
successes and achieve through continued reform the multiethnic
democracy and free market economy they desire, including
integration into NATO and into the European Union.
I know I cannot succeed in these endeavors without your
support. If you confirm me, you can count on my close
cooperation with you, the full committee, the entire
legislative branch, as we work together to serve the American
people and for the advancement of U.S. interests.
I look forward very much to answering any questions you may
have.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Reeker follows:]
Prepared Statement of Philip Thomas Reeker, Nominee
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Macedonia
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I am privileged to appear
before you today as President Bush's nominee to be our country's next
Ambassador to the Republic of Macedonia. I am deeply honored by the
confidence expressed by the President and Secretary Rice in selecting
me for this important assignment. It has been my privilege to meet
committee members and staff during my years in the Foreign Service, and
I pledge continued commitment and candor as you consider confirming me
for this new position. Should the members of this committee and the
full Senate confirm my nomination, I will do my utmost as ambassador to
validate the trust placed in me, to advance our Nation's goals in
Macedonia and in Southeast Europe, and to represent our country to the
best of my abilities. That would include maintaining a close working
relationship with this committee, its staff, and your congressional
colleagues in furthering the security and interests of the American
people.
Mr. Chairman, I am delighted to be accompanied today by my wife and
best friend, Solveig Johnson Reeker, herself a career member of the
Foreign Service. I would also like to recognize my father, Larry
Reeker, and two of my four siblings, my brothers, Greg and Seth. Seth,
in fact, spent the summer of 1998 with me in Macedonia when he was 8
years old, while I was serving at our embassy in Skopje as the Public
Affairs Officer, under Ambassador Christopher Hill. If confirmed, I
will return to a Macedonia very different than the one I left in 1999.
I am struck by how far Macedonia, as a country, has come since I last
served in Skopje. Indeed, no period since its independence in 1991 has
been an easy one for Macedonia, and the last 9 years have been no
exception. The country has suffered setbacks and challenges to its
stability, but has overcome each to regain its bearings and press
forward again in pursuit of a better future. In 1999, Macedonia rose to
the challenge of the influx of Kosovar refugees from Milosevic's ethnic
cleansing campaign. It was profoundly tested again by an insurgency in
2001. With the help of the international community, Macedonia's leaders
lifted their country out of the clutches of interethnic conflict with a
model political accord: the Ohrid Framework Agreement.
With the Ohrid Agreement, Macedonia took a bold step, breaking the
previous mold for the Balkans by ending conflict through a political
agreement that addressed ethnic grievances through principles of equal
rights for all citizens irrespective of ethnicity. The Ohrid Agreement,
concluded with United States and European Union help, remains the
foundation and roadmap for Macedonian peace and development. Successive
multiethnic governments have reaffirmed the agreement by committing
themselves to its implementation, a process the United States monitors
closely. All of the constitutional and legal provisions mandated by the
agreement have been adopted. Their implementation has progressed,
including the key pillars of equitable representation of minorities
across state structures and of decentralization to make local
governance more responsive to the people. In the spirit of Ohrid,
interparty and interethnic dialog continues to be critical. While not
immune from political gamesmanship, this dialog over the years has
resulted in compromises and reforms that have strengthened Macedonia's
multiethnic democratic institutions and remain integral to securing for
all Macedonia's citizens a future in Europe, whole, free, and at peace.
Today, 7 years on from Ohrid and after 17 years of independence,
Macedonia is a stable, unitary, multiethnic democracy--still in
transition, but with much stronger democratic and entrepreneurial
institutions. Today, a still evolving Macedonia is a model of
multiethnic democracy in the Balkans, working to address its internal
social and ethnic challenges within a vibrant, inclusive, political
process and steadily maturing institutions of government and civil
society.
Steps like ethnic rebalancing of the police, put in place by
Macedonia in the wake of the 2001 insurgency, and the adoption of a
police law in line with international standards and other key legal
reforms have reinforced the independence of the judiciary and
strengthened rule of law. Making strides economically, Macedonia is
making up for its relative lack of development in the former
Yugoslavia, for the economic downturns that accompanied Yugoslavia's
breakup, and for the investment-chilling effects of the 2001
insurgency. Unemployment, a strain on social stability, remains high,
but real wages have gradually increased, inflation and deficits are
manageable, and GDP has risen. The government has taken bold steps to
improve the investment and business climate, leading the World Bank to
cite Macedonia as a top 10 global reformer in its 2008 report on
``Doing Business.'' Macedonia also stepped up the fight against
corruption, reflected by a significant jump in Transparency
International's 2007 ratings. And strong governmental efforts have
brought Macedonia back into full compliance with the minimum standards
to combat trafficking in persons.
Macedonia has more work to do, but its progress is driven by values
that we Americans recognize and share. These include recognition that
the livelihoods of its communities and the success of the whole country
and region depends on cooperation eclipsing confrontation,
understanding supplanting mistrust, and healthy political competition
and compromise becoming the tools to resolve differences. Macedonia
also identifies with the Euro-Atlantic family of nations, with
responsibilities--indeed a calling--to contribute to peace and
stability for peoples beyond its borders.
Mr. Chairman, this affinity of values explains, I believe, the
depth of our partnership with Macedonia today. Our relations with
Macedonia have never been closer; pro-United States sentiment among
Macedonians of all ethnicities is strong. Today, we are partners in the
major endeavors and challenges of our time. Just last month, in my
previous capacity as Counselor for Public Affairs at the United States
Embassy in Baghdad, I had the opportunity and honor to meet with the
Macedonian special forces and infantry platoons deployed with American
forces at Taji. They are brave and professional, serving with high
morale alongside U.S. troops. Several Macedonian soldiers who served in
Iraq were awarded medals of bravery by the United States. In
Afghanistan, Macedonian forces are guarding NATO headquarters and
displaying such proficiency that the United Kingdom placed a platoon of
British troops under Macedonian command.
Macedonia's capable troop commitments reflect the substantial
efforts of recent years to meet NATO defense standards. Macedonia also
has proven itself as a strong contributor to regional stability. It has
troops in the European Union Force in Bosnia and provides needed
helicopter lift--in fact it lost 11 soldiers in a crash this year, but
that tragedy did not deter its continued participation. For years
Macedonia has provided critical logistical support for the NATO mission
in Kosovo. And in an issue of utmost importance for Balkan stability--
the fate of Kosovo--Macedonia ``paid forward'' by fully backing United
States efforts to resolve Kosovo status peacefully via U.N. Secretary
General Special Envoy Ahtisaari's plan for supervised independence. As
a close neighbor, Macedonia recognized that ending Kosovo's limbo was
important to the stability of the region.
The unwavering support of Macedonia's political leaders and
parliament for Macedonia's contributions to regional and global
stability, and the overwhelming backing of Macedonia's citizenry for
NATO and European Union membership--over 90 percent in each case--are
reflections of the country's self-identification with Euro-Atlantic
values and a mandate for Macedonia's continued reform. Its hard work of
building a multiethnic society based on equal rights and opportunities
is not complete. As in our country, the process has not been perfect
and the way forward has not been easy. At times, Macedonia has asked
for the support of the United States, and we have given it, standing by
the citizens of Macedonia, helping as we could with counsel and
assistance, and working with their political leaders to move beyond a
zero-sum mentality. Macedonia's track record in avoiding the terrible
pitfalls witnessed in other parts of the region has shown the world
that multiethnic democracy in the Balkans can, must and will succeed.
Macedonia's progress has been slow at times, but its way forward
has never been in doubt. It is still a poor country, but rich with
tradition and culture, with a capable and entrepreneurial citizenry,
with multitalented and multilingual youth, and with a growing economy
full of potential. It is a small country, but punching above its weight
in U.S.-led coalitions. Once a net security consumer, today Macedonia
is a net security producer, keen on bringing its unique capabilities
into NATO as a full-fledged member. It is also an official candidate
for the European Union, working to fulfill benchmarks and receive an
invitation for membership talks.
Macedonia's success is critical to the region. Its achievement of
NATO and European Union membership will be an important affirmation
that political and economic reform is worth the hard work and that NATO
and European Union doors remain open for countries that share Western
standards and values. The fact that Allies at the NATO summit in
Bucharest in April did not issue a membership invitation for Macedonia
was a disappointment for Macedonia and also for the United States. The
United States through several administrations has strongly supported
Macedonia's NATO aspirations. We do not consider that the dispute
between Athens and Skopje over Macedonia's name should have prevented
Macedonia from receiving an invitation. We made a great push in the
lead-up to Bucharest to work with Governments in Greece and Macedonia
and with U.N. negotiator Ambassador Matthew Nimetz to help the parties
find a mutually acceptable solution. This did not prove possible. At
Bucharest, allies determined that Macedonia meets NATO's performance-
based standards and will receive an invitation as soon as the dispute
with Greece over the name is resolved. As President Bush noted,
``America's position is clear: Macedonia should take its place in NATO
as soon as possible.'' We will continue to support the U.N. process to
help Macedonia and Greece find a mutually acceptable solution to the
name dispute as quickly as possible.
Mr. Chairman, in May, Secretary Rice and Macedonian Foreign
Minister Milososki signed a joint Declaration on Strategic Partnership
and Cooperation as a sign of friendship and shared values between our
two countries. This was an important signal to the people of Macedonia
after the disappointment of the NATO Summit. As Secretary Rice said
upon signing the declaration, the United States is proud to have been a
part of the significant reforms that Macedonia has made. We believe a
strong, stable, unitary, multiethnic Macedonia within its existing
borders will enhance NATO's strength, security and prosperity and
democracy. We have encouraged and will continue encouraging Macedonia
to work hard to strengthen what it will bring to the alliance.
Macedonia's parliamentary elections on June 1 underscored the
challenges that remain for Macedonia in consolidating its progress.
Frankly, they were a disappointment, with numerous instances of
violence, intimidation, fraud, and irregularities predominantly in
ethnic Albanian areas. We were encouraged by the authorities' steps
taken to address the problems, including the decision by the State
Electoral Commission to hold broad reruns in affected areas and actions
by law enforcement authorities to arrest and bring to trial the
suspected perpetrators of those incidents. The June 15 reruns showed
significant improvements, including effective and professional police
conduct which created a much better security environment. Nevertheless,
despite these improvements and good administration overall, the
problems on June 1 and continuing irregularities in some polling
stations led the OSCE international observation mission to conclude
that the elections overall failed to meet some key commitments. The
United States will continue to urge follow-through from the government,
including holding accountable those responsible for the problems, to
ensure in the future a fair electoral process that protects the rights
of all citizens and fully repairs Macedonia's credibility. This is a
top priority, and the United States looks forward to working with the
next Macedonian Government and all Macedonians to support them on this
path.
Mr. Chairman, if I am confirmed, my foremost priority as ambassador
will be promoting United States interests in Macedonia while
maintaining a solid partnership with the host country. The security of
all United States citizens living and working in Macedonia is of course
paramount. I would be committed to helping Macedonia achieve the
multiethnic democracy and free market economy its citizens desire,
advancing its integration into NATO and the European Union. As
ambassador, I would continue to help Macedonia's leaders and people
build on their successes and achieve these goals. If confirmed to this
position, I would encourage the Macedonian Government and people to
continue contributing wherever possible to peace and stability in the
region and globally. And I would if confirmed promote further
maturation of Macedonia's own democratic institutions. I would also
hope, if given the opportunity by the Senate, to facilitate greater
United States business engagement in Macedonia, taking advantage of the
Macedonian Government's steps to improve the business climate, and
enlisting United States companies to bring their talents to bear in
support of Macedonia's transformative efforts. No less importantly, I
promise to manage our mission and its resources responsibly and to
provide our embassy's talented workforce and their families the safe
and secure working conditions that allow them to contribute to our
mission. Consistent with that goal, we would hope to take occupancy of
a new embassy compound next year.
In sum, Mr. Chairman, should my appointment be confirmed, I would
strive to uphold and build on the distinguished record of the men and
women who have held this position before me and who have contributed to
the excellent relations between the United States and Macedonia and who
thus have made such vital contributions to peace, stability, and
prosperity in this important region of the world. I know that I cannot
succeed in these endeavors without your support. If you confirm me, you
can expect my close cooperation with you, your committee, its staff,
and the entire legislative branch as we work together for the
advancement of U.S. interests. I look forward to answering any
questions you may have.
Senator Cardin. Thank you for your testimony. We'll now
turn to Ms. Maria Yovanovitch to be Ambassador to the Republic
of Armenia.
STATEMENT OF MARIA L. YOVANOVITCH, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO
THE REPUBLIC OF ARMENIA
Ms. Yovanovitch. Thank you, sir. Before I start, I'd like
to acknowledge my mother, Nadia, who just turned 80 this week,
and my brother, Andre. And I'd also like to thank Senator Dole
for his kind introduction, and I'm pleased to submit my full
remarks for the record. This is a truncated version.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it's an honor for
me to appear before you today. I'm honored also by the
confidence that President Bush and Secretary Rice have shown in
me by nominating me for the post of United States Ambassador to
Armenia.
Only in the United States would it be possible for a first
generation immigrant like me to appear before you as an
ambassadorial nominee. My father, who is no longer with us,
fled the Soviets and then the Nazis. My maternal grandfather
escaped from Russia after the Revolution and raised his family
in wartime Germany where my mother grew up stateless.
My parents brought me to this country in search of a safe
harbor, a harbor that provides freedom and opportunity, dignity
and respect. The United States offered our family a second
chance, just as so many Armenian Americans received a second
chance in our country after they were driven out of the Ottoman
Empire.
I cannot equate my own family history with that of
Americans of Armenian heritage, but I do wish to convey that I
understand from personal experience that the events of the past
can haunt the present and that individuals born a generation or
more after apocalyptic events seek recognition of the
injustices of the past.
The United States Government recognizes and deplores the
mass killings, ethnic cleansing, and forced deportations that
devastated over 1.5 million Armenians at the end of the Ottoman
Empire. The United States recognizes these events as one of the
greatest tragedies of the 20th century, the Great Calamity or
``Medz Yeghern,'' as many Armenians call it.
The administration understands that many Americans and many
Armenians refer to the atrocities of 1915 as genocide. It has
been President Bush's policy, as well as that of previous
Presidents of both parties, not to use that term. The
President's focus, the administration's focus, is not only to
remember the past so that it is never repeated, it is also to
focus on the future, to create an environment that encourages
Turkish citizens to reconcile with their past and also with the
Armenians.
It's important to end Armenian isolation in the region by
working toward normalization of relations between Armenia and
Turkey and the opening of their land border. If confirmed, one
of my top priorities will be to support regional stability by
facilitating Armenian-Turkish relations as well as a peaceful
settlement to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict with Azerbaijan.
The status quo in both situations is unacceptable and not
in regional interests or in U.S. interests. Some progress has
been made in both areas recently which we welcome.
Finally, but very importantly, restoring democratic
momentum in Armenia after the flawed presidential elections and
their violent aftermath is also a key United States goal as is
assisting Armenia's transition to a market economy.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I would build on my
22 years of service to our country to ensure that United States
interests are promoted and protected, that the bilateral
relationship flourishes and that Armenias isolation ends and
regional stability is enhanced.
Thank you for allowing me to appear before you today. I
look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Yovanovitch follows:]
Prepared Statement of Marie L. Yovanovitch, Nominee
to be Ambassador to the Republic of Armenia
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored by the confidence
that President Bush and Secretary Rice have shown in me by nominating
me for the post of United States Ambassador to Armenia. If confirmed, I
pledge to build on my 22 years of service to our country to protect and
defend American interests in the increasingly vital region of the South
Caucasus.
Only in the United States would it be possible for someone like
me--a first generation immigrant to the United States--to appear before
you as an ambassadorial nominee. My father fled the Soviets and then
the Nazis. My maternal grandfather escaped from Russia after the
revolution and raised his family in wartime Germany, where my mother
grew up stateless. My parents brought me to this country in search of a
safe harbor, a harbor that provided freedom and opportunity, dignity,
and respect.
The United States offered our family a second chance, just as so
many Armenian-Americans received a second chance in our country after
they were driven out of the Ottoman Empire. In no way do I want to
equate my own family history with that of Americans of Armenian
heritage here in the United States. But I do wish to convey that I
understand from personal experience that the events of the past can
haunt the present and that individuals, born a generation or more after
apocalyptic events, seek recognition of the injustices of the past.
The United States Government--and certainly I--acknowledges and
mourns the mass killings, ethnic cleansing, and forced deportations
that devastated over one and a half million Armenians at the end of the
Ottoman Empire. The United States recognizes these events as one of the
greatest tragedies of the 20th century, the ``Medz Yeghern'' or Great
Calamity, as many Armenians refer to it. That is why every April the
President honors the victims and expresses American solidarity with the
Armenian people on Remembrance Day.
The administration understands that many Americans and many
Armenians believe that the events of the past that I have referred to
should be called ``genocide.'' It has been President Bush's policy, as
well as that of previous presidents of both parties, not to use that
term. The President's focus is on encouraging Turkish citizens to
reconcile with their past and with the Armenians. He seeks to support
the painstaking progress achieved to date.
President Bush believes that the best way to honor the victims is
to remember the past, so it is never repeated, and to look to the
future to promote understanding and reconciliation between the peoples
and governments of Armenia and Turkey. A key part of that effort is to
end Armenia's isolation in the region by encouraging normalization of
relations between Armenia and Turkey and the opening of their land
border. The Armenian Government has requested that we facilitate this
process. It will not be easy nor will it likely be quick, but there are
some hopeful signs. President Bush believes that normalization can and
should be achieved. The result would be an improvement in the life of
every Armenian.
If I am confirmed, my priority would be to support the efforts of
the United States in working towards regional stability by facilitating
Armenian-Turkish relations and a peaceful settlement to the Nagorno-
Karabakh conflict with Azerbaijan. Armenia is isolated from its second
largest neighbor, Turkey, and every year scores of soldiers die along
the line of contact with Azeri forces in Nagorno-Karabakh. The status
quo in both situations is unacceptable, a deterioration unthinkable and
clearly not in U.S. or regional interests.
Some progress has been made in both areas recently. Success would
bring security to Armenia and great economic opportunities. This is a
goal worth pursuing, and, if confirmed, I would give it my utmost
attention--not only by supporting government-to-government
discussions--but by promoting people-to-people contacts and
partnerships, and other cross-border and regional initiatives. Contact
begins to build trust, and trust is the necessary first step to
reconciliation and conflict resolution.
Promoting good governance in Armenia is also a key United States
goal. The conduct of the recent Presidential elections and their
violent aftermath in which 10 individuals died were deeply disturbing.
The path towards democracy is rarely fast or smooth. Our aim is to help
the Armenian Government and the Armenian people restore democratic
momentum and to renew their own stated mission of moving forward to
become a country where government institutions are fully transparent
and accountable and where rule of law is accepted by all.
It is important that the Armenian Government support an
independent, objective, and inclusive investigation into the fateful
events of March 1 and release those who have been held on politically-
motivated charges. It is important that the judiciary becomes truly
independent. It is important that freedom of assembly, freedom of the
press, and freedom of expression are fully protected. It is important
that the Armenian authorities show the will to move forward with a
reform program that is responsive to the legitimate desires of the
people and that inspires public confidence in the country's political
and economic processes.
We are looking at how our democracy programs can be more targeted--
better supporting civil society, watchdog organizations, the
independent media, and development of the Internet. Our programs will
continue to focus on anticorruption efforts and strengthening the rule
of law.
The Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Agreement in 2006
demonstrated our belief that Armenia was fulfilling MCC's required
criteria in the three broad areas of ruling justly, investing in
people, and economic freedom. MCC is a performance-based program for
governments that demonstrate commitment in these areas. In Armenia, the
MCC Compact is a poverty-reduction program that focuses on building
roads, improving the irrigation infrastructure, and training farmers.
The program will eventually benefit 750,000 people, 75 percent of whom
live in rural areas.
This is an important program, and we have urged the new Armenian
Government to act quickly to improve its standing in the 9 of 17
indicators that it currently fails. The United States Government is
committed to assisting Armenia in this process, but it is up to the
Armenian Government to take the necessary steps, so that the Compact
program could continue.
The Armenian economy has seen great success and double digit growth
over the last 6 years. Our assistance programs--through technical
assistance to improve the regulatory and legislative framework, through
strengthening of the private sector, and through training in many
sectors of the economy--have contributed at least in part to this
success.
Over the last 4 years, Armenia has contributed to global security
by providing peacekeepers in both Kosovo and Iraq. In fact, the size of
Armenia's contingent in Kosovo was doubled just last week. By
supporting Armenia's defense sector reform and greater cooperation with
NATO, we enhance Armenia's ability to assist in peacekeeping operations
and to work with coalition forces to combat global terrorism and make
the world a safer place.
Armenia remains committed to overflight and landing rights for
United States military aircraft and has worked to improve its capacity
to combat both money laundering and terrorism financing. These are
efforts we have strongly supported. Our assistance for Armenia's work
to strengthen its borders and combat illegal trade in arms, weapons of
mass destruction, drugs, and people is important to regional stability.
Our relationship with Armenia is broad and deep, both on a
bilateral level and between our peoples. The United States was among
the first to recognize Armenia's independence, and the first to
establish an embassy in Yerevan. Over the past 17 years, the United
States has provided close to $2 billion in assistance and materially
improved the lives of millions of Armenians. While challenges remain,
we expect our partnership will continue to strengthen, and that we will
continue to cooperate in all areas.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, if confirmed, I will do
everything in my power to ensure that United States interests are
promoted and protected, that the bilateral relationship flourishes, and
that Armenia's isolation ends and regional stability is enhanced.
Thank you.
Senator Cardin. Well, let me thank you and thank all of our
witnesses for their testimony.
As pointed out at the beginning of the hearing, you are
seeking to continue your public service in countries that are
critically important to U.S. interests and each of these
countries have their own set of challenges. They're not going
to be easy and we thank you very much for being willing to
assume this challenge and service to your country.
So let me start with the Russian Federation because the
Russian Federation is clearly a country that has increasing
importance. Their economy has improved dramatically. They've
been able to use their oil to improve their influence and yet
the real challenge for us is whether Russia will become a
democratic country, whether it will develop the type of
democratic institutions and promote divergent views or whether
it will continue a recent trend which we find very disturbing,
and that is preventing dissent in a way in which a democratic
country would promote those types of activities.
So Mr. Beyrle, let me get your assessment as to at this
moment, if you're confirmed being the United States Ambassador
to Russia, where Russia is gaining influence because of its
economic strength and yet it seems to be discouraging
independent press, discouraging minority views, in a government
that's pretty popular, doesn't need to do all this but it does.
How do you see your mission here?
Mr. Beyrle. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. As I said in
my opening statement, we need Russia as a partner in the 21st
century.
The challenges that we're facing in this century that I
enumerated are almost impossible for us to achieve on our own.
We need partners, friends, and allies in the European Union, in
other parts of the world, but especially in Russia, because
Russia is such a large and consequential country, and I think
in our dealings with Russia, and I would certainly pursue this
if confirmed, we need to make clear to Russia that we value
that partnership but that our ability to build the kind of
strong partnership, to have the joint projects that require a
lot of trust between our two countries, the nonproliferation,
counterterrorism dialog that we have with Russia, gets more
difficult as we see trends in the country moving away from the
democratic values that we both, I think, need to stand behind,
that the United States sees as so important in its most
important relationships, for instance, with its European
allies.
I would try to make the point to our Russian partners,
potential partners, that we need them to be a constructive
force in the world, that we need their help, for instance, in
convincing Iran to forswear its nuclear ambitions. We've had
some success with Russia. We could have more.
But divorcing those questions from Russia's democratic
development, it seems to me, is a mistake because a democratic
Russia which is accountable to its people, which has a robust
civil society, is simply a country that we understand better as
Americans and will thus have more trust in.
Senator Cardin. I thank you for that answer, particularly
in relationship to Iran. We've had real difficulty. Russia did
help us with the resolution through the Security Council, but
its enforcements of effective sanctions leave a lot to be
desired and it seems to me this is--if we're going to be
successful in diplomatic efforts and preventing Iran from
becoming a nuclear weapon power, that we're going to need more
cooperation from Russia which is going to be one of the highest
priorities on your agenda if you're confirmed as ambassador.
How do you see an effective strategy with Russia so that we
can isolate Iran?
Mr. Beyrle. Mr. Chairman, I think that we need to continue
along the road that we traveled with Russia until now. Russia
has supported us now on four U.N. Security Council resolutions,
three of which included sanctions, making the point to Iran
that we reject its nuclear ambitions.
I think with Russia, the challenges, that really are our
strategic aims coincide. The Russian Government--Russian
leaders have said very clearly that they have no interest and
do not want Iran to become a nuclear power. We agree with that
at the strategic level.
The difference we have with them is in the tactics, the
tactics that we implement to put pressure on Iran to convince
Iran to move away from this, from what is very clearly a
nuclear weapons program, and I think together with our European
allies, we need to devise ways, perhaps not through, as much
through the United Nations but through closer dialog that would
simply make the point to Iranian leaders that they are
isolating themselves from the world and denying their own
people the chance at a better future by pursuing this program.
Senator Cardin. Thank you for that. I want to at least put
on the record a couple issues that have been pending for a long
time in our relationship with Russia that's been of interest to
this committee.
We have the North Caucuses and we don't want to lose sight
of the responsibilities of the Russian Federation to exercise
leadership in dealing with the human rights of the people of
that region and there's still concern that they're overreacting
to a serious situation but violating human rights issues.
I also want to mention an issue that was brought up during
Secretary Rice's confirmation in our committee in which we had
hearings on the Schneerson Collection, that Secretary Rice,
during the confirmation, said, and I quote, ``The State
Department would press the Russian Federation to return the
Schneerson Collection of rare and irreplaceable religious text
to the Chabet Community of the United States.''
The last time I checked, the collection is still in Moscow.
That's still of interest and we would hope that you would use
your good offices, if you are confirmed as ambassador, to bring
this chapter to a successful conclusion by return of the--it
looks like we're losing our light. Oh, somebody--okay. Well,
we'll get that place back on. I thought that somebody from the
Russian Federation didn't like my question. [Laughter.]
Mr. Beyrle. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me respond very
briefly on both of those issues.
With regard to Georgia, Abkhazia, the states of the former
Soviet Union, we have made it very clear that we're committed
to the sovereignty and independence of all the states of the
ex-USSR and we've worked very hard to resolve the frozen
conflicts, some of which we discussed here at this table just
now, and to avoid new ones, and if confirmed, this will be one
of my priorities, highest priorities, especially with regard to
Georgia and Abkhazia, where we right now are actively trying to
promote a settlement and direct talks. We need Russia's
assistance on that.
The Schneerson Collection, I'm familiar with from the time
I worked on the National Security Council staff in the mid
1990s, and I know very well that the promises that were made
with regard to that collection still need to be fulfilled and
I'll be up to speed on that issue very, very quickly, if
confirmed, when I arrive in Moscow.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much.
Senator Menendez.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me
congratulate all of the nominees on their nominations and your
willingness to serve and we appreciate that.
Ambassador Yovanovitch, let me start at the outset by
acknowledging and thanking you for your 22 years of very
distinguished service to our country. I appreciate your
service.
In your opening statement, you acknowledge the mass
killings, ethnic cleansing, and forced detentions that
devastated over 1.5 million Armenians at the end of the Ottoman
Empire, is that correct?
Ms. Yovanovitch. Yes, sir, that's correct. It's the
administration's policy to acknowledge these historical facts.
Senator Menendez. Would you agree with the
characterization--and if I may, Mr. Chairman, I'm going to be
referring to a series of documents. If I could give the
ambassador a copy of them so she could have them in front of
her, that would be helpful, and I'd ask unanimous consent that
these documents be included in the record.
Senator Cardin. Without objection, the documents will be
included in the record.
[The referenced documents have been reproduced and are
included in the ``Additional Material Submitted for the
Record'' section at the end of this hearing.]
Senator Menendez. I would ask you, would you agree with the
characterization by President Bush on April 24 of 2004, which
is the first referenced item before you, where he says, and I
quote, ``On this day, we pause in remembrance of one of the
most horrible tragedies of the 20th century, the annihilation
of as many as 1.5 million Armenians through forced exile and
murder at the end of the Ottoman Empire?'' Would you agree? I
just need a yes or no.
Ms. Yovanovitch. Yes, sir.
Senator Menendez. Okay. Thank you. Would you agree that the
use of the words ``ethnic cleansing,'' which you used in your
opening statement, would include the deliberate inflicting on a
group of conditions of life calculated to bring about its
physical destruction in whole or in part? Would you agree that
that's what generally ethnic cleansing would be defined as?
Ms. Yovanovitch. There's no question----
Senator Menendez. The deliberate--let me read it--say it
again to you so that you've got it before you answer.
``The deliberate inflicting on a group of individuals of
conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical
destruction in whole or in part.''
Ms. Yovanovitch. The question that you're asking, and I
hope you understand my answer, the determination of that is a
policy decision that I'm not authorized to make right now. It's
a decision for the administration, for the President and the
Secretary.
Senator Menendez. I respect your answer. I'm not asking you
what is the policy or a policy. I'm simply asking you. You used
the words in your opening statement ``ethnic cleansing,'' and
I'm asking you a simple question.
Would you describe ethnic cleansing as a deliberate
inflicting on a group of individuals conditions of life
calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or
in part? If the answer is no, then tell me what you mean by
ethnic cleansing.
Ms. Yovanovitch. There's no question that at the end of the
Ottoman Empire, there was mass murder, there was starvation,
there were deliberate rapes, there was forced exile of 1.5
million Armenians at the end of the Ottoman Empire.
Senator Menendez. And is that what you describe as your
definition of ethnic cleansing, those facts?
Ms. Yovanovitch. Yes.
Senator Menendez. Would you look at the document that is
referenced as Number 2 there which says--these are documents
that I'm going to be referring to by American officials at the
time of history, and I would ask you whether the statement by
then U.S. Ambassador Morganthau, who wrote on July 16, 1915,
``It appears that a campaign of race extermination is in
progress under a pretext of reprisal against rebellion.''
Is that a fact that you would agree with as reported as a
historical fact that Ambassador Morganthau reported?
Ms. Yovanovitch. Yes, it's certainly a fact here as I'm
reading off of this hand-out that you gave me that Ambassador
Morganthau reported this.
Senator Menendez. Thank you. Would you look at Number 3
where it says, ``Where U.S. Counsel Aleppo Jesse Jackson
reported to Ambassador Morganthau on June 5, 1915, that it's
without doubt a carefully planned scheme to thoroughly
extinguish the Armenian race.''
Is that what Counsel Jackson said in his statement to
Ambassador Morganthau?
Ms. Yovanovitch. Yes, according to this document that
you've given me, that's correct.
Senator Menendez. In Number 4, where U.S. Counsel in Harput
Leslie Davis reported to Ambassador Morganthau on July 24,
1915, ``It has been no secret that the plan was to destroy the
Armenian race as a race, but the methods used have been more
cold blooded and barbaric, if not more effective, than I had
first supposed.''
Is that the statement issued then by the counsel?
Ms. Yovanovitch. Yes, as I'm reading this from what you've
given me, yes.
Senator Menendez. And finally, on Number 5, where the U.S.
Ambassador to the Ottoman Empire from 1916 to 1917, Abraham
Elkus telegraphed the Secretary of State on October 17, 1916,
and said, ``In order to avoid a program of a civilized world,
which the continuation of massacres would arouse, Turkish
officials have now adopted and are executing the unchecked
policy of extermination through starvation, exhaustion and the
brutality of treatment hardly surpassed even in Turkish
history.''
Is that the statement that is issued at that time by the
U.S. ambassador?
Ms. Yovanovitch. Yes, as I'm reading it here now.
Senator Menendez. Thank you. Now the final reference I want
you to look at is Number 6, and would you agree that Article 2
of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime
of Genocide of which the United States is a signatory party to
and ratified, a copy of which I have before you, states under
Article 2, ``In the present convention, genocide means any of
the following acts committed with the intent to destroy, in
whole or in part, a national ethnic, racial or religious group,
as such killing members of the group, causing serious bodily or
mental harm to members of the group, deliberately inflicting on
the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its
physical destruction in whole or in part.''
Is that a fair statement of the reading of Article 2 of the
Convention?
Ms. Yovanovitch. Yes, sir.
Senator Menendez. Is that a yes? I'm sorry.
Ms. Yovanovitch. Yes. I'm sorry. Yes.
Senator Menendez. Okay. Therefore, and Mr. Chairman, if
you'll indulge me, therefore, would not the facts that you
acknowledge, and please listen to my question, would not the--
intently. Would not the facts that you acknowledge in your
opening statement and those facts that you have recognized as
historical facts during the period of 1915 to 1923 meet the
definition of Article 2 that you just--I just had you read?
Ms. Yovanovitch. Thank you. The--it's certainly true that
this is the definition of genocide here and I'm familiar enough
with the record to have read some of the accounts from our
embassy and our consulate at the end of the Ottoman Empire
which are truly shocking in terms of scale and the individual
stories of individual families and the things that happened.
It's the responsibility and the duty of embassies and
consulates to inform and represent honestly, faithfully,
objectively to the department, to Washington, to the President,
and it is the President, it is the Secretary of State that
makes the policy, that makes the determination of how to
characterize such events.
Senator Menendez. And I am not asking you for a declaration
of policy. I have not even asked you about a maybe more
ultimate question.
What I'm asking you as a career Foreign Service officer,
well educated, with a lot of experience, would the facts as
recognized by President Bush in public statements, as
recognized by you in your opening statement, and in terms of
the historical documents that I presented to you, would those
facts fall in line--clearly, you mentioned the killing members
of the group. You mentioned murder in your opening statement.
Ms. Yovanovitch. I did.
Ms. Yovanovitch. Yes, it is.
Senator Menendez. Would it not be fair to say in
furtherance of some of the questions I asked you, and I think
you very appropriately answered, some of the acts that took
place, not only the murders, rapes and forced deportation of
people, forced exile of people, would that not clearly be
causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of a group?
Ms. Yovanovitch. Yes. Yes.
Senator Menendez. And clearly it would also be deliberately
inflicting on a group conditions of life calculated to bring
about its physical destruction in whole or in part. Obviously
those that were murdered in mass numbers, 1.5 million,
obviously those who were exiled, obviously those who through
other actions were taken place, that would fall into that
category, would it not?
Ms. Yovanovitch. It's a policy decision, sir.
Senator Menendez. I want to thank you for your honest
answers.
Mr. Chairman, if I may, and I appreciate your indulgence, I
will have a series of other questions for the record. I don't
want to belabor it.
But what is going on here, it is a shame that career
Foreign Service officers have to be brought before the
committee and find difficulty in acknowledging historical facts
and find difficulty in acknowledging the realities of what has
been internationally recognized, Mr. Chairman, not because I
say it. I don't hold myself out to be that type of a scholar,
but the fact is, is that the International Association of
Genocide Scholars, the preeminent authority on genocide, has
unanimously, not equivocated, unanimously declared the Armenian
genocide a genocide, and it is amazing to me that we can talk
about millions, you know, a million and a half human beings who
were slaughtered, we can talk about those who were raped, we
can talk about those who were forcibly pushed out of their
country, and we can have presidential acknowledgements of that,
but then we cannot call it what it is.
It is a ridiculous dance what the administration is doing
over the use of the term ``genocide.'' It is an attempt to
suggest that we don't want to strain our relationships with
Turkey, but I have to say the fact that we are sending off our
diplomats in such a manner, that they're not able to recognize
a historical event that is clearly documented by credible,
objective historians, an event that is so tragic, an event that
the recognition of which is so personal for millions of
Armenians and descendants of Armenians, many of whom are
Americans, is also something that I think is detrimental to our
foreign policy.
Mr. Chairman, we have actually had the United States
Ambassador, our former United States Ambassadors to Armenia
attend every year in April the commemoration of the Armenian
genocide. It's amazing that we sent a United States Ambassador
to the commemoration of an Armenian genocide which I would
hope--that if your nomination is ultimately approved by the
Senate that you would commit yourself to attending, and yet we
cannot--how do you go and go to a commemoration of the Armenian
genocide and never ever use the recognition of that fact?
I believe acknowledging historical facts as they are is a
principle that is easily understood both at home and abroad. So
while the administration believes that this posture benefits it
vis a vis our relationships with Turkey, I think they should
also recognize that it hurts our relationship elsewhere and it
tarnishes the United States history of being a place where
truth is spoken to power and acknowledgement of our failures in
the past make us stronger, not weaker, and recognizing the
evils of the past do not trap us but they set us free.
That is what I hope we can be able to achieve, Mr.
Chairman, and I have great admiration for Ambassador
Yovanovitch, she is the designee here and having to respond to
questions and as I told her privately, I would be pursuing a
line of questioning.
I appreciate her intent to be as frank and open as
possible, and Mr. Chairman, if you have a second, I have a
different set of questions for one of the other candidates.
Senator Cardin. Thank you. Senator Menendez, thank you for
your questions. You and I have talked frequently on human
rights issues. We share that same passion. One of my roles is
to cochair the Helsinki Commission which human rights issues
are one of our major focuses.
There is no question in my mind that the facts speak for
themselves and what happened was genocide. To me, it's a clear
issue.
I think our nominee has demonstrated some of the reasons
why she's an experienced diplomat. I don't agree with a lot of
the administration's policies, not just as relates to the
genocide in Armenia but as it relates to policies in many parts
of the world.
Where we have career diplomats, I find, by and large, they
are carrying out the mission of our Nation and in Armenia, we
need an ambassador who is experienced, who understands the
historical facts and has the historical facts correctly as
stated, and I think I must say in your testimony, I think, and
in your answer to Senator Menendez, you have spelled out very
clearly what happened.
The facts are the facts and we have to make sure that the
international community never forgets what happened, so we can
learn from the past and protect the future generations, and I
think you have been pretty clear about the circumstances of
ethnic communities that were being cleansed.
And Senator Menendez, I agree with you, the definition
couldn't be clearer as to what that equals, genocide.
Let me turn, if I might, to Mr. Chaudhry, if might, with
the Republic of Moldova.
I was very pleased that you mentioned as one of your top
priorities the trafficking issue. That is an issue that has
been--that the United States Delegation to the OSCE has made
one of our top priorities and we're pleased about the attention
that has been received in Europe, and we would ask that if you
are confirmed as the ambassador, that that remain not just a
priority of yours as relates to the Republic of Moldova but in
that region of Europe.
It's a very serious issue that the United States needs to
continue to exercise tremendous leadership.
Mr. Chaudhry. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I absolutely pledge
to you that this is an issue which is close to my heart and I
intend to pursue it and follow it, if confirmed, to the fullest
of my capabilities and continue to do the work that has been
done by my predecessor in Moldova and in the region.
Senator Cardin. There's been a lot of talk recently about
Russia's influence here and as to whether Moldova is perhaps
looking at an arrangement where Russia will remove its troops
from Transnistria and there may be some other parts to that
arrangement.
How do you see the prospects for a resolution, a political
settlement of Transnitria?
Mr. Chaudhry. Mr. Chairman, as far as Transnitria is
concerned, the best way to resolve this is in the context of
5Plus2 talks that have been going on for some time.
It is clear that these talks have stalled for some time,
but there have been informal talks within the 5Plus2 as well as
3Plus2. That means excluding Moldova and the Transnitria side.
As recent as this month, there were discussions in Helsinki
among the 3Plus2 group where they committed that we need to
move forward in trying to resolve the issue and that issue, as
I see it and as the United States Government sees it, must
involve the territorial integrity, preserving the territorial
integrity of Moldova and that means allowing its sovereignty to
be exerted over all of its territory, including Transnitria,
and that would definitely include removal of or withdrawal of
Russian soldiers from the Moldovan territory.
Senator Cardin. I agree with that. Thank you, Mr. Nominee.
I appreciate that. That's a statement I fully concur in.
Let me turn to Kosovo for one minute, if I might. Ms.
Kaidanow, you are seeking a critically important position.
Kosovo is a country that is just going to be subject to a
lot of challenges. We still have not resolved the Russian
influence, what's happening with Serbia. There's still a lot of
countries that have withheld their recognition of Kosovo. We
still don't have a clear mandate within the United Nations as
relates to the security troops remaining or not. There are
going to be a lot of challenges.
So let me start first with the Ahtisaari Plan and the
protection of minority communities, you mentioned that several
times, and I think the real challenge here is whether the
Kosovo majority, having been ignored by the Serbian Government
as far as their independence is concerned, whether they will
react in a way of protection to the minority community or
whether they'll yield to temptation to sort of say, you know,
you're not going to work with us, so we'll do it our way.
I think the role that the United States plays here is going
to be critical and everything you said in your statement I
agree with, but it seems to me that we have to be extremely
active to make sure the minority communities are properly
protected within Kosovo.
Ms. aidanow. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I can't agree more.
In fact, I would say that this is if not the single most
important priority for the United States in Kosovo, it's
certainly one of the top priorities that we have.
We have actually come quite a long way in Kosovo. I
remember maybe a year or so ago when we were contemplating
where we would go, there was quite a lot of concern about
population movement, the possible, you know, the numbers of
Serbs who might decide to leave Kosovo, the consequence of
independence and so forth.
Thankfully, we've not seen that, and I think that is a
measure of the kind of progress that we've seen and the ability
of Kosovo's authority and Kosovo's people to protect and to
preserve its minority communities and particularly the Serb
minority.
I don't want to say that there aren't challenges ahead.
You've identified them, I think, very, very accurately. It's
going to be incumbent upon the Kosovo Government and the people
of Kosovo to ensure that their minority populations are not
only protected but sustained and that they are given a chance
to be living communities in Kosovo and that is critically
important for us.
It involves not just implementation of the Ahtisaari Plan,
which is quite robust and has many protections for the minority
communities in Kosovo, but it also involves, I think, reaching
out to them in ways that are creative and important, building
infrastructure in their communities, encouraging returns. All
of these things are things that we're going to have to, you
know, work with them to do.
We have been working with them, we'll continue and
certainly if I'm confirmed, that is something that we would
make a priority.
Senator Cardin. And let me mention perhaps the most
discriminated minority community in Europe and that's the Roma
population, a serious problem within Kosovo and many other
European countries.
I would hope that we would find ways as a new country is
emerging in Kosovo that they do it right from the beginning,--
--
Ms. aidanow. Yes.
Senator Cardin [continuing]. That minority communities
include the Roma and they're entitled that their children could
be educated, that they can get affordable housing, that they
can integrate into the community and Kosovo could be an example
to the rest of Europe in that regard.
Ms. Kaidanow. Absolutely. And in fact, I think the Roma
community in Kosovo has suffered under some very specific
historical circumstances that I won't get into here but I think
really merit, as you said, particular care and consideration on
the part of the Kosovo Government, something that we, the
United States, have been very active in looking at. We will
continue to do so, but I can't agree with you more that there
are any number of minority ethnic communities in Kosovo. All of
them have particular considerations and particular needs and
the Kosovo Government will have to be very, very astute and
quite generous in looking at those communities and providing
for their needs.
Senator Cardin. One last question on Kosovo. With the UNMIK
mission expired, it's not exactly clear as to the legitimacy of
the protection troops within that region. Russia's cooperation
is not necessarily understood at this point.
How do you see that challenge from the point of view of
providing Kosovo the help they need so that they can maintain
the type of protection to communities and stability that a
young country needs?
Ms. aidanow. There are multiple levels of security in
Kosovo. The NATO-led force known as KFOR will continue to have
a fairly robust presence in Kosovo under the U.N. Security
Council Resolution 1244 which continues to obtain and KFOR has
a mandate under that Security Council Resolution.
We, the United States, provide some small number of troops,
1,500 troops to a 16,000-man force. I would anticipate that
continuing, at least in the immediate future, and we take that
responsibility very, very seriously, and our troops are doing
just an outstanding job in doing it in Kosovo.
In terms of policing, for the time being, the U.N. has
agreed to maintain a role in law enforcement and justice in
Kosovo until such time as the European Union can establish
fully its new law enforcement and justice mission on the ground
which will be known as EULEX.
We will participate again in a small way but a significant
way in that mission. We will have roughly 80 or so police to
their 1,800 or so police and justice officers and so forth.
I think it's critical that those European Union forces
deploy as quickly as possible. Certainly the Kosovo Government
and the people of Kosovo are looking forward to that
deployment, but in the meantime, it's also important that the
U.N. security forces on the ground continue to receive the
broad authority that they've had from the Kosovo people and
every indication is that Kosovo will give them that authority
and will agree to have them stay until the European Union can
perform that duty.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much.
Senator Menendez.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Before I turn to
Mr. Reeker for a moment, one last question, Ambassador.
Would you, if you were to be confirmed by the Senate, make
a commitment to this committee that you would attend the
Armenian Genocide Commemoration which is held every April 24 as
previous ambassadors have?
Ms. Yovanovitch. If I were confirmed, I would certainly
commit to attend to Armenian Remembrance Day.
Senator Menendez. Thank you. Mr. Reeker, let me first say
with the adjective in which you introduced your wife, you're
definitely going to get a hot meal tonight.
Mr. Reeker. I don't have to go to Senator Dole's.
[Laughter.]
Senator Menendez. I have a few questions about your
potential assignment.
The recent parliamentary elections that were held on June 1
were marked by a series of irregularities, intimidation and
violence, according to the Office for Democratic Institutions
and Human Rights, and did not meet the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Council of Europe
Standards.
Furthermore, our own State Department called for a rerun in
almost a 190 districts, quoting ``where people were not able to
cast their ballot free from the threat of violence or
intimidation.''
The New York Times reported on June 2 of this month that
Dennis McCone, a former Europe minister in Tony Blair's
government, who was in Skopje as a monitor for the Council of
Europe, said that the ``vote in FYROM would have no legitimacy
unless new elections were called.'' He said, ``This vote is a
tragedy for supporters of Macedonia's European Union and
TransAtlantic future.'' It continues to quote him to say,
``Nobody can form a government on the basis of an election in
which police have stuffed ballot boxes and thugs are attacking
polling stations.''
Do you think--I read your full statement. You gave us an
abbreviated statement. It's very inspirational for Macedonia.
It's an aspiration we share, but for FYROM, do you think that
this corresponds to a democratic country that fulfills the
criteria to join NATO?
Mr. Reeker. Thank you, Senator. I appreciate the question
because I think for any of us who have followed events in
Macedonia, the June 1 early elections, parliamentary elections
were, frankly, very disappointing. They did not meet
international commitments. As you noted, there were incidents
of violence, intimidation, fraud, largely intraethnic among
competing forces within the ethnic Albanian community.
What we have seen over a period of many years since
Macedonia's independence is the development of institutions of
government of civil society of democracy which rose to the
occasion and did respond with reruns of those elections in
numerous locations, ordered those reruns and those took place
on June 15.
As noted by a number of the observers that you referenced,
there were substantial improvements. There was significantly
improved security. The environment was considerably better, but
again there was serious irregularities in some polling
stations, and as the OSCE and the Council of Europe have noted,
they did not meet some of the key commitments that Macedonia
has made.
I believe there will be additional reruns in several
districts and that again shows that the institutions to respond
to this kind of problems in Macedonia are in place and are
working.
What we had seen, of course, was a series of elections over
time that had been very positive and shown a tremendous
development in democracy.
Senator Menendez. But this latest round did not meet those
standards.
Mr. Reeker. That's correct.
Senator Menendez. And we should be concerned about it.
We're thinking about allowing this country to enter into NATO.
Now, clearly, it must have certain standards in order to
join and so I would hope that in our desire to have them join
NATO that we're not willing to overlook those standards at the
end of the day.
Let me ask you this. I have seen school textbooks and maps
that circulate in the former Yugoslavia Republic of Macedonia
showing parts of Greece belonging to the so-called Greater
Macedonia.
Do you think that the practice of the government there is
an act of good neighborly relations when they pursue that as
part of their official education?
Mr. Reeker. Senator, I have seen reports from both sides in
the recent Macedonia dispute accusing each other of taking
actions or making statements that have inflamed the issue of
the name.
Obviously this points to the fact that this needs to be
resolved. I think the overwhelming majority of people in both
countries have shown over a course of many years the people to
people relations, the economic relations, suggest that the two
countries in fact can get along extremely well and can mutually
support each other.
That underlies the fact that they have got to find a quick
and mutually agreeable solution to the name issue and why we
continue to encourage both countries to intensity their efforts
along with the intensified efforts to the U.N. Ambassador
Limits to find a solution.
Senator Menendez. In fact, NATO took the position that
while it has the desire to make that offer; it's not going to
happen until there is some reconciliation and coming to a
determination on the name, is that not so?
So if that is the case, what will you be doing? I know that
Limits is at the head of this, but obviously if you are to be
confirmed, you would be in a position as our ambassador in that
country to try to get that country to understand it is in its
own interests to find an accommodation. Is that something that
you would be pursuing?
Mr. Reeker. Yes, Senator, I would certainly, if confirmed,
continue to work through our embassy in Skopje, just as our
embassy in Athens works with the Government of Greece to be
supportive of both sides to encourage them to find a quick
mutually agreeable solution because that is in the best
interests not only of both Macedonia and of Greece but the
region certainly and since the United States focus is to
encourage a stable, secure partner in the center of the
Balkans, in Macedonia, it is in our interests as well, and we
will continue to push them to deal with as expeditiously as
possible.
Senator Menendez. Finally, I'd like to ask each of the
nominees, do you feel the United States should apologize to
foreign governments when Congress speaks out on matters of
human rights? If each of you would just give me an answer to
that?
Mr. Beyrle. If the United States Government should
apologize to the people, to the Government of Russia, would
Congress----
Senator Menendez. For each of your countries, should we
feel compelled to apologize to foreign governments when
Congress speaks on matters of human rights?
Mr. Beyrle. No.
Mr. Reeker. I agree with the same answer, no.
Ms. aidanow. No.
Mr. Chaudhry. No.
Ms. Yovanovitch. No.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Cardin. Thank you, Senator. Let me ask one more
question in regard to Macedonia.
First of all, you see the Limits process still workable? It
was unsuccessful in a resolution prior to the Bucharest
Conference. Is it still a viable process in which we should
expect the potential resolving of the issues between Macedonia
and Greece?
Mr. Reeker. Yes, Mr. Chairman, I believe it is a viable
process. The United States supports that process and, most
importantly, both sides of the dispute support that process
which is why we, in our capacity as a friend and ally to both
Macedonia and to Greece, have encouraged both sides to find a
quick mutually agreeable solution to this problem.
It's a difficult problem. It's an emotional problem, but it
is one that can be solved, we believe, and the Limits process
is the way to go about that. So we're encouraging both sides to
show greater flexibility, creativity, cooperation, and do what
is needed to find a solution.
Senator Cardin. Is part of that taking up issues, such as
the name of the airport, Alexander the Great? I mean, it seems
like some of this might be somewhat inflammatory. Is that part
of the process?
Mr. Reeker. As I indicated, Mr. Chairman, and I've followed
these issues for some time, since I served my first tour in
Macedonia, both sides have taken actions, made statements over
time, that have certainly inflamed the issue.
The important thing here is to move beyond that, to move
toward cooperation, have that eclipse confrontation and have
understanding supplant mistrust, use the Limits process because
these countries have shown that as neighbors, in fact they can
get along extremely well. They have robust trade relations.
They have robust people to people relations.
You know, you see Macedonians eager to travel to Greece.
You see trade and investment from Greece coming to Macedonia,
and I think that's what's important. So we can get over the
difficult issues by using the diplomatic and the negotiating
structures we have available.
Senator Cardin. Thank you very much. Let me make just one
more comment, Ms. Yovanovitch, in regard to the Republic of
Armenia.
You mention in your statement the violence that erupted
after the last elections in March. The comments by the Armenian
Government, at least some of its officials, that this was
instituted to try to overthrow the government or similar
comments which I found no basis at all, in fact, is it our
position that we are still awaiting and asking for an
independent review of what happened in this violence when
civilians were killed, so that we can try to prevent these
types of episodes in the future?
Ms. Yovanovitch. Yes, that is our position, that there be
an objective, independent, and inclusive investigation.
I would say that over the last couple of days, the
Government of Armenia has established an investigation. It will
be important that there is a positive process that all sides
can buy into and participate in.
Senator Cardin. All right. Thank you for that. Let me just
make one announcement. Members will have until the end of
tomorrow to ask questions for the record. I would ask that you
respond to those questions as quickly as possible so the
committee can take appropriate action in regard to your
nominations as soon as possible.
Once again, I want to thank all eight of our nominees for
their patience today in answering our questions and their
willingness to serve our country.
With that, the committee will stand adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 4:33 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
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Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Document No. 1 From Senator Menendez
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Document No. 2 From Senator Menendez
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Document No. 3 From Senator Menendez
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Document No. 4 From Senator Menendez
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Document No. 5 From Senator Menendez
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Document No. 5 From Senator Menendez
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Letter From Matthew A. Reynolds, Acting Assistant Secretary,
Legislative Affairs, United States Department of State
U.S. Department of State,
Waashington, DC, July 29, 2008.
Hon. Joseph R. Biden, Jr.,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate,
Washington, DC.
Dear Senator Biden: I am writing in response to your concerns
regarding responses to questions for the record submitted by you and
Senator Menendez regarding the nomination of Marie Yovanovitch as
Ambassador to Armenia.
Regarding your Question #1, Ms. Yovanovitch mentions an
International Visitors Program under consideration that would bring
archivists from Turkey and Armenia to the United States for
professional training. Our goal is to help archivists protect the
evidence of the past so that future generations will have the
documentation of the mass killings and deportations of Armenians
committed by Ottoman soldiers and other Ottoman officials in 1915. Our
goal is not to open a debate on whether the Ottomans committed these
horrendous acts; it is to help preserve the documentation that supports
the truth of those events.
Regarding Ms. Yovanovitch's response to Senator Menendez's
Question #8, the administration recognizes that the mass killings,
ethnic cleansing, and forced deportations of over one and a half
million Armenians were conducted by the Ottoman Empire. We indeed hold
Ottoman officials responsible for those crimes.
In her testimony, Ms. Yovanovitch tried to convey her deep empathy
with the profound suffering of the Armenian people and in no way sought
to cast any doubt on historical facts.
We hope this information is helpful to you. Please do not hesitate
to contact us if we can be of further assistance on this or any other
matter.
Sincerely,
Matthew A. Reynolds,
Acting Assistant Secretary,
Legislative Affairs.
______
Responses of Marie Yovanovitch to Questions Submitted
by Senator John F. Kerry
Question. I strongly believe that the killings and other atrocities
perpetrated against some 1.5 million Armenians by the Ottoman Empire
beginning in 1915 clearly constituted genocide. Acknowledging when
genocide has occurred is not simply a theoretical or legal exercise. It
is key to preventing genocide from happening again. That's why, in my
view, we must change United States policy to reflect the true nature of
the tragic events that were perpetrated against the Armenians by
calling them what they were--genocide.
I understand the following to be accepted facts:
Article II of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of Genocide defines genocide as ``any of the
following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in
part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group''--and
it lists ``killing members of the group'' as one of these acts.
The United States has ``never denied the tragic events of
1915,'' and the Bush administration has acknowledged ``the
forced exile and mass killing inflicted on as many as 1.5
million Armenians,'' as indicated by the State Department in
its response to my letter of June 5, 2006.
The atrocities conceived and carried out by the Ottoman
Empire from 1915 to 1923 resulted in the deportation of nearly
2,000,000 Armenians, of whom about 1,500,000 men, women, and
children were killed, the expulsion of 500,000 survivors, and a
concerted campaign that resulted in the elimination of the more
than 2,500-year presence of Armenians in their historic
homeland.
The Honorable Henry Morgenthau, U.S. Ambassador to the
Ottoman Empire from 1913 to 1916, described to the Department
of State the policy of the Government of the Ottoman Empire as
``a campaign of race extermination,'' and was instructed on
July 16, 1915, by Secretary of State Robert Lansing that the
``Department approves your procedure . . . to stop Armenian
persecution.''
Raphael Lemkin, who coined the term ``genocide'' in 1944,
and who was the earliest proponent of the Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of Genocide, invoked the Armenian
case as a definitive example of genocide in the 20th century.
Proclamation 4838 of April 22, 1981 (95 Stat. 1813) issued
by President Ronald Reagan, stated, in part, that ``[l]ike the
genocide of the Armenians before it, and the genocide of the
Cambodians which followed it--and like too many other
persecutions of too many other people--the lessons of the
Holocaust must never be forgotten.''
President George W. Bush, on April 24, 2004, stated, ``[o]n
this day, we pause in remembrance of one of the most horrible
tragedies of the 20th century, the annihilation of as many as
1,500,000 Armenians through forced exile and murder at the end
of the Ottoman Empire.''
Do you dispute any of the above? If so, which facts and why?
Answer. As noted above, the administration has never denied the
facts of what happened in 1915, and it does not deny the facts that are
listed above. The administration believes that the best way to honor
the victims is to promote understanding and reconciliation between the
people and Governments of Armenia and Turkey and to help Turkey come to
terms with this dark chapter in history. The administration continues
to encourage both Turkey and Armenia to work towards reconciliation.
There are some hopeful signs that they are engaging each other.
Many Americans believe that the events of the past should be called
``genocide.'' It has been President Bush's policy--as well as that of
several previous Presidents on both sides of the aisle--not to use that
term. The administration's focus is on encouraging people in Turkey to
reconcile with their past and with the Armenian people regarding these
horrific events.
There should be no doubt in anyone's mind that the U.S. Government
and I certainly recognize and deplore the mass killings and
deportations that occurred in 1915 and after. No words of any kind can
convey our sorrow for the suffering that still endures as a result of
these terrible events. It is exactly this tragedy that makes us so
determined to support reconciliation between the Armenian and Turkish
peoples today.
Question. Do you personally believe that these atrocities meet the
definition of a genocide? If not, please specify why not and provide
your legal opinion.
Answer. As the child of refugees--at a different time and place--I
do feel very strongly about the great suffering experienced by the
Armenian people, both at that time and today, as they remember this
dark chapter in their history. I too mourn the loss of so many innocent
lives and fully respect that the Armenian-American community and the
Armenian people want their pain and loss to be acknowledged. The
specific terminology the administration uses to refer to this tragedy
is a policy determination made by the President. Should I be confirmed
as the personal representative of the President, I would have the duty
to faithfully represent the policies of the President and his
administration.
Question. Can you explain how the administration's denial of the
Armenian genocide can be reconciled with the United States long history
of opposing genocide in any form?
Answer. The administration has never denied the facts of what
occurred in 1915. President Bush acknowledges this horrific tragedy
each year on April 24, Armenian Remembrance Day.
Question. Do you personally believe there should be a change in the
administration's policy of nonrecognition of this genocide?
Answer. The administration has never denied the terrible events of
1915. The President annually recognizes this tragedy on Armenian
Remembrance Day. This policy is determined by the President and, should
I be confirmed as the personal representative of the President, I would
have the duty to represent the policies of the President and his
administration faithfully. I pledge to provide the very best advice in
this process that I can; this is what I have tried to do my entire
career.
Question. Can you explain why the administration still refuses to
recognize these atrocities as a genocide?
Answer. The administration has never denied the terrible events of
1915 and acknowledges the human tragedy of the mass killings and forced
exile of over 1.5 million Armenians at the end of the Ottoman Empire.
The administration also understands that many Americans and many
Armenians believe that these events should be called ``genocide.'' It
has been the policy of this administration, as well as that of previous
administrations of both parties, not to use that term. The President's
focus is on encouraging Turkish citizens to reconcile with their past
and with the Armenian people. Our goal is to stimulate a candid
exploration within Turkish society of these horrific events in an
effort to help this reconciliation. This is not easy. It was not easy
for the United States to address its own historic dark spots. Turkey is
making progress addressing these issues. The administration seeks not
to undercut voices emerging in Turkey who call for a truthful
exploration of these events in pursuit of Turkey's reconciliation with
its own past and with Armenia; we share their goal of opening Turkey's
past through honest, if painful, self examination.
Question. To the best of your knowledge, is there any effort
underway to reexamine this policy? If so, when can Congress expect the
result of this reexamination?
Answer. U.S. policy on all issues is open to discussion both within
and from outside the administration. The Congress has been instrumental
in raising this issue, as have many American citizens, as is
appropriate in our democracy. Secretary Rice has made it clear that
there are no taboo subjects and that all viewpoints are respectfully
heard. If confirmed, I would seek to provide unbiased information and
the best policy advice so that Washington policymakers can make the
best decisions.
Question. As the United States Ambassador to Armenia, would you
personally work to change United States policy and have these
atrocities acknowledged as a genocide?
Answer. As the child of refugees--at a different time and place--I
do feel very strongly about the great suffering experienced by the
Armenian people both at that time and today as they remember this dark
chapter in history. I too mourn the loss of so many innocent lives and
fully respect that the Armenian-American community and the Armenian
people want their pain and loss to be acknowledged. We all have strong
feelings about this. But, as the personal representative of the
President of the United States, an ambassador must faithfully represent
the policies of the President and his administration. The Secretary has
made it clear that there are no taboo subjects for internal discussion
and that all viewpoints are respectfully heard. I pledge to provide the
very best advice that I can; this is what I have tried to do my entire
career.
Question. As the United States Ambassador to Armenia, what actions,
if any, would you take against your employees, if they properly
characterized the massacre of Armenians during WWI as a genocide?
Answer. As representatives of this administration, all State
Department officers have the duty to represent the policies of the
President and his administration faithfully, and I would expect the
same of my staff. This is a basic tenet of a diplomatic career.
Question. During your June 19, 2008 confirmation hearing, you
stated that referring to the Armenian genocide as genocide was a
``policy decision'' that senior officials, such as the President and
the Secretary of State, could determine.
Please describe, in detail, the source, purpose, content, and
conclusions of all administration ``policy'' documents, ``decisions,''
and other materials concerning the Armenian Genocide that you reviewed
and provide copies of these materials to the committee for its review.
Answer. The President's policy on this issue is described in the
President's yearly Remembrance Day statements, and I have reviewed all
the statements of this administration. They are part of the public
record and are attached to this response. I have studied the history of
the tragic massacres and forced exile that occurred at the end of the
Ottoman Empire and U.S. policy in that regard. I have reviewed the
``U.S. Official Records on the Armenian Genocide 1915-1917'' and have
read a number of books that examine the subject from various
perspectives, including ``The Burning Tigris,'' ``A Shameful Act,'' and
``Unsilencing the Past.'' The individual stories are horrifying; the
magnitude of this terrible act--over 1.5 million murdered or deported--
is simply incomprehensible. I also have reviewed the statements made by
various U.S. officials at that time, including those presented to me at
my confirmation hearing on June 19.
[The above-referenced statements follow:]
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary, April 24, 2001.
presidential message
Today marks the commemoration of one of the great tragedies of
history: the forced exile and annihilation of approximately 1.5 million
Armenians in the closing years of the Ottoman Empire. These infamous
killings darkened the 20th century and continue to haunt us to this
day. Today, I join Armenian Americans and the Armenian community abroad
to mourn the loss of so many innocent lives. I ask all Americans to
reflect on these terrible events.While we mourn the tragedy that
scarred the history of the Armenian people, let us also celebrate their
indomitable will which has allowed Armenian culture, religion, and
identity to flourish through the ages. Let us mark this year the 1700th
anniversary of the establishment of Christianity in Armenia. Let us
celebrate the spirit that illuminated the pages of history in 451 when
the Armenians refused to bow to Persian demands that they renounce
their faith. The Armenian reply was both courageous and unequivocal:
``From this faith none can shake us, neither angels, nor men, neither
sword, fire or water, nor any bitter torturers.'' This is the spirit
that survived again in the face of the bitter fate that befell so many
Armenians at the end of the Ottoman Empire.
Today, that same spirit not only survives, but thrives in Armenian
communities the world over. Many Armenian survivors and their
descendents chose to live in the United States, where they found safety
and built new lives. We are grateful for the countless ways in which
Armenian Americans continue to enrich America's science, culture,
commerce and, indeed, all aspects of our national life.
One of the most important ways in which we can honor the memory of
Armenian victims of the past is to help modern Armenia build a secure
and prosperous future. I am proud that the United States actively
supports Armenia and its neighbors in finding a permanent and fair
settlement to the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute. I hope that this year we
will see peace and reconciliation flourish in the south Caucasus region
between Armenia and all its neighbors. The United States welcomes the
opportunity to support the courageous efforts by the Armenian people to
overcome years of hardship and Soviet repression to create a
prospering, democratic, and sovereign Republic of Armenia.
Let us remember the past and let its lessons guide us as we seek to
build a better future. In the name of the American people, I extend my
heartfelt best wishes to all Armenians as we observe this solemn day of
remembrance.
______
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary, April 24, 2002.
president's message on armenian massacre
Today, we commemorate an appalling tragedy of the 20th century, the
massacre of as many as 1.5 million Armenians through forced exile and
murder at the end of the Ottoman Empire. These horrific killings left
wounds that remain painful for people in Armenia, in Turkey, and around
the world. I join the Armenian community in America and across the
globe in mourning this horrendous loss of life.
Today is an occasion for the world to reflect upon and draw lessons
from these terrible events. It is a day for recognizing that demonizing
others lays the foundation for a dark cycle of hatred. Transcending
this venomous pattern requires painful introspection about the past and
wise determination to forge a new future based on truth and
reconciliation. In this spirit, I look forward to Turkey restoring
economic, political, and cultural links with Armenia.
The United States greatly values the contributions that Armenians
make to our national life. With faith and courage, generations of
Armenians have overcome great suffering and proudly preserved their
centuries-old culture, traditions, and religion. The United States is
also deeply grateful for Armenia's swift and decisive cooperation in
the war against terrorism.
Just as the United States reached out to the Armenian people to
provide shelter and freedom early in the last century, so did Armenia
extend a supportive hand to the American people in the immediate
aftermath of September 11. Our two peoples stand together in this fight
in support of values that define civilization itself.
I am also very proud of America's strong support for a free
Armenian state, whose citizens enjoy the fruits of peace and increasing
prosperity. In the months to come, America will continue to increase
its security cooperation with Armenia and with Armenia's neighbors to
combat terrorism and pursue a lasting and just settlement to the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which will strengthen peace and stability in
the Caucasus. The United States will also continue its strong support
for Armenia's efforts to develop democratic and free market
institutions, and to deepen its integration into the Euro-Atlantic
community.
On behalf of the American people, I send warm wishes and
expressions of solidarity to the Armenian people on this solemn day of
remembrance. Together, our nations look with hope and determination
toward a future of peace, prosperity, and freedom.
George W. Bush
______
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary, April 24, 2003.
presidential message: armenian remembrance day, 2003
Today marks the anniversary of a horrible tragedy, the mass
killings and forced exile of countless Armenians in the final days of
the Ottoman Empire. Many Armenians refer to these appalling events as
the ``great calamity,'' reflecting a deep sorrow that continues to
haunt them and their neighbors, the Turkish people. The suffering that
befell the Armenian people in 1915 is a tragedy for all humanity, which
the world should not forget. I join the Armenian-American community and
Armenians around the world in mourning the horrendous loss of life.
I also salute our wise and bold friends from Armenia and Turkey who
are coming together in a spirit of reconciliation to consider these
events and their significance. I applaud them for rising above
bitterness, and taking action to create a better future. I wish them
success, building on their recent and significant achievements, as they
work together in a spirit of hope and understanding.
As we remember those who perished and suffered, we salute the
nation of Armenia, and Armenians everywhere. The United States is
grateful for the contributions of Armenian Americans to our national
life. Generations of Armenians have employed wisdom, courage, and
centuries-old traditions to overcome great suffering and enrich their
adopted American homeland.
The United States is proud to be a friend of Armenia, a young state
with an ancient heritage. We are deepening our partnership to help
achieve a secure, prosperous, and dignified future for the citizens of
Armenia. The United States is committed to achieving a just and lasting
settlement to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. We will also continue to
help Armenia as it strives to strengthen its democracy and market
economy.
On behalf of the American people, I send solemn wishes to the
Armenian people on this day of remembrance. Our nations stand together,
determined to create a future of peace, prosperity, and freedom for the
citizens of our countries, for our regions, and for the world.
George W. Bush
______
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary, April 24, 2004.
armenian remembrance day
On this day, we pause in remembrance of one of the most horrible
tragedies of the 20th century, the annihilation of as many as 1.5
million Armenians through forced exile and murder at the end of the
Ottoman Empire. This terrible event remains a source of pain for people
in Armenia and Turkey and for all those who believe in freedom,
tolerance, and the dignity of every human life. I join with my fellow
Americans and the Armenian community in the United States and around
the world in mourning this loss of life.
The United States is proud of the strong ties we share with
Armenia. From the end of World War I and again since the reemergence of
an independent Armenian state in 1991, our country has sought a
partnership with Armenia that promotes democracy, security cooperation,
and free markets. Today, our Nation remains committed to a peace
settlement in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and is grateful for
Armenia's continuing cooperation in the war on terror. By advancing
understanding and goodwill, free nations can help build a brighter
future for the world. Our country seeks to help Armenia expand its
strategic relations with the United States and our European allies.
Generations of Armenian Americans have also strengthened our
communities and enriched our Nation's character. By preserving their
heritage, faith, and traditions, Armenian Americans enhance the
diversity that makes America great.
I commend individuals in Armenia and Turkey who have worked to
support peace and reconciliation, including through the Turkish-
Armenian Reconciliation Commission, and call on Armenia and Turkey to
restore their economic, political, and cultural ties. I also send warm
wishes and expressions of solidarity to the Armenian people on this
solemn day of remembrance.
George W. Bush
______
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary, April 24, 2005.
president's statement on armenian remembrance day
On Armenian Remembrance Day, we remember the forced exile and mass
killings of as many as 1.5 million Armenians during the last days of
the Ottoman Empire. This terrible event is what many Armenian people
have come to call the ``Great Calamity.'' I join my fellow Americans
and Armenian people around the world in expressing my deepest
condolences for this horrible loss of life.
Today, as we commemorate the 90th anniversary of this human tragedy
and reflect on the suffering of the Armenian people, we also look
toward a promising future for an independent Armenian state. The United
States is grateful for Armenia's contributions to the war on terror and
to efforts to build a democratic and peaceful Iraq. We remain committed
to supporting the historic reforms Armenia has pursued for over a
decade. We call on the Government of Armenia to advance democratic
freedoms that will further advance the aspirations of the Armenian
people. We remain committed to a lasting and peaceful settlement of the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. We also seek a deeper partnership with
Armenia that includes security cooperation and is rooted in the shared
values of democratic and market economic freedoms.
I applaud individuals in Armenia and Turkey who have sought to
examine the historical events of the early 20th century with honesty
and sensitivity. The recent analysis by the International Center for
Transitional Justice did not provide the final word, yet marked a
significant step toward reconciliation and restoration of the spirit of
tolerance and cultural richness that has connected the people of the
Caucasus and Anatolia for centuries. We look to a future of freedom,
peace, and prosperity in Armenia and Turkey and hope that Prime
Minister Erdogan's recent proposal for a joint Turkish-Armenian
commission can help advance these processes.
Millions of Americans proudly trace their ancestry to Armenia.
Their faith, traditions, and patriotism enrich the cultural, political,
and economic life of the United States. I appreciate all individuals
who work to promote peace, tolerance, and reconciliation.
On this solemn day of remembrance, I send my best wishes and
expressions of solidarity to Armenian people around the world.
George W. Bush
______
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary, April 24, 2006.
presidential message
Today, we remember one of the horrible tragedies of the 20th
century--the mass killings and forced exile of as many as 1.5 million
Armenians in the final days of the Ottoman Empire in 1915. This was a
tragedy for all humanity and one that we and the world must never
forget.
We mourn this terrible chapter of history and recognize that it
remains a source of pain for people in Armenia and for all those who
believe in freedom, tolerance, and the dignity and value of every human
life. It is a credit to the human spirit and generations of Armenians
who live in Armenia, America, and around the globe that they have
overcome this suffering and proudly preserved their centuries-old
culture, traditions, and religion.
We praise the individuals in Armenia and Turkey who have sought to
examine the historical events of this time with honesty and
sensitivity. The analysis by the International Center for Transitional
Justice, while not the final word, has made a significant contribution
toward deepening our understanding of these events. We encourage
dialogues, including through joint commissions, that strive for a
shared understanding of these tragic events and move Armenia and Turkey
towards normalized relations.
Today, we look with hope to a bright future for Armenia. Armenia's
Millennium Challenge Compact reflects our confidence and the importance
we place in Armenia making progress on democratic reform and
advancement of free markets. We seek to help Armenia bolster its
security and deepen its inclusion in the Euro-Atlantic family. We
remain committed to securing a peaceful and lasting settlement of the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and hope the leaders of Armenia and
Azerbaijan will take bold steps to achieve this goal.
On this solemn day of remembrance, Laura and I express our deepest
condolences to the Armenian people. Our nations stand together,
determined to create a future of peace, prosperity, and freedom for the
citizens of our countries and the world.
George W. Bush
______
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary, April 24, 2007.
presidential message: honoring memory of 1.5 million armenian lives
lost during ottoman empire
Each year on this day, we pause to remember the victims of one of
the greatest tragedies of the 20th century, when as many as 1.5 million
Armenians lost their lives in the final years of the Ottoman Empire,
many of them victims of mass killings and forced exile. I join my
fellow Americans and Armenian people around the world in commemorating
this tragedy and honoring the memory of the innocent lives that were
taken. The world must never forget this painful chapter of its history.
All who cherish freedom and value the sanctity of human life look
back on these horrific events in sorrow and disbelief. Many of those
who survived were forced from their ancestral home and spread across
the globe. Yet, in the midst of this terrible struggle, the world
witnessed the indomitable spirit and character of the Armenian people.
Many of the brave survivors came to America, where they have preserved
a deep connection with their history and culture. Generations of
Armenians in the United States have enriched our country and inspired
us with their courage and conviction.
Today, we remember the past and also look forward to a brighter
future. We commend the individuals in Armenia and Turkey who are
working to normalize the relationship between their two countries. A
sincere and open examination of the historic events of the late-Ottoman
period is an essential part of this process. The United States supports
and encourages those in both countries who are working to build a
shared understanding of history as a basis for a more hopeful future.
We value the strong and vibrant ties between the United States and
Armenia. Our Nation is grateful for Armenia's contributions to the war
on terror, particularly for its efforts to help build a peaceful and
democratic Iraq. The United States remains committed to working with
Armenia and Azerbaijan to promote a peaceful settlement of the Nagorno-
Karabakh conflict. We are also working to promote democratic and
economic reform in Armenia that will advance the cause of freedom and
justice.
Laura and I express our deepest condolences to Armenian people
around the world on this solemn day of remembrance. We stand together
in our determination to build a more peaceful, more prosperous, and
more just world.
George W. Bush
______
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary, April 24, 2008.
statement by the president on armenian remembrance day
On this day of remembrance, we honor the memory of the victims of
one of the greatest tragedies of the 20th century, the mass killings
and forced exile of as many as 1.5 million Armenians at the end of the
Ottoman Empire. I join the Armenian community in America and around the
world in commemorating this tragedy and mourning the loss of so many
innocent lives.
As we reflect on this epic human tragedy, we must resolve to
redouble our efforts to promote peace, tolerance, and respect for the
dignity of human life. The Armenian people's unalterable determination
to triumph over tragedy and flourish is a testament to their strength
of character and spirit. We are grateful for the many contributions
Americans of Armenian heritage have made to our Nation.
We welcome the efforts by individuals in Armenia and Turkey to
foster reconciliation and peace, and support joint efforts for an open
examination of the past in search of a shared understanding of these
tragic events. We look forward to the realization of a fully normalized
Armenia-Turkey relationship.
The United States is committed to a strong relationship with
Armenia based on shared values. We call on the Government of Armenia to
take decisive steps to promote democracy, and will continue our support
for Armenia to this end. We remain committed to serving as an honest
broker in pursuit of a lasting and peaceful settlement of the Nagorno-
Karabakh conflict.
On this solemn day of remembrance, Laura and I express our deepest
condolences to Armenian people around the world.
Question. What, if anything, has the State Department directed you
to say in public statements on the Armenian genocide? Who, if anyone,
directed you to make such statements in public?
Answer. I have not been directed to say anything. However, I
understand that I have a duty to faithfully represent the policy of the
President. There is the same expectation for all Foreign Service
officers and executive branch officials--regardless of the subject.
This is a basic tenet of a diplomatic career. At the same time, the
Secretary has made it clear that there are no taboo subjects for
internal discussion and that all viewpoints are respectfully heard.
The United States Government acknowledges and mourns the mass
killings, ethnic cleansing, and forced deportations that devastated
over one and a half million Armenians at the end of the Ottoman Empire.
The United States recognizes these events as one of the greatest
tragedies of the 20th century, the ``Medz Yeghern,'' or Great Calamity,
as many Armenians refer to it. That is why every April the President
honors the victims and expresses American solidarity with the Armenian
people on Remembrance Day.
Question. Have you been directed not to use the word genocide when
discussing the Armenian Genocide?
Answer. Policy on this issue is determined by the President. I
understand that I have a duty to faithfully represent the policy of the
President. There is the same expectation for all Foreign Service
officers and executive branch officials--regardless of the subject.
This is a basic tenet of a diplomatic career.
The administration understands that many Americans and many
Armenians believe that the events of the past that I have referred to
should be called ``genocide.'' It has been President Bush's policy, as
well as that of previous presidents of both parties, not to use that
term. The President's focus is on encouraging Turkish citizens to
reconcile with their past and with the Armenian people.
Question. If the Republic of Turkey recognized the genocide, would
the United States then recognize it also?
Answer. The United States Government acknowledges and mourns as
historical fact the mass killings, ethnic cleansing, and forced
deportations that devastated over one and a half million Armenians at
the end of the Ottoman Empire. The United States recognizes these
events as one of the greatest tragedies of the 20th century, the ``Medz
Yeghern,'' or Great Calamity, as many Armenians refer to it. That is
why every April the President honors the victims and expresses American
solidarity with the Armenian people on Remembrance Day. It is the
prerogative of the President to set the policy on how the
administration characterizes these historical events.
We have strongly encouraged Turkey to come to terms with its past.
That will not be easy, just as it has not been easy for the United
States to come to terms with dark periods of our own past. As one part
of that effort, the United States is prepared to provide assistance if
Turkey and Armenia agree to establish a joint historical commission.
______
Responses of Marie Yovanovitch to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. Yes, I have read this cable concerning Peace Corps-State
Department Relations.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. Yes, I understand and, if confirmed, will abide by the
guidelines as conveyed in 04 STATE 258893.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps's role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies''?
Answer. I agree that the Peace Corps, in order to effectively carry
out its mandate, needs to be distinct from the United States mission in
Armenia, as in other countries.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. In line with Secretary Rice's guidance on this issue, if
confirmed, I intend to allow the Peace Corps to operate with as much
autonomy as possible, bearing in mind my responsibility to provide for
the safety and security of the volunteers and to coordinate United
States objectives and policy in Armenia.
______
Responses of Marie Yovanovitch to Questions Submitted
by Senator Barack Obama
Nearly 2 million Armenians were deported during the Armenian
Genocide, which was carried out by the Ottoman Empire from 1915 to
1923, and approximately 1.5 million of those deported were killed. It
is imperative that we recognize the horrific acts carried out against
the Armenian people as genocide. The occurrence of the Armenian
genocide is a widely documented fact supported by an overwhelming
collection of historical evidence. I was deeply disturbed 2 years ago
when the United States Ambassador to Armenia was fired after he used
the term ``genocide'' to describe the mass slaughter of Armenians. I
called for Secretary Rice to closely examine what I believe is an
untenable position taken by the U.S. Government. I ask that you respond
to the following questions:
Question. How do you characterize the events surrounding the
Armenian genocide?
Answer. The United States Government acknowledges and mourns the
mass killings, ethnic cleansing, and forced deportations that
devastated over one and a half million Armenians at the end of the
Ottoman Empire. The United States recognizes these events as one of the
greatest tragedies of the 20th century, the ``Medz Yeghern,'' or Great
Calamity, as many Armenians refer to it. That is why every April the
President honors the victims and expresses American solidarity with the
Armenian people on Remembrance Day. As the child of refugees--at a
different time and place--I do feel very strongly about the great
suffering experienced by the Armenian people, both at that time and
today, as they remember this dark chapter in their history. I too mourn
the loss of so many innocent lives and fully respect that the Armenian-
American community and the Armenian people want their pain and loss to
be acknowledged.
Question. If confirmed, what actions will you take to remember the
victims of the Armenian Genocide?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue the tradition of
participating in the official memorial event held in Yerevan every
April. I will refer to this great historic catastrophe as the ``Medz
Yeghern,'' the term often used within Armenia to refer to that dark
chapter of history. If confirmed, I also would make it a priority to
promote understanding and reconciliation between the peoples and
Governments of Armenia and Turkey. It is important for the United
States to do everything that it can to encourage dialog between Armenia
and Turkey, and to encourage Turkey, in particular, to examine the
terrible events of that time openly. This was a tragedy that we and the
world must never forget, so that it is never repeated.
Question. What steps is the State Department taking to encourage
greater study and recognition of the Armenian Genocide in Turkey?
Answer. The United States Embassy in Ankara is committed to working
with the Government of Turkey on ways in which the atrocities of 1915
can be studied. As a recent example, the administration is currently
laying the groundwork for an International Visitor Program that would
bring archivists from the Turkish State Archives to the United States
to look at the ways in which we do historical research. As a confidence
building measure, the United States Government has contacted Armenian
archivists to participate in the program, in the hope that, upon
return, the archivists from both countries could work together on a
joint program that would study the issue.
In addition, our embassies take every opportunity in meetings with
the Governments of Armenia and Turkey, and with civil society leaders
from both countries, to encourage improved dialog between them. Since
2006, the United States Government has provided over $700,000 in
support of initiatives to increase people-to-people connections between
Armenia and Turkey, including research projects, conferences,
documentary production, and exchange and partnership programs with the
goal of increasing cross-border dialog and cooperation. These programs
are focused on bringing together Armenian and Turkish NGOs, think tank
researchers, academics, and business leaders at the grass roots level
by creating opportunities for them to work together on common projects
that will benefit both countries.
Question. How will you work with your counterparts in Ankara to
decriminalize discussion of the Armenian Genocide in Turkey? Is the
Department satisfied with recent modifications to Article 301 of
Turkey's Criminal Code that allowed individuals such as Hrant Dink to
be prosecuted for speaking about the Genocide? Why or why not?
Answer. The administration has made clear to the Turkish
authorities on many occasions that such prosecutions violate free
expression, run counter to Turkey's aspiration to join the European
Union, and undercut Turkey's strategic significance as an example of a
secular democracy that can inspire reform throughout the broader Middle
East and Central Asia. The scope for free expression in Turkey,
including on the Armenian issue, has expanded significantly in recent
years, but clearly there is much more to be done. In May 2008, Turkey
amended Article 301 of its Penal Code, under which individuals have
been prosecuted for ``insulting Turkishness.'' While the administration
would have preferred to have seen the repeal of Article 301, the
amendments reduce the maximum possible sentence from 3 to 2 years and,
most importantly, require the Minister of Justice to determine whether
to accept the case for prosecution. The Minister's role should help to
reduce significantly the number of cases brought by zealous
prosecutors. The administration has encouraged the Turkish authorities
to continue this progress and to end legal action against citizens for
expressing their views.
______
Responses of Marie Yovanovitch to Questions Submitted
by Senator Russell D. Feingold
Question. What conditions must be met for the administration to
finally recognize the slaughter of over 1.5 million Armenians during
WWI by the Ottoman Empire as ``genocide''? Specifically, if the
Republic of Turkey recognized the genocide, would the United States
then recognize it also? Additionally, how is the President's policy on
recognizing the Armenian Genocide different from the Turkish
Government's policy?
Answer. In contrast to the Turkish Government's policy, the United
States Government acknowledges and mourns as historical fact the mass
killings, ethnic cleansing, and forced deportations that devastated
over one and a half million Armenians at the end of the Ottoman Empire.
The United States recognizes these events as one of the greatest
tragedies of the 20th century, the ``Medz Yeghern,'' or Great Calamity,
as many Armenians refer to it. That is why every April the President
honors the victims and expresses American solidarity with the Armenian
people on Remembrance Day. It is the prerogative of the President to
set the policy on how the administration characterizes these historical
events.
We have strongly encouraged Turkey to come to terms with its past.
That will not be easy, just as it has not been easy for the United
States to come to terms with dark periods of our own past.
Question. Should you be confirmed, how will you work to promote
Armenian-Turkish reconciliation in a direction that would lead to full
recognition of the Armenian genocide by Turkey and the United States?
Additionally, how would you support efforts to promote overall
reconciliation and improved relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan?
Answer. If confirmed, I will continue this administration's efforts
to promote Turkish-Armenian reconciliation and normalization of
relations. Specifically, I will continue, working with our Embassy in
Ankara, administration efforts to encourage Turkey to open its land
border, reinstitute transportation, communication, and utility links
between the two countries, and reestablish diplomatic relations.
Contact begins to build trust, and trust is the necessary first step to
reconciliation, facilitating Turkey's ability and willingness to
examine the dark spots in its own history.
The administration, through our Embassy in Ankara, also will be
pressing for expanded freedom of expression in Turkey, helping to
expand the public debate surrounding the events of 1915 that led to the
amendment of Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code, under which
individuals have been prosecuted for ``insulting Turkishness.'' We
welcome this progress, though clearly there is more to be done. The
administration will continue to encourage the Turkish authorities to
end legal action against citizens for expressing their views.
As a Minsk Group cochair nation, we believe the single most
important step toward bolstering peace and prosperity in Armenia as
well as Azerbaijan would be a peaceful, just, and lasting settlement of
the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. During the past 2 years, the parties
have moved closer than ever to a framework agreement based on the Basic
Principles that have been the subject of intensive negotiations, thanks
in large part to the active mediation of the United States as a cochair
of the OSCE's Minsk Group. The Minsk Group cochairs remain fully
committed to helping Armenia and Azerbaijan finalize these Basic
Principles, and hope to build momentum in the coming months after an
introductory meeting between Presidents Sargsyan and Aliyev in St.
Petersburg on June 6. If I am confirmed, I would uphold our commitment
to support the efforts of the Minsk Group cochairs to sustain the
negotiations and narrow the differences between the sides to promote
the soonest possible endorsement of the Basic Principles, so the
parties can proceed on this basis with drafting a peace agreement.
______
Responses of Marie L. Yovanovitch to Questions Submitted
by Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Does the United States have military or economic
interests in Turkey that influence its decision on whether to use the
word ``genocide,'' when discussing the massacre of 1.5 million
Armenians from 1915-1923?
Answer. Turkey is a long-standing NATO ally of the United States
and an important partner in promoting peace and stability in the
broader Middle East, and one with which we share democratic values. We
seek to maintain strong United States-Turkey relations, just as we seek
to maintain strong United States-Armenian relations. We believe our
partnership will deepen with Turkey as it reconciles with its own
painful past and with Armenia. We are encouraging Turkey to open its
border, reinstitute transportation, communication, and utility links
between the two countries, and reestablish diplomatic relations. The
administration also has pressed for expanding freedom of expression in
Turkey, which has helped to expand the public debate surrounding the
events of 1915 and led to the amendment of Article 301 of the Turkish
Penal Code, under which individuals have been prosecuted for
``insulting Turkishness.''
Question. What do you believe are the effects of Turkey's state-
sponsored denial of a genocide on the survivors and their descendants?
Answer. Turkey's difficulty in coming to terms with this dark spot
in its history only adds to the pain experienced by many Armenians and
Armenian-Americans. The United States Government acknowledges and
mourns as historical fact the mass killings, ethnic cleansing, and
forced deportations that devastated over 1.5 million Armenians at the
end of the Ottoman Empire. The United States recognizes these events as
one of the greatest tragedies of the 20th century, the ``Medz
Yeghern,'' or Great Calamity, as many Armenians refer to it. That is
why every April 24 the President honors the victims and expresses
American solidarity with the Armenian people on Remembrance Day.
Question. Do you believe there can be reconciliation between Turkey
and Armenia, without an acknowledgment of the genocide by Turkey?
Answer. To achieve full reconciliation, Turkey must come to terms
with its past. This will not be easy and progress so far has been slow,
although there have been some signs of change, such as the outrage and
ethnic solidarity that resulted from the murder of Hrant Dink, and
recent changes to Article 301. The administration will continue to work
to promote understanding between Turkey and Armenia, including by
encouraging the normalization of diplomatic relations between the two
countries and the opening of their land border. If I am confirmed, I
will continue to promote not only government-to-government discussions,
but also people-to-people cultural and economic contacts and
partnerships, and other cross-border and regional initiatives. Contact
begins to build trust, and trust is the necessary first step to
reconciliation, facilitating Turkey's ability and willingness to
examine the dark spots in its history.
Question. In a 1951 U.S. court filing with the International Court
of Justice, the U.S. filing stated that, ``the Turkish massacres of
Armenians, the extermination of millions of Jews and Poles by the Nazis
are outstanding examples of the crime of genocide.'' Also, on April 22,
1981, President Ronald Reagan used the term genocide to describe the
Armenian Genocide, stating, in an official proclamation: ``Like the
genocide of the Armenians before it, and the genocide of the Cambodians
which followed it--and like too many other such persecutions of too
many other peoples--the lessons of the Holocaust must never be
forgotten.''
What is your understanding of the reasoning behind the change in
United States policy today that now prohibits executive branch
officials from using the term genocide to describe the Armenian
Genocide?
Answer. It has been President Bush's policy, as well as that of
previous Presidents of both parties, not to use that term. The
President's focus is on encouraging Turkish citizens to reconcile with
their past and with the Armenian people. He seeks to support the
painstaking progress achieved to date. A key part of that effort is to
end Armenia's isolation in the region by encouraging normalization of
relations between Armenia and Turkey and the opening of their land
border. President Bush believes that normalization can and should be
achieved.
The United States Government acknowledges and mourns the mass
killings, ethnic cleansing, and forced deportations that devastated
over one and a half million Armenians at the end of the Ottoman Empire.
The United States recognizes these events as one of the greatest
tragedies of the 20th century, the ``Medz Yeghern,'' or Great Calamity,
as many Armenians refer to it. That is why every April the President
honors the victims and expresses American solidarity with the Armenian
people on Remembrance Day.
Question. How can we expect Turkey to come to terms with its past
when we, as Americans, are unwilling to speak honestly about the
Armenian Genocide?
Answer. The administration has never denied the facts--over 1.5
million Armenians were murdered, starved, or deported at the end of the
Ottoman Empire. This was a tragedy that we and the world must never
forget, so that it is never repeated. Our focus is on encouraging the
people of Turkey to reconcile with their past regarding these horrific
events. We mourn this terrible chapter of history and recognize that it
remains a source of great pain for the people of Armenia and of
Armenian descent, and for all those who believe in the dignity and
value of every human life.
Question. As the ambassador-designate to Armenia you are clearly
mindful of the work of your predecessors in this important diplomatic
post, including former Ambassador John Evans, who was fired for
speaking truthfully about the Armenian Genocide? What lessons do you
draw from Ambassador Evans' experience, particularly the way in which
his tenure in Yerevan and his diplomatic career were ended?
Answer. I understand that I have a duty to faithfully represent the
policy of the President. There is the same expectation for all Foreign
Service officers and executive branch officials--regardless of the
subject. This is a basic tenet of a diplomatic career. At the same
time, the Secretary has made it clear that there are no taboo subjects
for internal discussion and that all viewpoints are respectfully heard.
Question. There were some questions about the characterization of
the Armenian Genocide that you were unable to answer because you were
not authorized to speak on them. Do you know of other cases where the
President limits speech of Department of State employees based on his
policy determinations on the characterizations of historical events?
Answer. As part of the executive branch, the State Department
follows the President's policies on all issues. There is the same
expectation for all Foreign Service officers and executive branch
officials--regardless of the subject. I understand that I have a duty
to faithfully represent the policy of the President. This is a basic
tenet of a diplomatic career.
Question. Do you believe the 1951 United States court filing with
the International Court of Justice stating, ``the Turkish massacres of
Armenians, the extermination of millions of Jews and Poles by the Nazis
are outstanding examples of the crime of genocide'' was inaccurate?
Answer. The U.S. Government acknowledges and mourns the mass
killings, ethnic cleansing, and forced deportations that devastated
over one and a half million Armenians at the end of the Ottoman Empire.
The administration also understands that many Americans and many
Armenians believe that these horrible acts should be called
``genocide.'' It has been President Bush's policy, as well as that of
previous presidents of both parties, not to use that term.
President Bush believes that the best way to honor the victims is
to remember the past, so it is never repeated, and to look to the
future to promote understanding and reconciliation between the peoples
and governments of Armenia and Turkey. A key part of that effort is to
end Armenia's isolation in the region by encouraging normalization of
relations between Armenia and Turkey and the opening of their land
border. The Armenian Government has requested that we facilitate this
process. It will not be easy nor will it likely be quick, but there are
some hopeful signs. President Bush believes that normalization can and
should be achieved.
Question. How does the administration's non-use of the genocide
term advance United States efforts to promote Armenian-Turkish
reconciliation?
Answer. The administration has never denied the terrible events of
1915 and acknowledges the human tragedy of the mass killings and forced
exile of over 1.5 million Armenians at the end of the Ottoman Empire.
The administration also understands that many Americans and many
Armenians believe that these events should be called ``genocide.'' It
has been the policy of this administration, as well as that of previous
administrations of both parties, not to use that term. The President's
focus is on encouraging Turkish citizens to reconcile with their past
and with the Armenian people. The administration's goal is to stimulate
a candid exploration within Turkish society of these horrific events in
an effort to help this reconciliation. This is not easy. It was not
easy for the United States to address its own historic dark spots. We
seek not to undercut voices emerging in Turkey who call for a truthful
exploration of these events in pursuit of Turkey's reconciliation with
its own past and with Armenia; we share their goal of opening Turkey's
past through honest, if painful, self examination.
Question. The President's policies are not promoting an honest
reexamination of its history, but actually intensifying Turkey's denial
of the Armenian Genocide. What evidence can you identify for us today
that can inspire any trust by the Senate that those words of
facilitating dialog have borne any real results?
Answer. The administration's goal is to stimulate a candid
exploration within Turkish society of these horrific events in an
effort to help this reconciliation. This is not easy. It was not easy
for the United States to address its own historic dark spots.
The administration has long pressed for expanding freedom of
expression in Turkey, which has helped to expand the public debate
surrounding the mass killings, forced exile, and ethnic cleansing that
occurred during WWI at the end of the Ottoman Empire. After a long
silence, Turkey is making progress addressing these issues. More than
100,000 Turkish citizens of all backgrounds demonstrated at the funeral
of Hrant Dink, an Armenian-Turkish journalist murdered by a Turkish
ultranationalist, and they demonstrated in support of tolerance and a
candid exploration of Turkey's past.In May 2008, the Turkish Government
amended Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code, under which individuals
have been prosecuted for ``insulting Turkishness.'' While the
administration would have preferred to have seen the repeal of Article
301, the amendments reduce the maximum possible sentence from 3 to 2
years and, most importantly, require the Minister of Justice to
determine whether to accept the case for prosecution. The Minister's
role should help to reduce significantly the number of cases brought by
zealous prosecutors. The administration will continue to encourage the
Turkish authorities to continue this progress and to end legal action
against citizens for expressing their views on this (and any) issue.
The United States Embassy in Ankara also is committed to working
with the Government of Turkey on ways in which the terrible events of
1915 can be studied. As a recent example, the United States Government
is currently laying the groundwork for an International Visitor Program
that would bring archivists from the Turkish State Archives to the
United States to look at the ways in which we do historical research.
As a confidence building measure, we also have contacted Armenian
archivists to participate in the program, in the hope that, upon
return, the archivists from both countries could work together on a
joint program that would study the atrocities.
In addition, our embassies take every opportunity in meetings with
the Governments of Armenia and Turkey, and with civil society leaders
from both countries, to encourage improved dialog between them. Since
2006, the United States Government has provided over $700,000 in
support of initiatives to increase people-to-people connections between
Armenia and Turkey, including research projects, conferences,
documentary production, and exchange and partnership programs with the
goal of increasing cross-border dialog and cooperation. These programs
are focused on bringing together Armenian and Turkish NGOs, think tank
researchers, academics, and business leaders at the grass roots level
by creating opportunities for them to work together on common projects
that will benefit both countries.
Question. The President opposes the recognition of the Armenian
Genocide because he believes it will harm reconciliation, however, he
does not take this same position with the genocide in Darfur, although
it is still heartily denied by the Sudanese Government. How is the
Armenian Genocide any different?
Answer. The mass murder and ethnic cleansing of over 1.5 million
Armenians in 1915 is a tragedy of epic proportions for all of humanity
and one that is commemorated every year in the United States so that we
never forget this dark chapter in history. Many Americans believe that
these events should be called ``genocide.'' It has been President
Bush's policy--as well as that of several previous Presidents on both
sides of the aisle--not to use that term. The administration's focus is
on encouraging people in Turkey to reconcile with their past and with
the Armenian people regarding these horrific events.
Question. What will you do to help end Turkey's over 15-year-long
blockade against Armenia?
Answer. Facilitating Armenia's regional integration by opening its
border with Turkey is a priority for the United States. If confirmed,
this would be one of my key priorities as ambassador--not only by
supporting government-to-government discussions--but by promoting
people-to-people contacts and partnerships, and other cross-border and
regional initiatives. Contact begins to build trust, and trust is the
necessary first step to reconciliation and conflict resolution. If
confirmed, I also look forward to working with my colleagues at our
embassy in Ankara in this common effort. Clearly, the status quo is not
helpful to anyone.
Fortunately, some progress has been achieved in recent years. There
are regular charter flights between Yerevan and Istanbul and other
flights to Antalya; bus connections via Georgia are numerous; and trade
with Turkey through Georgia is common. However, both countries would
benefit greatly from increased direct trade, connecting their
electrical grids, and implementing other measures natural to neighbors.
The United States also supports more cross-border dialog and
cooperation between the people of Armenia and Turkey through research
initiatives, conferences, and exchange programs. Our embassies take
every opportunity in meetings with the Governments of Armenia and
Turkey, and with civil society leaders from both countries, to
encourage improved dialog. Since 2006, the United States Government has
provided over $700,000 in support of initiatives to increase people-to-
people connections between Armenia and Turkey, including research
projects, conferences, documentary production, and exchange and
partnership programs with the goal of increasing cross-border dialog
and cooperation. These programs are focused on bringing together
Armenian and Turkish NGOs, think tank researchers, academics, and
business leaders at the grass roots level by creating opportunities for
them to work together on common projects that will benefit both
countries.
Question. How does Turkey and Azerbaijan's blockade of Armenia harm
United States interests in the region, in particular our interest to
promote an East-West trade corridor and minimize the influence of
Russia and Iran?
Answer. Facilitating Armenia's regional integration is a particular
priority for the United States. The United States Government has worked
to end Armenia's isolation both by promoting reconciliation between
Armenia and Turkey to reopen their land border, and by working to find
a peaceful and lasting settlement to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict with
Azerbaijan. The U.S. Government believes regional integration is in the
economic interest of all three countries and certainly in our interest.
For example, U.S. investment is hampered by regional divisions. With
its borders to the east and west closed, Armenia relies more than we
would like on its relations with Iran. In terms of Russia's influence,
Armenia's history and currently complicated relations with Azerbaijan
and Turkey provide the impetus for a close relationship with Russia. In
looking at the region as a whole, our strategic interests are focused
on several issues--the advance of freedom and democracy; security,
including counterterrorism and peaceful resolution of separatist
conflicts; and energy. All would benefit greatly from good neighborly
relations and regional integration of the South Caucasus.
Question. Currently, the United States assistance to Nagorno
Karabakh is limited to only humanitarian assistance, however, there are
serious needs for economic development, which have been ignored for
over a decade. Do you support a shift from humanitarian to
developmental assistance for Nagorno Karabakh to facilitate the
construction of a hospital and other projects?
Answer. Since 1998, the United States has provided roughly $29
million in funding for projects that meet the highest priority needs,
such as demining, health, drinking water, shelter, and infrastructure
reconstruction. The administration believes these are the most
appropriate and pressing priorities, based on a very recent (December
2007) needs assessment conducted by USAID in Nagorno-Karabakh, actual
humanitarian conditions on the ground, and international legal
constraints arising from the unresolved nature of the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict.
Question. What restrictions, if any, are in place that prohibit
communications between United States and Nagorno-Karabakh officials?
What is the justification for such restrictions, considering that the
Nagorno-Karabakh officials have been democratically elected in free and
internationally-monitored elections and are the legitimate
representatives of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh? Where are these
restrictions codified or enumerated?
Answer. No country, including Armenia, recognizes Nagorno-Karabakh
as an independent entity. In accordance with the international legal
principle of territorial integrity, Nagorno-Karabakh remains a part of
Azerbaijan, and its future status is the subject of negotiations
currently mediated by the OSCE's Minsk Group, of which the United
States is a cochair. The United States strives to remain an honest
broker of these negotiations. Because of these sensitivities, our level
of interaction with de facto officials from Nagorno-Karabakh is
limited. State Department policy authorizes only the United States
cochair of the OSCE Minsk Group and his staff to maintain regular
contact with the de facto Nagorno-Karabakh authorities and to travel on
a regular basis to Nagorno-Karabakh, with other United States officials
meeting with the de facto authorities of Nagorno-Karabakh with the
permission of the United States cochair. This policy is not codified in
official State Department regulations, but is widely disseminated to
all United States officials planning to travel to Armenia or
Azerbaijan.
Question. Would you permit USAID personnel, who are not Armenian
nationals, to visit Nagorno-Karabakh?
Answer. USAID personnel, like other United States officials, may
travel to Nagorno-Karabakh with the permission of the United States
cochair of the OSCE Minsk Group, who has the United States lead in
mediating the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. USAID personnel have traveled
to Nagorno-Karabakh in the past with the permission of the United
States cochair to implement humanitarian aid programs.
Question. Would you visit with government officials from Nagorno-
Karabakh, if they requested such a meeting?
Answer. The United States cochair and his staff maintain regular
contact with de facto officials from Nagorno-Karabakh. Under current
U.S. policy, if confirmed, I would not meet with such officials unless
requested to do so by the U.S. cochair.
______
Responses of Marie Yovanovitch to Questions Submitted
by Senator Barbara Boxer
Question. Can you please provide the State Department's definition
of the term genocide and an explanation of how the killing and forced
exile of 1.5 million Armenians between 1915-1923 fails to meet that
definition?
Answer. The United States became a State Party to the Convention on
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in 1989. Genocide is
defined in Article II of the Convention, as subject to the
understandings made by the Senate in providing its advice and consent
to ratification, and the State Department accepts that definition.
The administration has never denied the terrible events of 1915 and
acknowledges the human tragedy of the mass killings and forced exile of
as many as 1.5 million Armenians at the end of the Ottoman Empire. The
administration also understands that many Americans and many Armenians
believe that these events should be called ``genocide.'' It has been
the policy of this administration, as well as that of previous
administrations of both parties, not to use that term. The President's
focus is on remembering the past and on encouraging Turkish citizens to
reconcile with their past and with the Armenian people. The United
States believes that establishing an honest albeit painful dialog on
these events is the best way to achieve reconciliation, peace, and
stability in the region and to help encourage a full understanding of
these terrible events.
Question. Have you, at any time, been advised, counseled, or
informed in an explicit or implicit way not to use the term genocide?
Answer. Policy on this issue is determined by the President. I
understand that I have a duty to faithfully represent the policy of the
President. There is the same expectation for all Foreign Service
officers and executive branch officials--regardless of the subject.
Question. Have you reviewed the evidence provided by our own United
States diplomats and ambassadors at the time of the 1915 Armenian
Genocide (including reports and cables from United States Ambassador
Henry Morgenthau, United States Ambassador Abram Elkus, United States
Consul Jesse Jackson, and United States Consul Leslie Davis) that is
available in the United States archives?
Answer. I have read a number of books on this subject that quote
from the officials you mention, and I am familiar with key passages
that they have written, including those passages that were raised
during my confirmation hearing on June 19. I am acquainted with the
history of the tragic massacres and forced exile that occurred at the
end of the Ottoman Empire, and with U.S. policy in that regard. I also
have reviewed the ``U.S. Official Records on the Armenian Genocide
1915-1917,'' and have read a number of books looking at the subject
from various perspectives. The individual stories are horrifying; the
magnitude of these terrible acts--over 1.5 million killed or forcibly
deported--is simply incomprehensible.
Question. Do you acknowledge that the United States Government
affirmed the Armenian Genocide in its 1951 International Court of
Justice (ICJ) filing, which read in part: ``The Genocide Convention
resulted from the inhuman and barbarous practices, which prevailed in
certain countries prior to and during World War II, when entire
religious, racial and national minority groups were threatened with and
subjected to deliberate extermination. The practice of genocide has
occurred throughout human history. The Roman persecution of the
Christians, the Turkish massacres of Armenians, the extermination of
millions of Jews and Poles by the Nazis are outstanding examples of the
crime of genocide. (Document follows).
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Answer. It is my understanding that the U.S. Government did file
this document with the International Court of Justice in 1951.
Question. Do United States-Turkish relations influence the Bush
administration's policy concerning the Armenian Genocide in any way?
Answer. Turkey is a long-standing NATO ally of the United States
and an important partner in promoting peace and stability in the
broader Middle East. We seek to maintain strong United States-Turkey
relations, just as we seek to maintain strong United States-Armenian
relations. We do not believe that use of the term ``genocide'' will
contribute to Turkish-Armenian reconciliation and normalization of
relations. Instead, we are encouraging Turkey to open its border,
reinstitute transportation, communication, and utility links between
the two countries, and reestablish diplomatic relations. The
administration also has pressed for expanding freedom of expression in
Turkey, which has helped to expand the public debate surrounding the
events of 1915 and led to the amendment of Article 301 of the Turkish
Penal Code, under which individuals have been prosecuted for
``insulting Turkishness.''
Question. Do you fear you could lose your job or be demoted if you
were to use the word ``genocide'' to describe the atrocities committed
against the Armenians?
Answer. Policy on this issue is determined by the President. I
understand that I have a duty to represent the policy of the President
faithfully. There is the same expectation for all Foreign Service
officers and executive branch officials--regardless of the subject.
Question. In preparations for this hearing, you may have reviewed
your predecessor's responses to questions from the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee. Do you have any reservations about Ambassador
Richard Hoagland's initial written responses to the SFRC?
Answer. I did review his responses. I believe that we must make it
clear that the administration has never denied the facts--as many as
1.5 million Armenians were murdered, starved, or deported at the end of
the Ottoman Empire. Indeed, the administration has stated this quite
clearly. This was a tragedy that we and the world must never forget, so
that it is never repeated. We mourn this terrible chapter of history
and recognize that it remains a source of great pain for the people of
Armenia and of Armenian descent, and for all those who believe in the
dignity and value of every human life.
Question. What actions, if any, would you take against your
employees if they properly characterized the massacre of Armenians
during WWI as genocide?
Answer. As representatives of this administration, all State
Department officers have the duty to represent the policies of the
President and his administration faithfully, and I would expect the
same of my staff. This is a basic tenet of a diplomatic career. At the
same time, Secretary Rice has made it clear that there are no taboo
subjects for internal discussion and that all viewpoints are
respectfully heard. I would follow the same policy with my employees.
Question. Would you advise Members of Congress against supporting
the Armenian Genocide resolution, H.Res.106, which was recently passed
by the House Committee on Foreign Affairs?
Answer. If confirmed, as the personal representative of the
President of the United States, I would have the duty of faithfully
representing the policies of the President and his administration. If
asked by Members of Congress, I would provide my understanding of the
reasoning underlying the President's policy.
Question. Would you support a decision to allow USAID personnel who
are not Armenian nationals to visit Nagorno Karabakh?
Answer. USAID personnel, like other United States officials, may
travel to Nagorno-Karabakh with the permission of the United States
cochair of the OSCE Minsk Group, who has the United States lead in
mediating the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. USAID personnel have traveled
to Nagorno-Karabakh in the past with the permission of the United
States cochair to implement humanitarian aid programs.
Question. Would you visit with government officials from Nagorno-
Karabakh if they requested such a meeting?
Answer. The United States cochair and his staff maintain regular
contact with de facto officials from Nagorno-Karabakh. Under current
U.S. policy, if confirmed, I would not meet with such officials unless
requested to do so by the United States cochair.
Question. Will you consult with former Ambassador John Evans before
you depart for Armenia?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I would consult with former Ambassador
Evans and others before I depart for Armenia in order to better
understand the complex issues and challenges that I would face.
______
Responses of Marie Yovanovitch to Questions Submitted
by Senator Robert P. Casey, Jr.
Question. United States assistance to Armenia has demonstrated
effectiveness in promoting free market reform and is vital to democracy
building in Armenia. What actions will you take to continue to
facilitate a robust assistance program?
Answer. If confirmed, I will strongly support the continued
evaluation and fine-tuning of the United States Government assistance
programs and will coordinate closely with the Office of the Director of
Foreign Assistance, the Office of Management and Budget, and Congress
to ensure that future budget requests meet United States Government
policy goals, as well as the development needs of Armenia.
Many of the United States Government assistance programs in Armenia
have achieved measurable success, particularly in promoting economic
growth. For example, in part because of United States Government
assistance, the poverty rate in Armenia fell from 56 percent in 1999 to
30 percent in 2005 (based on IMF reporting); rural poverty fell from 48
percent to 28 percent. However, the events surrounding the flawed
Presidential elections in February and its aftermath prove that there
is still much work needed to foster democratic reform. In the wake of
these developments, the U.S. Government is evaluating how to better
target our assistance programs to achieve our policy objectives by
focusing more on increasing the capacity of civil society to seek
accountable and transparent governance.
Armenia was recently chosen as one of 10 pilot countries for which
the United States Government will develop a ``Country Assistance
Strategy'' (CAS). The CAS will identify goals and priorities for United
States assistance over a 5-year period, and will cover not only the
Department of State and USAID, but all other United States Government
agencies providing assistance to Armenia. The process of developing the
CAS should assist us in determining how the United States can best
contribute to Armenia's economic, social, and democratic development.
Question. Please explain the rationale behind the administration
decision to reduce aid to Armenia by over 50 percent in its fiscal year
2009 request, while maintaining or increasing aid to every other former
Soviet republic?
Answer. The reduced request for fiscal year 2009 does not detract
from the critical importance of Armenia to United States interests nor
does it signal a change in United States policy. Rather, the request
level meets the country's development needs and is appropriate within
the context of assistance priorities within the region and around the
globe. Armenia has made real progress on reversing rural poverty;
nevertheless, the government's commitment to democratic reform is not
as strong as others in the region, and Armenia still struggles with
rampant corruption and weak democratic institutions.
Within the fiscal year 2009 assistance request for Eurasia, funding
is prioritized to help the most reform-oriented countries in the
region--Georgia, Ukraine, and Moldova--by promoting economic and energy
independence, helping to diversify export markets, and improving
democratic governance in the face of increasing Russian economic and
political pressure.
Question. What will be your key priorities as Ambassador to
Armenia?
Answer. If I am confirmed, my top priority would be to support the
efforts of the United States in working toward regional stability by
facilitating Armenian-Turkish relations, including the opening of their
border, and a peaceful settlement to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict with
Azerbaijan. The status quo in both situations is unacceptable and not
in U.S. or regional interests. Promoting good governance in Armenia is
also a key United States goal. The conduct of the recent Presidential
elections and their violent aftermath in which 10 individuals died were
deeply disturbing. The path toward democracy is rarely fast or smooth.
The United States Government's aim is to help the Armenian Government
and the Armenian people restore democratic momentum and to renew their
own stated mission of moving forward to become a country where
government institutions are transparent and accountable and where rule
of law is accepted by all. The relationship of the United States
Government with Armenia is broad and deep, both on a bilateral level
and between our peoples. Over the past 17 years, the United States has
provided close to $2 billion in assistance and materially improved the
lives of millions of Armenians. If confirmed, I will do everything in
my power to ensure that United States interests are promoted and
protected, that the bilateral relationship flourishes, and that
Armenia's isolation ends and regional stability is enhanced.
Question. What do you think will be your greatest challenges?
Answer. If confirmed, my greatest challenges will be in working to
reduce Armenia's geographic isolation and helping Armenia recover from
recent setbacks to its democratic development. Supporting Armenia's
regional integration is a priority for the United States.
Achieving normal relations between Armenia and Turkey is a
principal concern. As a key part of that effort, the United States
supports the opening of the Turkish-Armenian land border. The status
quo is not helpful to either country. Some progress has been achieved
in recent years. There are regular charter flights between Yerevan and
Istanbul and other flights to Antalya; bus connections via Georgia are
numerous; and trade with Turkey through Georgia is common. Both
countries would greatly benefit from increased, direct trade with the
other, connecting their electrical grids, and implementing other
measures natural to neighbors. The United States also supports more
cross-border dialog and cooperation between the people of Armenia and
Turkey through research initiatives, conferences, and exchange
programs.
Reconciliation between Armenia and Turkey, however, will require
dealing with sensitive, painful issues. Turkey needs to come to terms
with a dark chapter in its history--the mass killings and forced exile
of up to 1.5 million Armenians at the end of the Ottoman Empire. That
will not be easy, just as it has not been easy for the United States to
come to terms with dark periods of our own past. For its part, Armenia
must be ready to acknowledge the existing border and disavow any claim
on the territory of modern Turkey, and respond constructively to any
efforts Turkey may make.
Another major step toward regional integration would be a peaceful,
just, and lasting settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. During
the past 2 years, the parties have moved closer than ever to a
framework agreement based on a set of Basic Principles developed
through intensive negotiations under the auspices of the Minsk Group
cochairs.
Another challenge will be to work with Armenia to strengthen its
democratic institutions and processes, including respect for human
rights and fundamental freedoms, and to regain the democratic momentum
lost after the flawed presidential election in February and its violent
aftermath.
Question. How do you plan to help promote United States-Armenia
trade and business cooperation?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to work to provide United States
businesses with information about opportunities involving Armenia. The
United States now ranks near the bottom of the list of Armenia's
trading partners, with trade turnover in 2007 of approximately $194
million--just 4.4 percent of the total. Promotion of trade and business
cooperation between the United States and Armenia will require greater
awareness of Armenia and the Caucasus as a whole by United States
business. Some sectors, such as information technology, already have
significant U.S. investment. But others, financial services and
insurance for example, hold largely untapped potential. I also believe
there is considerable opportunity for the establishment of United
States-based franchises in Armenia. If confirmed, I would work to
identify new opportunities for United States exports to Armenia. This
week's visit to Armenia by Assistant Secretary of Commerce David
Bohigian is an important step forward.
Another critical factor for improved trade and business relations
between the United States and Armenia is the need for the Armenian
Government to create a more favorable investment environment through
reforms of its tax administration and customs procedures, and
improvements to its legal system. The United States Government is
already actively working on these issues with the Armenian authorities
through a variety of assistance programs. Our embassy also works
closely with the American Chamber of Commerce in Armenia, which has
played a significant role in creating private sector support for needed
reforms.
Although our embassy does not have a Foreign Commercial Service
presence, it plays a strong advocacy role on behalf of United States
firms that encounter legal problems while doing business in Armenia.
The United States Government presses the Armenian Government to
investigate and resolve disputes in a prompt and equitable manner,
noting that the perception of an unfair business climate will not
encourage the foreign investment that Armenia seeks to attract.
Finally, I believe that the key to unlocking Armenia's economic
potential--and opening up more opportunities for United States-Armenian
business cooperation--lies in the resolution of regional conflicts. If
confirmed, I will support the continued efforts of the United States
Government to open the land border with Turkey and to achieve a
peaceful solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Armenia's economic
integration into the wider region remains an important United States
policy objective.
______
Responses of Marie Yovanovitch to Questions Submitted
by Senator Norm coleman
armenian genocide
Genocide remembrance is vital in the effort to end this crime
against humanity, and the world rightfully looks to the United States
to demonstrate leadership in both remembrance and prevention. The
Armenian Genocide is settled history, and is overwhelmingly documented
in the WWI-era archives of the United States, France, Great Britain,
Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary. Nevertheless, it has been the
continual policy of the executive branch in contemporary history to
refrain from employing the accurate and generally recognized term
``genocide'' to describe what President Bush himself acknowledged was
``one of the most horrible tragedies of the 20th century, the
annihilation of as many as 1,500,000 Armenians through forced exile and
murder at the end of the Ottoman Empire.''
Question. Do you acknowledge that the events in 1915 involved the
annihilation of as many as 1,500,000 Armenians through forced exile and
murder at the hands of the Ottoman Empire?
Answer. Yes, the United States Government acknowledges and mourns
the mass killings, ethnic cleansing, and forced deportations that
devastated over 1.5 million Armenians at the end of the Ottoman Empire.
The United States recognizes these events as one of the greatest
tragedies of the 20th century, the ``Medz Yeghern,'' or Great Calamity,
as many Armenians refer to it. That is why every April the President
honors the victims and expresses American solidarity with the Armenian
people on Remembrance Day. This was a tragedy that we and the world
must never forget, so it is never repeated. We mourn this terrible
chapter of history and recognize that it remains a source of great pain
for the people of Armenia and of Armenian descent, and for all those
who believe in the dignity and value of every human life.
Question. In your view, what specific actions should the United
States take to convince the Turkish Government that a global campaign
of genocide denial and intimidation of 3rd parties that seek to
reaffirm this crime against humanity serve no constructive purpose?
Answer. The United States Government has worked to stimulate a
candid exploration within Turkish society of these horrific events in
an effort to help Turkey reconcile with the past. This is not easy. It
was not easy for the United States to address its own historic dark
spots.
The administration has long pressed for expanding freedom of
expression in Turkey, which has helped to expand the public debate
surrounding the mass killings, forced exile, and ethnic cleansing that
occurred during WWI at the end of the Ottoman Empire. After a long
silence, Turkey is making progress addressing these issues. More than
100,000 Turkish citizens of all backgrounds demonstrated at the funeral
of Hrant Dink, an Armenian-Turkish journalist murdered by a Turkish
ultranationalist, and they demonstrated in support of tolerance and a
candid exploration of Turkey's past.
The scope for free expression in Turkey, including on the Armenian
issue, has expanded significantly in recent years, but there is much
more to be done. The Turkish Government responded in May 2008 by
amending Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code, under which individuals
have been prosecuted for ``insulting Turkishness.'' While the
administration would have preferred to have seen the repeal of Article
301, the amendments reduce the maximum possible sentence from three to
2 years and, most importantly, require the Minister of Justice to
determine whether to accept the case for prosecution. The Minister's
role should help to reduce significantly the number of cases brought by
zealous prosecutors. The administration will continue to encourage the
Turkish authorities to continue this progress and to end legal action
against citizens for expressing their views.
Our Embassy in Ankara also is committed to working with the
Government of Turkey on ways in which the terrible events of 1915 can
be studied. As a recent example, we are currently laying the groundwork
for an International Visitor Program that would bring archivists from
the Turkish State Archives to the United States to look at the ways in
which we do historical research. As a confidence building measure, we
also have contacted Armenian archivists to participate in the program,
in the hope that, upon return, the archivists from both countries could
work together on a joint program that would study the issue.
In addition, our embassies take every opportunity in meetings with
the Governments of Armenia and Turkey, and with civil society leaders
from both countries, to encourage improved dialogue between them. Since
2006, the United States has provided over $700,000 in support of
initiatives to increase people-to-people connections between Armenia
and Turkey, including research projects, conferences, documentary
production, and exchange and partnership programs with the goal of
increasing cross-border dialog and cooperation. These programs are
focused on bringing together Armenian and Turkish NGOs, think tank
researchers, academics and business leaders at the grass roots level by
creating opportunities for them to work together on common projects
that will benefit both countries.
Question. As Ambassador to Armenia, what will you do to assure the
Armenian Government and its people that the United States is mindful of
the facts and ongoing unresolved consequences of the events of 1915?
Answer. As the child of refugees--at a different time and place--I
do feel very strongly about the great suffering experienced by the
Armenian people both at that time and today as they remember this dark
chapter in their history. I, too. mourn the loss of so many innocent
lives and fully respect that the Armenian-American community and the
Armenian people want their pain and loss to be acknowledged. If
confirmed, I would assure the Armenian people that the United States
Government acknowledges and mourns the mass killings, ethnic cleansing,
and forced deportations that devastated over one and a half million
Armenians at the end of the Ottoman Empire; that we recognize these
events as one of the greatest tragedies of the 20th century; and that
every April the President honors the victims and expresses American
solidarity with the Armenian people on Remembrance Day. If confirmed, I
also will continue the tradition of participating in the official
memorial event held in Yerevan every April. I will refer to this great
historic catastrophe as the ``Medz Yeghern,'' the term often used
within Armenia to refer to that dark chapter of history. Most
importantly, I would make it a priority, if confirmed, to promote
understanding and reconciliation between the peoples and governments of
Armenia and Turkey. It is important for the United States to do
everything that it can to encourage dialog between Armenia and Turkey
and to encourage Turkey to come to terms with this dark chapter in
history and examine the terrible events of that time openly. This was a
tragedy that we and the world must never forget.
Question. As you know, Armenia continues to offer full relations to
Turkey without preconditions, and a bilateral commission to deal with
historic and contemporary issues that presently divide the two nations.
As Ambassador to Armenia, what specific steps will you take with your
counterpart serving in Turkey to hasten the normalization of relations
between Armenia and Turkey and to secure an affirmative response from
Turkey to Armenia's offer of a bilateral commission?
Answer. The administration strongly encourages Turkey to move ahead
in normalizing relations with Armenia and reopening the two countries'
border.
If confirmed, I will support efforts by the United States Embassy
in Ankara to launch an International Visitor Program that would bring
archivists from the Turkish State Archives and hopefully from Armenia
to examine methodologies for conducting historical research, including
on the mass killings and forced deportations of 1915.
I will also support our effort begun in 2006 to promote people-to-
people connections between Armenia and Turkey, including research
projects, conferences, documentary production, and exchange and
partnership programs with the goal of increasing cross-border dialog
and cooperation. These programs are focused on bringing together
Armenian and Turkish NGOs, think tank researchers, academics and
business leaders at the grass roots level by creating opportunities for
them to work together on common projects that will benefit both
countries.
Turkey has suggested convening a bilateral commission to deal with
historic and contemporary issues, as part of the normalization process.
The administration hopes to see the commission convene and full
relations normalize between Turkey and Armenia in the nearest future.
Question. The United States has repeatedly and unsuccessfully
demanded that President Aliyev and other senior Azerbaijani officials
desist from war preparations and threats against Armenia and the
Nagorno Karabakh Republic. What specific additional actions should the
United States take to ensure that war is not triggered by the actions
of Azerbaijan?
Answer. The United States Government, as a cochair of the OSCE
Minsk Group mediating the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, has led the way in
formulating a set of Basic Principles that offers the best hope for a
negotiated and peaceful settlement. We are actively involved in
encouraging the Government of Azerbaijan to work with the Government of
Armenia and within the Minsk Group to finalize the Basic Principles and
proceed on that basis with drafting a comprehensive peace settlement,
which would provide the surest guarantee there is not another war. The
June 6 meeting in St. Petersburg between Azerbaijani President Aliyev
and Armenian President Sargsyan restored momentum in the Minsk Group
talks and should clear the way for an invigorated effort to bridge
remaining differences on the Basic Principles. The U.S. Government
played an active role in deescalating military tension in early March,
during the most serious ceasefire violation along the Line of Contact
in over a decade. Additionally, the United States calibrates all of its
security assistance to Azerbaijan to ensure that it is not usable in an
offensive operation against Armenia, does not affect the military
balance between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and does not undermine or
hamper ongoing efforts to negotiate a peaceful settlement of the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
Question. What is your analysis of the pace of democratic
advancement in Armenia in light of the February elections, as well as
efforts by the new president to further democratic reform--including
the formation of a coalition government, the organization of a public
council to include all sectors of civil society, the support for the
creation of a commission of inquiry into the post-election violence,
and pledged electoral and governance reform?
Answer. The developments noted in the question are positive in
principle, and we welcome them. However, the key will be to have these
steps fully implemented, not just announced. Implementation of other
reforms has not been as fast as we had hoped, and we continue to press
for changes not just in law but also in practice. While we welcome
recent revisions to the Law on Rallies, Marches, and Protests, we have
been disappointed that the opposition has been unable to gain
permission to rally, despite applying for it almost 50 times. We
welcome the fact that the opposition was allowed to hold a
demonstration on June 20, despite never being given official
permission. While we welcome the recent release of some persons
detained for their political views, we note that many dozens more
remain in prison and must be released. We look to the upcoming
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe meeting this week for
their views on the pace of progress and encourage the Government of
Armenia to do all that it can to heal the rifts created in its society
in the aftermath of the March 1 violence.
Question. In your view, what is the most constructive way in which
the United States, and you as United States Ambassador, work to further
democratic reforms in Armenia? What immediate steps does this involve?
Answer. Promoting good governance and democracy in Armenia is a key
priority. The conduct of the February Presidential elections and their
violent aftermath on March 1, in which at least 10 individuals died,
were deeply disturbing and disappointing. The United States
Government's aim is to help the Armenian Government and the Armenian
people restore democratic momentum and to renew their own stated
mission of moving forward to become a country where government
institutions are transparent and accountable and where rule of law is
accepted by all. In the short term, it is essential that the Armenian
Government support an independent, objective, and inclusive
investigation into the fateful events of March 1 and release those who
have been held on politically-motivated charges. It is important that
freedom of assembly and freedom of expression are fully protected.
Longer term, it is important that the judiciary becomes truly
independent. The U.S. Government is looking at how our democracy
programs can be targeted to better support civil society, watchdog
organizations, the independent media, and development of the Internet.
U.S. Government programs will continue to focus on anticorruption
efforts and strengthening the rule of law. The Armenian authorities
need to show the will to move forward with a reform program that is
responsive to the legitimate desires of the people and that inspires
public confidence in the country's political and economic processes.
______
Responses of Philip Reeker to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. As ambassador, what steps would you take to resolve the
name dispute between Athens and Skopje? If confirmed, what steps will
you take to coordinate with your counterpart in Athens to assure that
the dispute receives adequate attention from the State Department?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work closely with the political and
party leaders in Macedonia to urge their utmost flexibility,
cooperation, and constructive engagement in the U.N. process led by
Matthew Nimetz, so that a mutually acceptable solution can be found and
Macedonia's Euro-Atlantic integration can proceed.
If confirmed, I will coordinate very closely with Ambassador
Speckhard in Athens to ensure that the administration is well informed
of developments related to the name issue and that our reporting and
recommendations from the field reflect a joint best assessment of the
situation and how the administration's continued close engagement could
help facilitate a solution.
With my counterpart in Athens, if confirmed, I also will seek to
facilitate constructive communication between both sides to clarify
their respective positions, reduce tensions, and resolve any bilateral
irritants that might impede resolution of the issue.
Question. Are you satisfied with the progress of the United
Nations-sponsored process to bring a resolution to the naming dispute?
Why or why not?
Answer. Although a mutually acceptable solution remains to be
found, U.N. Negotiator Ambassador Matthew Nimetz's significant
experience and strong engagement remain invaluable contributions to a
solution to the name dispute.
With the strong support of the administration, Ambassador Nimetz
has stepped up his efforts and the dialog between the parties has
intensified. I believe that the sooner this issue is resolved, the
better the chances for Macedonia to rapidly move toward full
integration in NATO and the European Union.
If confirmed, I will fully support the U.N. process toward
resolving the name issue, as do both Governments in Skopje and Athens.
Question. What role should the United States play in promoting
reconciliation between the country's ethnic Albanian parties?
Answer. The United States Government has long encouraged
constructive dialog between Macedonia's political parties and between
government and opposition on issues of overriding interest for the
country--especially implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement.
The administration will continue to urge that interparty rivalry
and competition for votes finds healthy expression and outlet within
Macedonia's democratic institutions and in accordance with Macedonian
law. If I am confirmed, I will use my good offices to facilitate
positive dialog and consensus-building, for implementation of the Ohrid
Framework and other issues critical to Macedonia's Euro-Atlantic
aspirations.
Question. How will you and the embassy work to address the issue of
smuggling along the border with Kosovo?
Answer. If confirmed, I will seek, within means provided by
Congress, to continue important United States assistance programs that
assist the Macedonian Government increase the capacity of its law
enforcement, customs, security, and border control institutions. These
programs also assist the Macedonian Government to address remaining
weaknesses in the judiciary and to tackle corruption.
The United States Government is providing Macedonia's Interior
Ministry, criminal and border police, and customs specialized training,
equipment and advice on developing a modern, highly effective border
control system to combat trafficking-in-persons, smuggling of WMD
materials, conventional weapons, and narcotics, and to detect and
intercept illicit movements of people and other contraband across
Macedonia's borders.
The administration also is working to enhance the capacity of
Macedonia's judicial institutions and prosecutors to fight
transnational crime, trafficking, money laundering and terrorism, and
prevent Macedonia from becoming a transit hub for organized crime to
the European Union and to the United States.
The administration also is facilitating regional cooperation on
investigations, seizures, arrests, prosecutions, and other joint
efforts to deter criminal or terrorist organizations from using the
region as a safe haven or transit point.
If confirmed, I will work with our Ambassador in Pristina to deepen
coordination between the Governments of Macedonia and Kosovo and, as
appropriate, with NATO's Kosovo Force, the international civilian and
security missions in Kosovo, and other international organizations
active in the region, to advance these efforts.
______
Responses of Philip Reeker to Questions Submitted by
Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Have you read the cable ref: 04 STATE 258893--Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. Yes, I have read the cable.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. I understand and agree to abide by the guidelines as
conveyed in the cable.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps's role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies''?
Answer. I understand and accept these principles, which govern the
relationship between U.S. missions and the Peace Corps.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. I pledge to exercise my authorities as chief of mission
according to this guideline laid out by Secretary Rice as Departmental
policy.
______
Responses of Asif Chaudhry to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Have you read the cable ref 04 STATE 258893--Peace Corps-
State Department Relations?
Answer. Yes, I have read the cable 04 STATE 258893 concerning Peace
Corps-State Department Relations.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. Yes, I understand the principles set forth in 04 STATE
258893 and, if confirmed, will abide by the guidelines described in the
cable.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and that ``the Peace
Corps's role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other U.S. Government
agencies''?
Answer. I understand and accept that in order for the Peace Corps
to maintain its unique people-to-people contacts to promote world peace
and friendship, it needs to remain substantially separate from the
mission. I agree that this need is distinct from other U.S. Government
agencies.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Carps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. Consistent with the guidance contained in 04 STATE 258893,
if confirmed, I will allow the Peace Corps to operate in Moldova with
as much autonomy and flexibility as possible, so long as those
operations are consistent with my responsibility to coordinate United
States objectives and policy in Moldova.
______
Responses of John Beyrle to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. For the last several years, the Russians have proven very
adept in dividing traditional allies within the Euro-Atlantic
community. If confirmed, what steps would you take to develop a joint
strategy for managing relations with Russia in cooperation with our
European allies?
Answer. If confirmed, I will work to enhance trans-Atlantic
cooperation by continuing to engage our European partners in Moscow on
a variety of key strategic issues, specifically those related to
Russia. Throughout my career I have found discussions on Russia with
European colleagues in both official and informal settings to be
thought-provoking and productive, and I would hope to continue such
talks in Moscow, if confirmed. Through the use of a variety of existing
mechanisms that include NATO and the NATO-Russia Council, the G-8, the
OSCE, United States-European Union summits and meetings at all levels,
as well as bilateral meetings with individual European partners, the
United States continues to strengthen Euro-Atlantic coordination on
issues of paramount importance to our nations.
Question. Where does the administration think Russia will be in 5
or 10 years? Where would you like Russia to be? To what extent will our
current policy toward Russia allow us to bridge the gap between those
answers?
Answer. We desire for Russia to develop strong democratic
institutions, modernize its economy, join global, rules-based
organizations, such as the WTO and OECD, and develop and maintain
productive relationships--characterized as respectful--with both its
neighbors and other countries around the world. Russia remains an
important partner to address nonproliferation of weapons of mass
destruction, Iran, North Korea, Middle East Peace, and other global
challenges such as climate change, corruption and international
organized crime, and terrorism. We have sought ways to cooperate on
these important issues to our national security, without losing sight
of the importance of free market principles and promoting democratic
values as Russia continues to transform. It takes steady engagement to
nurture such a relationship. Our current policy has been aimed at
precisely this, but at this time of change in the Kremlin and our own
administration we will need to look for new opportunities for
engagement and be ready to adjust to changes and challenges as needed
over the next decade.
Question. Russia faces a host of existential threats to the
country's future--demographic collapse, an insurgency in the North
Caucasus, depopulation of the far east, and a failure to invest in the
country's domestic energy infrastructure to name a few. How effective
has the Russian Government been in dealing with these challenges? Are
the Kremlin's recent actions in Abkhazia intended to deflect attention
away from these domestic problems?
Answer. Russia does indeed face a number of significant challenges,
including improving the health of its population and decreasing
mortality rates, addressing complex and diverse challenges to stability
in some of the Southern republics, addressing migration out of certain
regions, such as the Far East, and modernizing its infrastructure. The
Russian Government appears to recognize these challenges, launching a
number of initiatives in each of these areas. For example, since 2005,
President Medvedev (then Deputy Prime Minister) directed implementation
of ``National Projects'' in health, agriculture, education, and
housing. While demographic results improved in 2007, 2008 appears mixed
with a decline of .07 percent in population from January to April. The
impact of other reforms has also been mixed, but we expect the new
government to continue to focus on these critical development
challenges. We hope that as Russia addresses these challenges, it does
so in adherence to international obligations in areas such as human
rights. Regarding Abkhazia, Russian behavior may be motivated by both
domestic and foreign policy concerns. We look to Russia to act
responsibly to deescalate the situation, work with the Friends of
Georgia to encourage the defacto Abkhaz authorities to engage in direct
negotiations with Georgia, and respect Georgia's territorial integrity
and sovereignty.
Question. Corruption is reportedly endemic in Russia. How high does
the problem go, and what--if anything--is the Russian Government doing
to combat it? What role should the U.S. Embassy play in efforts to root
out corruption?
Answer. President Medvedev and other Russian Government officials
acknowledge the enormous challenge of addressing corruption, which runs
deep in Russian society and government. Medvedev has placed a renewed
emphasis on the need to establish respect for rule of law and enact
comprehensive anticorruption measures. Within the first months of his
presidency, Medvedev has created a Presidential Council on corruption,
an interagency anticorruption task force, has instructed government
agencies such as the Procuracy to review legislation with an eye to
eliminating loopholes for bureaucrats who encourage corrupt practices,
and encouraged law enforcement reforms, investigations, and
prosecutions. Bodies such as the Investigative Committee under the
Procuracy and Ministry of Interior have formed special anticorruption
units. In the Duma, a special anticorruption committee has been formed
to review legislation and make recommendations for future
anticorruption legislation. In the past 2 months there have been
examples of investigations and prosecutions of corrupt officials
ranging from mid-level law enforcement to mayors and governors. Also,
President Medvedev is considering measures to increase the independence
of the judiciary.
Despite these efforts, the scope of the corruption problem is large
and many investigations and prosecutions are arbitrary and often for
political or commercial purposes. The challenges of corruption are
significant and systemic, but the United States stands ready to assist
in supporting Russia's internal efforts to combat corruption and
strengthen rule of law, whether through accession to the OECD Bribery
Convention (a prerequisite for OECD membership), cooperation in
implementation of the U.N. Convention against Corruption, or through
bilateral technical cooperation.
Question. Prior to her assassination, Anna Politkovskaya was widely
known as one of the bravest voices for decency in Russia. While she
never stressed the point, she was also an American citizen. What has
the U.S. Government done to help bring the individuals responsible for
her murder to justice?
Answer. The United States remains deeply disturbed by acts of
violence committed against journalists, particularly killings, such as
the brutal murders of independent journalist Anna Politkovskaya and
Paul Klebnikov. We have repeatedly urged the Russian Government to
ensure that it is meeting its commitments to protect journalists and
freedoms of speech and press, as well as bringing those responsible for
such acts of violence to justice. We have been in regular touch with
Novaya Gazeta, Politkovskaya's newspaper, law enforcement authorities,
and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as we follow the case and press
for progress.
______
Responses of Marie Yovanovitch to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What has the State Department done to end Turkey's denial
of the Armenian Genocide?
Answer. The administration has worked to stimulate a candid
exploration within Turkish society of these horrific events in an
effort to help Turkey reconcile with the past. This is not easy. It was
not easy for the United States to address its own historic dark spots.
The administration has long pressed for expanding freedom of
expression in Turkey, which has helped to expand the public debate
surrounding the mass killings, forced exile, and ethnic cleansing that
occurred during WWI at the end of the Ottoman Empire. After a long
silence, Turkey is making progress addressing these issues. More than
100,000 Turkish citizens of all backgrounds demonstrated at the funeral
of Hrant Dink, an Armenian-Turkish journalist murdered by a Turkish
ultranationalist, and they demonstrated in support of tolerance and a
candid exploration of Turkey's past.
The scope for free expression in Turkey, including on the Armenian
issue, has expanded significantly in recent years, but clearly there is
much more to be done. The Turkish Government responded in May 2008 by
amending Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code, under which individuals
have been prosecuted for ``insulting Turkishness.'' While the
administration would have preferred to have seen the repeal of Article
301, the amendments reduce the maximum possible sentence from 3 to 2
years and, most importantly, require the Minister of Justice to
determine whether to accept the case for prosecution. The Minister's
role should help to reduce significantly the number of cases brought by
zealous prosecutors. The administration will continue to encourage the
Turkish authorities to continue this progress and to end legal action
against citizens for expressing their views.
Our embassy in Ankara also is committed to working with the
Government of Turkey on ways in which the terrible events of 1915 can
be studied. As a recent example, the United States Government is
currently laying the groundwork for an International Visitor Program
that would bring archivists from the Turkish State Archives to the
United States to look at the ways in which we do historical research.
As a confidence building measure, the United States Government has
contacted Armenian archivists to participate in the program, in the
hope that, upon return, the archivists from both countries could work
together on a joint program that would study the issue.
In addition, our embassies take every opportunity in meetings with
the Governments of Armenia and Turkey, and with civil society leaders
from both countries, to encourage improved dialogue between them. Since
2006, the United States has provided over $700,000 in support of
initiatives to increase people-to-people connections between Armenia
and Turkey, including research projects, conferences, documentary
production, and exchange and partnership programs with the goal of
increasing cross-border dialog and cooperation. These programs are
focused on bringing together Armenian and Turkish NGOs, think tank
researchers, academics and business leaders at the grass roots level by
creating opportunities for them to work together on common projects
that will benefit both countries.
Question. What is the United States doing to end the destructive
Turkish blockade of Armenia? Is it your intention to have the United
States Ambassador in Ankara visit Yerevan in an effort to move this
issue? Is it your intention to have the new ambassador to Yerevan (if
confirmed) travel to Ankara to advance an end to the blockade?
Answer. Facilitating Armenia's regional integration by opening its
land border with Turkey is a priority for the United States. If
confirmed, I would give this important issue my utmost attention--not
only by supporting government-to-government discussions--but by
promoting people-to-people contacts and partnerships, and other cross-
border and regional initiatives. I would certainly work closely with my
counterpart in Ankara to advance this goal, including travel to each
other's host country, as appropriate. Contact begins to build trust,
and trust is the necessary first step to reconciliation and conflict
resolution. I also look forward to working with my colleagues at our
embassy in Ankara in this common effort. Clearly, the status quo is not
helpful to anyone.
Fortunately, some progress has been achieved in recent years. There
are regular charter flights between Yerevan and Istanbul and other
flights to Antalya; bus connections via Georgia are numerous; and trade
with Turkey through Georgia is common. However, both countries would
benefit greatly from increased direct trade, connecting their
electrical grids, and implementing other measures natural to neighbors.
The United States also supports more cross-border dialog and
cooperation between the people of Armenia and Turkey through research
initiatives, conferences, and exchange programs. Our embassies take
every opportunity in meetings with the Governments of Armenia and
Turkey, and with civil society leaders from both countries, to
encourage improved dialog. Since 2006, the United States Government has
provided over $700,000 in support of initiatives to increase people-to-
people connections between Armenia and Turkey, including research
projects, conferences, documentary production, and exchange and
partnership programs with the goal of increasing cross-border dialog
and cooperation. These programs are focused on bringing together
Armenian and Turkish NGOs, think tank researchers, academics and
business leaders at the grass roots level by creating opportunities for
them to work together on common projects that will benefit both
countries.
Question. Wouldn't the end of the blockade and the establishment of
peaceful commerce and economic linkages between Armenia, Turkey, and
among the states of the South Caucasus not promote the long-term
stability and prosperity of the entire region? Doesn't the absence of
these linkages undermine the region's peace and prosperity?
Answer. I agree that improved commerce and economic linkages in the
region would promote its stability and prosperity. Therefore,
facilitating Armenia's regional integration is a priority for the
United States. We work steadfastly to end Armenia's isolation both by
promoting reconciliation between Armenia and Turkey to reopen their
border, and by working to find a peaceful and lasting settlement to the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict with Azerbaijan. The administration believes
regional integration is in the economic interest of all three countries
and certainly in our interest; for example, United States investment is
hampered by regional divisions. With its borders to the east and west
closed, Armenia relies more than we would like on its relations with
Iran. In terms of Russia's influence, Armenia's history and currently
complicated relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey provide the impetus
for a close relationship with Russia. The administration is working
with Armenia to help it diversify its sources of energy supply through
electricity cooperation with Georgia, and eventually, by tying Armenia
into Caspian oil and natural gas infrastructure. In looking at the
region as a whole, the administration's strategic interests are focused
on several issues. The advance of freedom and democracy; security,
including counterterrorism and peaceful resolution of separatist
conflicts; and energy. The administration believes that all would
benefit greatly from good neighborly relations and regional integration
of the South Caucasus.
Question. Azerbaijan's substantial revenue stream from its oil
exports is facilitating increasingly aggressive military spending and
dangerous rhetoric. What is the administration doing bilaterally to
prevent further destabilizing conflict in the South Caucasus? What is
the administration telling Baku?
Answer. The administration consistently stresses publicly and
privately in Baku that there is no military solution to the Nagorno-
Karabakh conflict. As a cochair of the OSCE Minsk Group mediating the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, the United States has led the way in
formulating a set of basic principles that offers the best hope for a
negotiated and peaceful settlement, which is the only way ahead. The
administration consistently stresses to the authorities in Baku that
any rhetoric intimating that war is an option is dangerous and
undercuts our efforts to negotiate a just and lasting settlement, which
is outlined by the basic principles. The administration therefore
encourages the Government of Azerbaijan to work with the Government of
Armenia and within the Minsk Group to finalize the basic principles.
The June 6 meeting in St. Petersburg between Azerbaijani President
Aliyev and Armenian President Sargsyan restored momentum in the Minsk
Group talks and should clear the way for an invigorated effort to
bridge remaining differences on the basic principles. The U.S.
Government played an active role in deescalating military tension in
early March, during the most serious ceasefire violation along the Line
of Contact in over a decade.
Question. Fourteen years passed since the end of the conflict over
Nagorno-Karabakh without a permanent resolution and still people are
dying along an unsettled border. What progress has the Minsk process
achieved in that time and doesn't the lack of progress warrant a
reexamination of this approach?
Answer. During negotiations over the past 2 years, Armenia and
Azerbaijan have moved closer than ever to a framework agreement based
on the ``basic principles'' outlined by the Minsk Group cochairs. The
Minsk Group cochairs--the United States, France, and Russia--are
working with the Foreign Ministers of Armenia and Azerbaijan to build
on new momentum following the positive meeting of Presidents Sargsyan
and Aliyev on June 6 in St. Petersburg, with the goal of narrowing the
remaining differences on the basic principles between the sides in
coming months. Ultimately, it is up to the Presidents of Armenia and
Azerbaijan to take the difficult decisions required to finalize the
Basic principles.
______
Responses of Tina Kaidanow to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. Kosovo faces a challenging road ahead, particularly as it
relates to interethnic reconciliation. The minority protections that
were engineered into the Ahtisaari Plan and are now being adopted by
the Kosovar Government could end up completely insulating the two
communities from each other. Kosovo's ethnic Albanian leadership have
already made some admirable initial attempts to reach out to minority
Serbs, but what more needs to be done to ensure that the two
communities are not permanently estranged? How is the Department
planning to contribute to this process?
Answer. Implementation of the Ahtisaari plan, with its significant
provisions for protection of minority rights in Kosovo, remains a key
priority for the United States Government. The newly-established
International Civilian Office (ICO) will have the leading role in
supervising the implementation of the plan.
The United States is supporting ICO's efforts through both
secondment of personnel and strong political backing on the ground. The
United States Embassy in Pristina is also directly engaged on a daily
basis in encouraging Kosovo's Government to reach out to its minority
communities, with a special emphasis on the Serb community. The embassy
has supported the formation of a government with Serb participation,
ensured that Kosovo's constitution contains all the protections for
minorities required by the Ahtisaari plan, and worked to propel passage
of over 40 new laws enshrining those protections. The embassy will
continue to encourage Kosovo's Government to implement laws on
decentralization of authority, provide funding and support for returns
of Serb refugees and internally displaced persons, and ensure Serb and
other minority concerns are heard and acted upon as a matter of
priority. The embassy will continue to speak with members of the Serb
community directly, facilitate communications with the government when
necessary, and sponsor other creative ways of encouraging interethnic
dialog, including programs for youth and civil society initiatives that
work at grass roots level.
Question. The United States support for the people of Kosovo is a
compelling counterargument to the narrative put forward by radical
extremists that the United States is anti-Muslim. It is a case in which
the United States risked American lives to protect innocent Muslim
civilians, stood by them for 8 long years, and midwifed the creation of
an independent Muslim state in the heart of Europe. Why hasn't the
administration done more to highlight United States support for Kosovo
in the Muslim world? Are there plans to do so in the future?
Answer. Since Kosovo declared its independence in line with the
Ahtisaari plan in February 2008, 43 countries have announced
recognition of the new state, including several members of the
Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC). The OIC has historically
has been supportive of Kosovo. The United States and its European
partners, as well as the Kosovo Government itself, are working to
encourage further recognitions among the OIC countries. Kosovo's newly
appointed Foreign Minister, with United States support and assistance,
has met with representatives of key Middle Eastern and Gulf states,
while United States officials have also made high-level approaches to
these countries. We anticipate that with continued progress and
stability in Kosovo, additional OIC member states will recognize its
independence in the next few months.
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, JULY 17, 2008
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Alemayehou, Mimi, to be the United States Director of the
African Development Bank
Durkin, Patrick, to be a member of the board of directors of
the Overseas Private Investment Corporation
Peel, Ken, to be the U.S. Director of the European Bank for
Reconstruction and Development
San Juan, Miguel, to be the U.S. Director/Executive Director of
the Inter-American Development Bank
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:34 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Robert
Menendez presiding.
Present: Senators Menendez and Lugar.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
Senator Menendez. The hearing of the Committee on Foreign
Relations will come to order. Today, the committee meets to
consider the nomination of four individuals for key leadership
positions in the administration.
The President has nominated Mimi Alemayehou to be the
United States Director of the African Development Bank, Ken
Peel to be the U.S. Director of the European Bank for
Reconstruction and Development, Miguel San Juan to be the U.S.
Director--Executive Director of the Inter-American Development
Bank, and Patrick Durkin to be a member of the board of
directors of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation.
I want to congratulate you all on your nominations, and we
look forward to hearing from each and every one of you this
afternoon.
I will start off with an opening statement. Hopefully, it
will buy some time for some of our colleagues to get here. I
want to make introductions, and if we have any other members,
we will acknowledge them as they come--such as the
distinguished ranking member of the full committee.
The United States plays a crucial role in promoting
economic and social development, trade, political stability,
and poverty alleviation around the world. Multilateral
development banks and the Overseas Private Investment
Corporation are a part of the toolkit the United States has to
address these challenges.
Each nominee before us, if confirmed, would be expected to
play a key role in these organizations' missions and the
overall U.S. Government strategy overseas, something that I
take very seriously. As the chairman of the Subcommittee on
Foreign Assistance, my role is to look at the overall funding,
management, and implementation of our foreign assistance.
I look at how each organization contributes to the overall
context of our larger development goals and foreign policy
goals. Are we getting the most for our money? Are we carrying
out the right mix of programs? How do we balance priorities in
education, health, economic growth, social investment, and the
environment? What oversight mechanisms are in place to ensure
that the funds are being used for the purposes Congress
intended?
And particularly with our contributions to multilateral
efforts, I look to see how the goals of the United States are
conveyed and carried out along with other member nations. I
know that this administration's use of the term
``multilateral'' has often been used in vain, but now it is
used out of necessity, but rarely has it been used by choice.
The United States should be using it as a way of strengthening
a unified effort, rather than as a last resort.
I personally believe that multilateralism is a strong
element of our foreign policy. In fact, I believe it so much
that I have a bill, which was recently voted favorably out of
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, that equally divides
contributions between bilateral efforts and multilateral
efforts. It would provide $2.5 billion over 10 years for the
U.S. Agency for International Development and the Inter-
American Development Bank. In addition, it would pay the
arrears the United States owes to the IDB.
The United States contributions to the multilateral
development banks give the United States a seat at the table, a
seat that allows the United States to contribute to direct
programs that help countries develop their economies,
strengthen their institutions of governance, and care for their
people.
Mr. San Juan, your position, if confirmed, will be to
represent the United States in the largest multilateral bank in
the Western Hemisphere. You would be in the unique position to
communicate and advance the U.S. priorities for the region and
represent the United States in an important process of
developing consensus among member states.
However, as I am sure you know, the IDB is not without its
own challenges. In particular, a decreasing demand for
sovereign loans is forcing the IDB to go through a
transformation, a transformation which may result in a
significantly different institution than we just saw 10 or 20
years ago. And I look forward to hearing from you today how you
believe we can reconcile these challenges while advancing the
bank's mission in the region.
Mr. Peel, the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development is also a bank in transition, but maybe in
different ways. Given the constantly changing nature of the
region, the bank is now reducing the amounts it lends to
countries of Central Europe and expanding lending to countries
like Kazakhstan. These changes are not without complications,
and I look forward to your views on how you will help the
institution deal with this.
Mr. Durkin, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation is
something that I am actually quite familiar with. I worked on
the reauthorization of OPIC's legislation both during my time
in the House of Representatives and now in the Senate. I am
hopeful that OPIC's reauthorization is passed soon to allow
OPIC to get back to business.
I understand that your nomination is for a part-time
position as a member of the board of directors of OPIC. And
while this committee does not always hold hearings for OPIC
board members, given the increasing role that OPIC is playing
in development-related efforts, I felt that it is important to
have you here today, and we appreciate your appearance.
Like any institution, OPIC is not without its challenges
either. It has a mixed history of rigorous oversight of
programs and a mixed history of what I would call success.
While I understand OPIC officials often emphasize the fact that
OPIC has no net cost to the United States taxpayer, and in
fact, through the fees it collects, OPIC actually generates
income and contributes significant resources annually to the
U.S. Treasury, I recognize those facts.
However, just because the particular structure of OPIC is
less costly to the taxpayer, it doesn't mean that Congress
doesn't hold OPIC to a similar standard of excellence. I expect
the same kind of oversight and rigorous evaluation of projects
as I expect from all of our initiatives overseas.
I look forward to your thoughts on the OPIC's role in our
overall development efforts and your thoughts on its changing
role.
Ms. Alemayehou, the African Development Bank is an
institution for a region devastated by war, famine, AIDS, and
genocide. We need to use every tool at our disposal to make
sure that the cycles of tragedy that are all too familiar on
the continent of Africa are controlled, tempered, and
eventually eliminated.
So, together, your positions, if you are confirmed, would
be partly responsible for setting the tone of the relationship
with the United States and carrying out their respective
missions. You would play a vital role in work that is neither
trivial nor extracurricular, but, in my view, work that is at
the core of U.S. efforts to combat the world's most intractable
problems, problems that merit our undivided attention. In
short, this work matters.
In that spirit, I look forward to hearing your testimony
today. And now I would like to turn to the distinguished
ranking member of the committee, Senator Lugar, for his opening
statement.
STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD G. LUGAR,
U.S. SENATOR FROM INDIANA
Senator Lugar. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Today, as you have mentioned, the committee will have a
discussion with nominees for positions at the African
Development Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development, the Inter-American Development Bank, and the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation.
The United States has strong national security and
humanitarian interests in alleviating poverty, promoting
development around the world. These efforts of these
organizations are important to this mission. Each of our
nominees will play a key role in formulating policies that will
impact on U.S. standing in their respective organizations.
During the past 5 years, our committee has held 6 hearings
on the operation of the multilateral development banks. Those
hearings contributed to the committee's understanding of both
the value of the banks' efforts and problems with their
operations.
In 2005, building on this initiative, I introduced Senate
bill 1129, the Development Bank Reform and Authorization Act,
and most of the provisions of this bill were enacted into law
in November of 2005. With the passage of this legislation,
Congress made a strong statement that recognized the critical
role of MDBs in achieving the development goals around the
world, but also that the operation of these banks must be
transparent and free of corruption.
The United States Government must work to ensure that this
money is spent efficiently, both because of our responsibility
to American taxpayers and because inefficiency and corruption
undermine the basic humanitarian and foreign policy objectives
of our participation in MDB financing.
I continue to work with my colleagues toward
reauthorization of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation,
which provides project financing, investment insurance, and
other services for United States business in over 150
developing countries and emerging economies. OPIC's
authorization expired April 1, and cannot enter into new
commitments. This is deeply concerning, given OPIC's dedication
to the United States foreign policy goals, including economic
development in countries recovering from conflict.
OPIC has not drawn on appropriated funds in recent years
because it has recorded a positive net income for every year of
operation, with reserves now totaling more than $5 billion.
OPIC is proactively incorporating the Extractive Industry
Transparency Initiative, the EITI, into its project selection
and project selection design. This is an excellent example of
how United States agencies should be integrating the
initiative.
EITI, endorsed repeatedly by the United States at the G-8,
is one tool to ensure that earnings from oil and gas revenues
are tracked. History shows oil and natural gas reserves can be
a bane as well as a blessing for poor countries, leading to
corruption, wasteful spending, military adventurism, and
instability. Because the resource curse threatens our own
security in the United States and our economic interests, I
have asked the committee's minority staff to assess the efforts
so far in lifting it.
Now, looking at more than 20 countries around the world,
staff found that while awareness of the potential dangers from
sudden oil wealth has grown, progress has been spotty. I would
be interested in hearing from the nominees about the respective
development banks to which they are nominated to serve as to
how they are currently integrating EITI into their operations.
I congratulate all of the nominees on your nomination. I
thank the chairman for the opportunity to make this statement
and to participate in questions and answers with you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Senator Lugar.
We are going to start. Senator Hutchison may join us at
some point, at which time we will certainly recognize her to
introduce one of our nominees. But in order to try to give her
some more time for that opportunity, we will start the process
of hearing from our members.
So we invite you all to summarize your statements for about
5 minutes. Your full statements will be entered into the record
in its entirety.
And certainly, if you have members of your family or
friends who are accompanying you, we would love to have you
introduce them to us because we understand that these
sacrifices are not just of the individual, but of families
themselves. And so, we appreciate their sacrifice.
So let us start with you, Ms. Alemayehou. You are
recognized for your statement. And if you have family here, we
would be happy to be introduced to them.
STATEMENT OF MIMI ALEMAYEHOU, NOMINEE TO BE UNITED STATES
DIRECTOR OF THE AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK FOR A TERM OF 5 YEARS
Ms. Alemayehou. Thank you, Chairman Menendez and members of
the committee.
First, I would like to introduce my family. They have a
saying in Africa, ``It takes a village to raise a child,'' and
I am afraid that my whole village is here today. But I would
like to especially thank my son, Jacob, for being so patient
with me. He wants me to introduce him as Spiderman today. So,
Jacob?
And his father, Papa; my Uncle Johannes; my brother, Addis,
is here all the way from Ethiopia with his wife, and the rest
of my family. Thank you.
Senator Menendez. Welcome to all of you. And for Spiderman,
we need to talk afterwards. So I have got a few things I need
to be taken care of. So----
[Laughter.]
Ms. Alemayehou. Chairman Menendez and members of the
committee, I am grateful for the opportunity to appear before
you. I am truly honored that President Bush has nominated me to
serve as the U.S. Executive Director for the African
Development Bank.
After his recent visit to Africa, President Bush commented,
``Things have changed in Africa since my first visit. I mean
striking changes. And we are treating African leaders as equal
partners. We expect them to produce measurable results. We
expect them to fight corruption and invest in the health and
education of their people and pursue market-based economic
policies.''
I truly share the President's vision that it is through
such respectful and engaged partnerships that Africans can play
a driving role in Africa's development, and African leaders can
be accountable for their actions. If confirmed, I pledge to
work with this committee and the full Congress, as well as
Secretary Paulson, the Treasury Department, and the
administration in furthering U.S. international development
goals.
Increasingly, America's prosperity is becoming linked to
peace and the raising of living standards for all individuals
in the developing world. Throughout my life, I have made
choices which prepared me for this challenging role--to serve
as a bridge between our country of opportunity and the
continent of Africa, with its tremendous yet far from realized
potential.
I have been fortunate in my professional life to
continuously work on United States and Africa-related matters,
from my policy experience serving right here on Capitol Hill to
my private sector international telecom work and, more
recently, as an entrepreneur serving--supporting the efforts of
the United States-sponsored Africa Growth and Opportunity Act.
I have learned a great deal from this and enjoyed working
with African and United States officials. I must say, however,
that I have taken the most pleasure working with actual African
entrepreneurs with great skills, but in desperate need of basic
tools and training to effectively develop their businesses.
Today's Africa is a far cry from my early years in Ethiopia
under a Communist regime, which left an indelible mark on me.
Entrepreneurship and democracy are now the order of the day,
but the African private sector cannot thrive without an upgrade
of the continent's infrastructure, financial systems,
transparency, and governance. America's style of government and
its liberalized economic model put us in an exceptional
position to help steer the bank toward more effective policies.
While humbled by the nomination, I am excited about the
prospects facing the continent. I do hope to have the
opportunity to play a role in enabling the United States and
the African Development Bank to work more closely together and
to help improve the lives and dignity of all 940 million
Africans.
Thank you for considering my nomination. I would be pleased
to answer any questions.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Alemayehou follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mimi Alemayehou, Nominee to be United States
Executive Director for the African Development Bank for a Term of 5
Years
Chairman Menendez, Senator Lugar, and members of the committee, I
am grateful for the opportunity to appear before you today. I am
honored that President Bush has nominated me to serve as the U.S.
Executive Director for the African Development Bank.
After his recent visit to Africa, the President commented: ``Things
have changed in Africa since my first visit, I mean striking changes;''
and then he continued: ``We're treating African leaders as equal
partners. We expect them to produce measurable results. We expect them
to fight corruption, and invest in the health and education of their
people, and pursue market-based economic policies.''
I share the President's vision of a ``partnership of equals''
between the United States and Africa. It is through such respectful and
engaged partnership that Africans can play a driving role in Africa's
development and African leaders can be accountable for their actions.
If confirmed, I pledge to work with this committee, Congress, and the
administration in furthering U.S. International Policy and Development
goals. Increasingly, America's prosperity is becoming linked to peace
and the raising of living standards for all individuals in the
developing world. The African Development Bank is one of the most
important regional development banks as it serves the world's least
developed continent. The bank's activities have a very high impact on
the region and therefore command the focused attention of Africa's
leadership.
Throughout most of my life, I made personal and professional
choices which prepared me for a focused and challenging role--to serve
as a bridge, an enabler, between our country of opportunity, and the
continent of Africa, with its tremendous yet far from realized
potential. I am grateful for the educational and professional
opportunities the United States has afforded me. This, I believe,
prepared me for a role in the development of Africa and the
international private sector as early as my days serving as an aide on
Capitol Hill. Africa and the private sector reemerged later in my work
in international telecoms focusing on the introduction of a new
technology to African countries, and more recently as an entrepreneur
supporting the efforts of the United States-sponsored Africa Growth and
Opportunity Act. I started TradeLinks in order to assist AGOA eligible
member countries in the regional grouping of the Common Market for
Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) so that they may increase their
exports to the United States. While I enjoyed working with the African
Governments and United States officials, I took the most pleasure from
working with African entrepreneurs with great skills and products but
were in desperate need of basic tools. They were in need of training or
adequate equipment so that they can produce consistently high quality
goods on a meaningful scale and in a tight timeframe.
Today's Africa is a far cry from my early years in Ethiopia under a
communist regime that left an indelible mark on me. Entrepreneurship
and democracy are now the order of the day; but the African private
sector cannot thrive without a significant upgrade of the continent's
infrastructure and financial systems. These challenges call for a
strong and active African Development Bank to finally help turn
Africa's long held promise into a reality. This optimism does, however,
bring increased expectations with respect to governance, transparency,
regional integration, and the need to develop African skills. That is
the reason why Africa needs reliable partners such as the United States
and strong institutions such as the African Development Bank. America's
style of government and its liberalized economic model put us in an
exceptional position to help steer the bank toward the right policies
and usher an unprecedented era of sustainable economic growth in
Africa. The implementation of United States policy toward Africa, as
well as our role on the Board of the African Development Bank, together
constitute key tools to help Africa achieve this growth. It would
therefore be a privilege to work with Secretary Paulson, the Treasury
Department, and Congress to increase the African Development Bank's
impact and effectiveness.
While humbled by the nomination, I am excited about the prospects
and challenges facing the African continent. I do hope to have the
opportunity to play a role in getting the United States and the African
Development Bank to work more closely together in order to help improve
the lives and dignity of all 940 million Africans.
Mr. Chairman, Senator Lugar, members of the committee, thank you
for considering my nomination. I would be pleased to answer any
questions.
Prepared Statement of Mimi Alemayehou, Nominee to be U.S. Executive
Director for the African Development Bank
Chairman Menendez, Senator Lugar, and members of the committee, I
am grateful for the opportunity to appear before you today. I am
honored that President Bush has nominated me to serve as the U.S.
Executive Director for the African Development Bank.
After his recent visit to Africa, the President commented: ``Things
have changed in Africa since my first visit, I mean striking changes;''
and then he continued: ``We're treating African leaders as equal
partners. We expect them to produce measurable results. We expect them
to fight corruption, and invest in the health and education of their
people, and pursue market-based economic policies.''
I share the President's vision of a ``partnership of equals''
between the United States and Africa. It is through such respectful and
engaged partnership that Africans can play a driving role in Africa's
development and African leaders can be accountable for their actions.
If confirmed, I pledge to work with this committee, Congress, and the
administration in furthering U.S. International Policy and Development
goals. Increasingly, America's prosperity is becoming linked to peace
and the raising of living standards for all individuals in the
developing world. The African Development Bank is one of the most
important regional development banks as it serves the world's least
developed continent. The bank's activities have a very high impact on
the region and therefore command the focused attention of Africa's
leadership.
Throughout most of my life, I made personal and professional
choices which prepared me for a focused and challenging role--to serve
as a bridge, an enabler, between our country of opportunity, and the
continent of Africa, with its tremendous yet far from realized
potential. I am grateful for the educational and professional
opportunities the United States has afforded me. This, I believe,
prepared me for a role in the development of Africa and the
international private sector as early as my days serving as an aide on
Capitol Hill. Africa and the private sector reemerged later in my work
in international telecoms focusing on the introduction of a new
technology to African countries, and more recently as an entrepreneur
supporting the efforts of the United States-sponsored Africa Growth and
Opportunity Act. I started TradeLinks in order to assist AGOA eligible
member countries in the regional grouping of the Common Market for
Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) so that they may increase their
exports to the United States. While I enjoyed working with the African
Governments and United States officials, I took the most pleasure from
working with African entrepreneurs with great skills and products but
were in desperate need of basic tools. They were in need of training or
adequate equipment so that they can produce consistently high quality
goods on a meaningful scale and in a tight timeframe.
Today's Africa is a far cry from my early years in Ethiopia under a
communist regime that left an indelible mark on me. Entrepreneurship
and democracy are now the order of the day; but the African private
sector cannot thrive without a significant upgrade of the continent's
infrastructure and financial systems. These challenges call for a
strong and active African Development Bank to finally help turn
Africa's long held promise into a reality. This optimism does, however,
bring increased expectations with respect to governance, transparency,
regional integration, and the need to develop African skills. That is
the reason why Africa needs reliable partners such as the United States
and strong institutions such as the African Development Bank. America's
style of government and its liberalized economic model put us in an
exceptional position to help steer the bank toward the right policies
and usher an unprecedented era of sustainable economic growth in
Africa. The implementation of United States policy toward Africa, as
well as our role on the Board of the African Development Bank, together
constitute key tools to help Africa achieve this growth. It would
therefore be a privilege to work with Secretary Paulson, the Treasury
Department, and Congress to increase the African Development Bank's
impact and effectiveness.
While humbled by the nomination, I am excited about the prospects
and challenges facing the African continent. I do hope to have the
opportunity to play a role in getting the United States and the African
Development Bank to work more closely together in order to help improve
the lives and dignity of all 940 million Africans.
Mr. Chairman, Senator Lugar, members of the committee, thank you
for considering my nomination. I would be pleased to answer any
questions.
Senator Menendez. Thank you very much.
Mr. Peel.
STATEMENT OF KENNETH L. PEEL, NOMINEE TO BE UNITED STATES
DIRECTOR OF THE EUROPEAN BANK FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND
DEVELOPMENT
Mr. Peel. Thank you, Chairman Menendez, Senator Lugar.
I am grateful to the President for nominating me to be U.S.
Executive Director to the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development. I am deeply honored to appear before the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee today to discuss my qualifications.
Being here today, I feel that I have come home. Since July
2001, I have served in a series of foreign and economic policy
positions in the administration. But for 6 years before that, I
served two Senators on this committee--Senator Hagel, when he
chaired the International Economic Policy Subcommittee, your
predecessor subcommittee, and Senator Snowe during her first 2
years in the Senate when she chaired the International
Operations Subcommittee.
The great bulk of my professional career has been working
on foreign policy and international economic policy in
Congress, with a special focus on multilateral diplomacy.
Before working in the Senate, I spent 12 years in the House, 10
of them as a professional staff member of the Foreign Affairs
Committee.
Since July 2001, I have held three executive branch
positions. I have served, first, as a member of Secretary
Powell's policy planning staff, working on international
organization and Eurasian issues; second, as an NSC director,
covering international energy and environment issues; and then,
currently, as Treasury's Deputy Assistant Secretary for
International Development Finance, and Debt.
In short, I believe that I am well equipped, both by my
academic and professional background, to take on the position
for which I am nominated. My current job prepares me
particularly well. As a deputy assistant secretary at Treasury,
I oversee U.S. policy toward all of the major multilateral
development banks, such as the World Bank, and the regional
development banks, such as the European Bank for Reconstruction
and Development.
Even though this nomination is coming late in the
administration, there are huge issues currently at the EBRD, as
there are at the other institutions, that will affect our
interests in both the institution and in the region over the
next 6 months. As you know, U.S. executive directors at MDBs
are essentially our ambassadors to those institutions. Since I
work day in and day out on MDB policy, I see how important it
is to have strong Senate-confirmed directors in place.
I would just note at these three institutions, Clay Lowery,
who you all know very well, is our executive director to those
institutions in absentia. And while we have very talented
people staffing those offices, it still makes a difference when
you don't have a Senate-confirmed ED in place.
If confirmed by the U.S. Senate, I would put my skills and
background to immediate use in advancing U.S. interests at the
EBRD. I believe in our sometimes-complicated system of
government. Our coequal, separate branches give us a unique
strength when we work together, when we genuinely consult on
policy directions, and when we can speak with one voice.
If confirmed, I look forward to being available to speak or
meet with you or your staff at any time, and I hope you won't
mind if I seek your advice on some of the very key issues that
will be facing U.S. interests at the EBRD in the months ahead.
Mr. Chairman, Senator Lugar, I am truly grateful for the
opportunity to appear before you today and, of course, would be
pleased to answer any questions.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Peel follows:]
Prepared Statement of Kenneth L. Peel, Nominee to be United States
Director of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development
Chairman Menendez, Senator Lugar, and members of the committee, I
am grateful to the President for my nomination to be U.S. Executive
Director to the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and I
am deeply honored to appear before the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee to discuss my qualifications for this position.
Being here today, I feel that I have come home. Since July 2001, I
have served in a series of foreign and economic policy positions in the
administration. For 6 years before that, I served two Senators on this
committee: Senator Hagel, when he chaired the International Economic
Policy Subcommittee, and Senator Snowe, during her first 2 years in the
Senate when she chaired the International Operations Subcommittee.
The great bulk of my professional career has been working on
foreign policy and international economic policy in Congress, with a
special focus on multilateral diplomacy. Before working in the Senate,
I spent 12 years in the House, 10 of those as professional staff on the
House Foreign Affairs Committee.
Since July, 2001, I have held three positions in the executive
branch. I served:
As a Member of Secretary of State Colin Powell's Policy Planning Staff
working on international organization and Eurasian issues;
As an NSC Director covering international environment and energy
issues; and
As Deputy Assistant Secretary for International Development Finance and
Debt at the Treasury Department.
In short, I believe that I am well equipped, both by my academic
and professional background, to take on the position for which I have
been nominated. My current position prepares me particularly well. As
Treasury Deputy Assistant Secretary, I oversee U.S. policy toward all
of the major multilateral development banks such as the World Bank and
the regional development banks, including the European Bank for
Reconstruction and Development.
Even though this nomination is coming late in the administration,
there are huge issues currently at the EBRD that will affect our
interests in both the institution and in the region over the next 6
months. As you know, U.S. Executive Directors at the multilateral
development banks are essentially our ambassadors to those
institutions. Since I work day in and day out on MDB policy, I see how
important is to have strong Senate-confirmed directors in place.
If confirmed by the U.S. Senate, I look forward to bringing my
skills and background to advancing U.S. interests at the EBRD. I
believe in our sometimes complicated system of government. Our coequal,
separate branches of government give us a unique strength when we work
together, genuinely consult on policy directions, and speak with one
voice. If confirmed, I look forward to being available to speak or meet
with you or your staff at any time, and hope you won't mind if I seek
out your advice at critical junctures in several of the key issues
facing U.S. interests at the EBRD in the months ahead.
Mr. Chairman, Senator Lugar, members of the committee, I am
grateful for the opportunity to appear before you today. I would be
pleased to answer any of your questions.
Senator Menendez. Thank you very much.
I am incredibly impressed that both of you are under your
timeframe. So that is very rare before the committee.
Mr. Durkin. Not that I want to put any pressure on you. You
can use your full 5 minutes if you want to.
STATEMENT OF PATRICK J. DURKIN, NOMINEE TO BE A MEMBER OF THE
BOARD OF DIRECTORS OF THE OVERSEAS PRIVATE INVESTMENT
CORPORATION FOR A TERM EXPIRING DECEMBER 17, 2009
Mr. Durkin. And I will endeavor to make that shorter.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you, Senator Lugar.
I am deeply honored to be President Bush's nominee to serve
as a board member for the Overseas Private Investment
Corporation, a corporation I have known since 1980. And I
appreciate the trust placed in me.
If I am confirmed, I would be honored to bring my private
sector and NGO experience and former government experience to
strengthen OPIC. The unique role of OPIC in mobilizing private
capital on a self-funded basis to promote economic and social
development is important to help sustainable economies improve
the lives of people and support U.S. foreign policy interests.
In my own work over 20 years in the emerging markets, I have
seen OPIC be a catalyst for responsible investments in
developing countries that would not have taken place without
the organization's support.
Besides experience in the private sector and in government,
I have a commitment to public service and nongovernmental
organizations, and I greatly value their roles. Amongst others,
I have been involved and served on the boards of CARE, the
American Red Cross, College for Every Student, and the New York
Advisory Committee for Human Rights Watch, and I value that
experience immensely.
Taken together, this background has given me a great
appreciation for the importance of the public and private
sectors working together to achieve common goals not only here,
but overseas. Nowhere is this more important than in developing
economies and nations of the world where OPIC programs are
focused.
In closing, Mr. Chairman and Senator Lugar, thank you and
your staff for expeditiously considering my nomination and for
including me in this hearing. If confirmed, I pledge to commit
my full energies and experience and time to carry out the
important responsibilities of the OPIC board.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Durkin follows:]
Prepared Statement of Patrick J. Durkin, Nominee to be a Member of the
Board of Directors of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation for a
Term Expiring December 17, 2009
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee, for the
opportunity to appear before you today to consider my nomination to
serve on the Board of Directors of the Overseas Private Investment
Corporation (OPIC). I am honored to be President Bush's nominee to
serve as a board member for OPIC and appreciate the trust placed in me.
I learned about OPIC 28 years ago when I was working as a
legislative assistant in the House of Representatives and have watched
it effectively execute and expand its political risk insurance and
financing to help U.S. businesses in the developing markets for many
years. In my own work in the emerging markets, I have seen OPIC be a
catalyst for good investments in developing countries which would not
have taken place without the organization's support.
The role of OPIC in promoting economic and social development
remains important to help establish sustainable economies, promote
democracy, and improve the lives of millions of people. It is also
exemplary how OPIC has operated in the most challenging markets and
countries in the world and functions as a self-sustaining organization.
This is a great tribute to the leadership of OPIC and the Congress.
I believe my background and experience in international finance are
relevant in assisting OPIC fulfill its mission. I have spent my career
in both the private and public sectors. During the last 22 years in
business at Credit Suisse and Donaldson, Lufkin, and Jenrette, I spent
the majority of that time in the international markets and as a
managing director of our international banking group. I established
businesses for advisory, capital raising, and direct investment in
Africa, Asia, Central and Latin America, Emerging Europe, India, and
the Former Soviet Union. I began working in these markets 20 years ago
at the early stages of private sector financing and learned how
difficult it can be to get capital in the hands of good entrepreneurs
and businesses.
While some capital to the developing nations has become more
available, there is still a great need for OPIC to provide financing
and insurance in the most challenged emerging economies, and
particularly for smaller businesses. Expanding international
opportunities for U.S. small business, particularly minority- and
women-owned business, has been a high priority for current OPIC
President Robert Mosbacher, and I look forward to working toward this
important objective.
Besides the private sector, I have a commitment to public service
in both government and nongovernmental organizations and greatly value
their roles. Prior to a career in finance, I served as a Legislative
Assistant in the House and a Special Assistant and Speechwriter at the
U.S. Treasury Department. I also served on the Executive Staff of the
President's Commission on the 1987 Markets Collapse (Brady Commission).
I have been deeply involved for over 20 years with CARE, a leading
humanitarian organization fighting global poverty, and have served on
its board. I am currently on the boards of the American Red Cross of
New York, and College for Every Student, and have served on the New
York Advisory Committee for Human Rights Watch for over 10 years. I am
also a member of the Council of Foreign Relations.
My work in the international markets, government, and not-for-
profit organizations has given me a great appreciation for the
importance of the public and private sectors working together to
achieve common goals. Nowhere is this more important than in the
developing economies and nations of the world, where OPIC programs are
focused.
Mr. Chairman, thank you for including me in this hearing. If
confirmed, I pledge to commit my full energies and experience in
carrying out the important policy and fiduciary responsibilities of the
OPIC Board and the organization.
I would be pleased to respond to your questions.
Senator Menendez. Thank you.
Mr. San Juan.
STATEMENT OF MIGUEL R. SAN JUAN, NOMINEE TO BE UNITED STATES
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE INTER-AMERICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK FOR A
TERM OF 3 YEARS
Mr. San Juan. Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Lugar,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
I am honored that President Bush has nominated me to serve
as the United States Executive Director of the Inter-American
Development Bank. I am grateful to have the support of the
President and Secretary Paulson and the privilege of your
consideration.
I would like to introduce members of my family sitting in
the audience, my wife, Lucia, who is more used than I am to be
in front of cameras, if you will, and my sons, Miguel, Marcus,
and Maximo, who is at the moment asleep, and let us hope that
continues for the good of this hearing. My family continues to
support me as a full partner in my quest for public service.
I have long held aspirations of working in the public
service, especially in a capacity dealing with the Americas.
Further, I believe strongly in the Inter-American Development
Bank's mission. I look forward to having the opportunity to
state my objectives as a candidate for the position, as well as
answering any questions regarding my experience and
qualifications.
By the good graces of many, my family and I were reunited
in Houston, TX, after many years of separation following my
departure from Cuba. I feel extremely fortunate that my career
in economic development has given me an opportunity to give
back to the country that welcomed us with open arms so many
years ago.
I am very eager to apply the lessons I learned at one of
the Nation's premier chamber organizations in service of the
United States and another region dear to my heart, Latin
America and the Caribbean.
Vicious cycles of poverty and crime pose an ongoing threat
to the region's vast potential. The words of Nobel Laureate
Octavio Paz come to mind, and I quote, ``America no es tanto
una tradicion que continuar, como un futuro que realizar.''
America is not so much a tradition to continue, as a future to
realize.
If Latin America is to realize the future it deserves, it
must overcome these longstanding obstacles. There are, however,
signs of hope and progress everywhere. I believe the IDB plays
a critical role in accelerating economic and social development
in the region. In so doing, it also fosters hemispheric and
global security. And at a critical point in the hemisphere's
history, the IDB constitutes a force that can hold the region
together while others threaten to tear it apart.
Another area on which I hope to focus is in the development
of small- and medium-sized industries in the region. President
Bush has stated the relevance of SMEs to the health of this
Nation's economy. The same logic applies to the whole of the
Americas.
Today's SMEs are tomorrow's multinationals. They are the
seeds that create jobs and economic prosperity. To stimulate
their growth in the region, I advocate for increased
cooperation and coordination between the IDB and the Chambers
of Commerce throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. Above
all, I view the principal role of the IDB's executive director
as representing the United States.
In closing, I want to acknowledge my family as the bedrock
of my value system. We are hard-working, God-fearing people who
keep and treasure our immigrant roots. Public service allows us
to give back some of the many blessings that have come our way.
Mr. Chairman, Senator Lugar, I respectfully ask for your
favorable consideration of my nomination and stand ready to
respond to any questions that you may have.
Thank you for your attention.
[The prepared statement of Mr. San Juan follows:]
Prepared Statement of Miguel R. San Juan, Nominee to be United States
Executive Director of the Inter-American Development Bank for a Term of
3 Years
Chairman Menendez, Senator Lugar, members of the committee, thank
you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored that
President Bush has nominated me to serve as the United States Executive
Director of the Inter-American Development Bank. I am grateful to have
the support of the President and Secretary Paulson and the privilege of
your consideration.
I would like to introduce members of my family sitting in the
audience. My wife, Lucia, and my sons, Migue, Marcus, and Maximo. My
family continues to support me as a full partner in my quest for public
service.
I have long held aspirations of working in the public sector,
especially in a capacity dealing with the Americas. Further, I believe
strongly in the Inter-American Development Bank's mission. I look
forward to having this opportunity to state my objectives as a
candidate for the position, as well as to answering any questions
regarding my experience and qualifications.
By the good graces of many, my family and I reunited in Houston,
TX, after many years of separation following our departure from Cuba. I
feel extremely fortunate that my career in economic development has
given me an opportunity to give back to the country that welcomed us
with open arms so many years ago. I am very eager to apply the lessons
I learned at one of the Nation's premier chamber organizations in
service to the United States and another region dear to my heart, Latin
America and the Caribbean.
Vicious cycles of poverty and crime pose an ongoing threat to the
region's vast potential. The words of Nobel Laureate Octavio Paz come
to mind: ``America no es tanto una tradicion que continuar, como un
futuro que realizar.'' America is not so much a tradition to continue,
as a future to realize. If Latin America is to realize the future it
deserves, it must overcome these longstanding obstacles. There are,
however, signs of hope and progress everywhere.
I believe the IDB plays a critical role in accelerating economic
and social development in the region. In so doing, it also fosters
hemispheric and global security. And at a critical point in the
hemisphere's history, the IDB constitutes a force that can hold the
region together, while others threaten to tear it apart.
Another area on which I hope to focus is the development of small
to medium size industries in the region. President Bush has stated the
relevance of SMEs to the health of this nation's economy. The same
logic applies to the whole of the Americas. Today's SME's are
tomorrow's multinationals. They are the seeds that create jobs and
economic prosperity. To stimulate their growth in the region, I
advocate increased cooperation and coordination between the IDB and
Chambers of Commerce throughout Latin America and the Caribbean.
Above all, I view the principal role of the IDB Executive Director
as representing the United States.
In closing, I want to acknowledge my family as the bedrock of my
value system. We are hard-working, God-fearing people who keep and
treasure our immigrant roots. Public service allows us to give back
some of the many blessings that have come our way.
Mr. Chairman, Senator Lugar, Senators, members of the committee, I
respectfully ask for your favorable consideration of my nomination and
stand ready to respond to any questions that you may have. Thank you.
Senator Menendez. Thank you very much. Thank you all for
your testimony.
We will start with 7-minute rounds of questions, and the
Chair will recognize himself.
Ms. Alemayehou, let me ask you, what, to your knowledge--(I
know you are not at the bank yet), so I am sure you have
prepared, to some degree. What is the engagement of the African
Development Bank with the Sudan?
If you could pull the microphone toward you.
Ms. Alemayehou. Hello? Can you hear me now? Okay.
From some of the readings that I have, I don't believe the
African Development Bank is doing any projects currently in
Sudan. And Zimbabwe, actually, too.
Senator Menendez. Okay. I hope that you will look at this
because my understanding is that there is a capacity-building
for poverty reduction and good governance project with the
Government of Sudan that works with the Ministry of Finance.
And my further understanding is that the grant is used to
support a capacity-building project, which would support the
implementation of the Poverty Eradication Strategy Paper.
Now, those are all good goals. My difficulty, to be very
honest with you, is I am not quite sure how the African
Development Bank can possibly be working with a government and
providing funds to the government when everyone knows that it
is one of the most corrupt and illegitimate regimes, at least
in my view, in the world right now. And whose high-level
officials, including the President himself, was just indicted
by the International Criminal Court as it relates to the
genocide in Darfur.
So one of the things I would like you to know is that if
you are to achieve the success of not only the committee, but
ratification by the Senate that, in fact, this is something
that we need to look at. Because I think it is, if we are doing
this, it seems to me to be sending the wrong policy and the
wrong messages.
So will we have your commitment that if you are to be
confirmed by the Senate, that you will look at this, if, in
fact, these facts are right?
Ms. Alemayehou. Yes, I definitely will, if confirmed, look
into that issue.
Senator Menendez. Now let me ask you this, what do you
believe is the appropriate role for China to play at the
African Development Bank? China's relatively small contribution
as an African Development Bank funder is, as I said, it is
relatively small. Are we concerned that Chinese firms are
receiving an inordinate amount of the funds from the bank,
considering they are a relatively small size of the bank's
funders?
Ms. Alemayehou. Thank you for that question. That is--the
China issue, as you know, is one on the minds of many of us
that work on Africa, just because in the last few years, the
investment from China has really increased, particularly in
very resource-rich countries. And the concern is very real, as
we just went through several rounds of debt relief, and we
definitely should be concerned that some of these countries may
be accumulating debt.
I think one of the issues that--one of the ways I believe
that we could deal with the China issue, obviously, is engage
them more. They are represented on the board of the African
Development Bank by our neighbor and ally Canada, and we need
to engage them more on that issue.
And another thing is, I believe, technical assistance
programs to some of these countries, especially the resource-
rich countries that are negotiating the terms of the contracts
with China, I think that is where the bank could really come in
handy in making sure that these countries have the capacity to
actually negotiate what they are negotiating, and they are
not-- they are looking into the concerns of social,
environmental impacts to make sure that their people benefit in
the long term.
Senator Menendez. Thank you.
Mr. San Juan, let me ask you, one of the significant
initiatives that I have been pursuing for some time actually
includes the bank, the Inter-American Development Bank. It is
the Social Investment Fund for the Americas, something that we
have had good bipartisan support. Senator Martinez is our main
cosponsor. We are privileged to have Senator Lugar on it,
Senator Biden, and others. Passed through the committee, see
what action we can get on the floor.
I don't know that the calendar will allow us to achieve
everything we want to, but it talks about a significant
engagement. Nearly 50 percent of the funds would be used with
the IDB, and our whole effort is to, of course, use the bank to
leverage these dollars and create a multiplier effect,
including pursue the private sector.
If you were to receive the approval of the Senate, could we
count on you, as the American director at the bank, should this
legislation pass, to be actively supportive in the bank to
promote its goals?
Mr. San Juan. Senator, as you know, the legislation that
you have drafted and introduced with Senator Martinez of
Florida is somewhat in line with the works and activities of
the Inter-American Development Bank, which is to create
economic prosperity and social prosperity for the region. So
we, indeed, welcome the initiative that you have taken,
specifically also as it addresses the debts or the arrears in
which the United States finds itself as it relates to the
Inter-American Development Bank.
So I would, indeed, support the effort, and I would look
forward to working with you and your colleagues in making it
happen.
Senator Menendez. Well, let me ask you one other question
before my time runs out, and I will come back for our other
witnesses after I turn to Senator Lugar.
Five years ago, the IDB Board of Governors proposed that
the bank should take a more countercyclical approach to
lending, expanding its assistance at times when private capital
is hesitant to come into the region and lessening its flow of
assistance when private capital flows were stronger. In recent
years, there appears to have been little discussion at the IDB
about this concern.
What is the administration's view, as represented through
your nomination, about countercyclical lending? Should the bank
expand its lending during slack times and reduce its lending
when the flow of private funds is strong? Or should the IDB
emphasize projects and not the overall pattern of capital flows
in this respect? Give us your views on that.
Mr. San Juan. Senator, as you know, the bank, the Inter-
American Development Bank, the IDB has rules of engagement in
place where they look at the projects as they come in, and they
are evaluated on whether they meet the challenges of
effectiveness, efficiency, transparency, accountability, and
also combat corruption.
I would support, if--with the support of this hearing and
of the full Senate, that we continue to evaluate the projects
as they come in to determine that they are doing and fulfill
the mandate for which they are being proposed. And in so doing,
I think the bank has an obligation to make those projects
happen.
There are over 100 million people that are still under the
poverty line in Latin America. Depending on how inflation and
with energy and food prices impacts them, an additional 26
million people could also be--come under the poverty line. So I
think the commitments of the bank need to continue to be on a
project-by-project basis and that the bank of which, if
approved, I would be part of, to make sure that they meet the
guidelines of the bank, the governance that the bank has
established for them.
Senator Menendez. So that should be the priority versus
whether or not private capital is available? We should be
looking at the projects. If they meet those criteria, the bank
should be robust in its engagement irregardless of whether the
private capital is there lending or not?
Mr. San Juan. I think every effort should be made to bring
private capital into the equation. But, yes, it would be my
position to make sure that we evaluate projects as they come in
on the need basis.
Senator Menendez. Thank you.
Senator Lugar.
Senator Lugar. Mr. Peel, there has been a debate at the
EBRD on whether or not Turkey should become a recipient member.
Some are interested in linking Turkey more closely to Europe
through the EBRD. Others suggest that the mission of the bank
to begin with was to transition countries from communism to
capitalism.
What is your judgment on whether Turkey should become a
recipient member, and at what point should the EBRD think about
changing its mandate or its method of operation?
Mr. Peel. Senator Lugar, thank you for your question.
That actually is one of the key issues right before the
EBRD right now and one which I have had the pleasure to discuss
with your staff, with Senator Menendez's staff, and with
Senator Biden's staff as well.
Turkey applied for membership. The EBRD was set up, and its
charter says that it is supposed to support countries in
Central and Eastern Europe making the transition toward free
market economies with multiparty democracies. The charter
itself is silent on what the beginning state is. But at the
time that the EBRD was established in 1991, it was very clearly
understood that its purpose was to help the former Communist
countries make this historic transition to free market
economies.
Turkey, as you know, is a country that has many of the
characteristics of some of the economies that are transitioned
economies, like Bulgaria or Romania or Ukraine. Turkey believes
that it can benefit from the very special expertise that EBRD
has for building free markets, for building small- and medium-
sized enterprises. And Turkey's particular interest is outside
of the Ankara and Istanbul area, out in Anatolia, where the
economy of Turkey takes on a much different characteristic.
We are looking at this issue right now. We have not come to
any conclusion. There are really two questions there. One is a
legal question. Do we believe legally Turkey can qualify under
the charter as a country of operation?
And then there is the policy issue, and that is sort of in
two parts. That is first, do we believe that Turkey would
benefit, and Turkey, of course, is one of our most important
allies in Europe--in fact, one of our most important allies in
the world. And Turkey is facing some difficult economic times,
and would Turkey benefit?
And then, second, is this the right direction for the
institution to take? Even if we feel comfortable with Turkey,
both on legal and policy grounds, we might still feel
uncomfortable because this is not really what the institution
was intended for.
And then the final issue is, is if Turkey comes in, can
Turkey come in such a way that it does not prejudge the very
important question on whether the bank should change its nature
in a more fundamental way? I believe that that will a central
issue that we will be debating, beginning next year in the
Fourth Capital Resources Review.
Senator Lugar. Well, you have certainly outlined the
dilemma. How will you make a decision? Will this be guided by
our administration's overall foreign policy views? Or how would
you describe your own role in this?
Mr. Peel. Well, my own role, if confirmed, would actually
be very similar to the role I have right now as one of the key
members of the policy team that is reviewing and making
recommendations to my superiors. And a part of that is a very
close consultation with this committee, which I have had two
conversations so far at the staff level and would want to
continue.
Senator Lugar. Let me explore a different sort of dilemma
that some have criticized the bank for increasing its loans and
investments in Russia. Those critics have argued that financing
is not apparently helping Russia to become more market-oriented
and that a few of the recipients of the financing are so-called
oligarchs.
What is your assessment of the EBRD's lending policy to
Russia?
Mr. Peel. Our view is that while we believe that there are
great opportunities, great needs for Russia to continue and to
actually make the transition, the historic transition to a free
market, multiparty democracy, we have had some concerns with
the kind of priorities the bank has been making in Russia and
across a range of ways.
I mean, there are a number of tests we look at when we look
at EBRD. One is additionality. If it is something that is going
to happen in the private sector anyway, we shouldn't be putting
essentially taxpayer money at risk. You can actually be
undermining the private sector if you start to skew the market.
For the EBRD, transition impact is absolutely vital. It
can't just be a good commercial project like you would see at
the IFC, at the World Bank, for instance. It has to fit within
the mission.
And then on state ownership, it is okay to be involved with
state ownership if you are doing it in a way that involves
privatization, helping to move state companies into becoming
private companies. What we see in Russia these days,
unfortunately, is many private concerns being essentially
nationalized in fact or de facto.
And then, finally, the issue you raised--the integrity
issue. It is vitally important on who you partner with. We have
found in years before last year, we would only be voting
against a handful of projects in Russia. And the character is
the--it was no different from other countries. We always vote
against certain projects because we don't think they make sense
or they trigger a voting mandate.
However, in the last year, we have found, as we looked
back, we opposed 17 out of 54 projects. That is a very, very
high percentage. It is an outlier, both at the EBRD and at any
of our institutions. And so, we have begun discussions with the
new president of the EBRD, Thomas Mirow, who is formerly the
Deputy Finance Minister of Germany. This will be one of our key
priorities because we are very concerned about the direction
that the EBRD has been takingin Russia.
And this is a concern not just of Treasury, but NSC, State
Department. We have these conversations interagency, and we
have had these conversations with your staff, as well. So this
is one of these areas where I think the whole of the U.S.
Government can work together to help the bank make better
investment choices in Russia.
Senator Lugar. Thank you.
Mr. Chairman, I have concluded that my time is up.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Senator Lugar.
We will do another round of 7 minutes, and then, hopefully,
we will conclude.
Let me just--I want to return in a moment to Ms.
Alemayehou. I wanted to make sure that what I was telling you
was right, and we have here a story from the bank that where
the Sudan Minister of Finance, who we are concerned may be
implicit in some of the issues that have been raised in the
Sudan, calls for a greater role of the AFDB in Sudan's
reconstruction.
And we have had a Sudan country report from the bank that
approximately puts the amounts of monies that we have invested
there around $400 million, in United States. This is a concern.
So I reiterate it again so that as you look forward, we will
hopefully have your engagement on that.
Mr. Peel, let me pick on a continuation of where Senator
Lugar was. I thought he had a good line of questioning. And
certainly the European Bank of Reconstruction and Development,
which I will just call the bank moving forward, for the record,
its Articles of Agreement says that the bank should take into
account in its aid program the degree to which countries are
committed to and are implementing the principles of multiparty
democracy, pluralism, and market economies.
And it seems to have become increasingly--to me, in the
context of Russia, these principles seem to be in short supply.
It seems to have become increasingly less democratic, more
authoritarian in its political style, as well as that many of
the countries of Central Asia also remain firmly authoritarian.
Nevertheless, the bank has been increasing dramatically the
amount of assistance that it provides to Russia and Central
Asian states. Now, I heard your responses to Senator Lugar. I
heard the use of the word ``concerns.'' I am glad we are
concerned.
Let me express, at least from this one Senator, that I am
very concerned when we are having resources of the United
States committed to certain countries through the bank in which
those goals that the articles speak to are far from being
pursued. And so, and Russia is not a country of lack of
resources as it has huge reserves and, especially with the
price of oil, is very proactively pursuing policies that are
very significant in its own national interests.
Can you speak to us a little bit more about how, as the
director for the United States of the bank, you are going to be
looking at this element of the Articles of Agreement and how
forceful you will be in its pursuit?
Mr. Peel. Sure. I will be glad to do that.
The Articles of Agreement are exactly as you laid out. Only
three countries really have by a de facto decision by the Board
of Directors--Belarus, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan--had their EBRD
operations very sharply curtailed as a result of political
concerns and of, frankly, noncompliance with Article 1.
There are real opportunities in Russia. I mean, Russia is--
the increase in the volumes, I think what you have seen is in
part because the bank is rapidly decreasing its volume in the
so-called ``European Union eight,'' the first eight countries
that joined the European Union. And all of those countries will
be graduating by 2010.
But in the small and medium enterprise area, I think there
are great opportunities in building entrepreneurs. One thing to
remember is that the EBRD does almost all of its work in the
private sector. So we are not against lending in Russia. We are
for the right kind of lending in Russia, if you are talking
about, again, smaller and medium enterprises, enterprises out
in the hinterlands away from Moscow and St. Petersburg. As you
point out, there are lots of resources going into those parts
of the country.
But I am frank in raising our concerns, we have shown our
concerns by our voting habits along with a number of other
countries on the board, who have with us on many of these
projects as well. So, you have my commitment that this would be
one of my top concerns, and I think that this is an issue that
warrants close observation by this committee and by the U.S.
Government. And, again, it is an area of concern, and I don't
know how to say it otherwise.
Senator Menendez. Mr. Durkin, I don't want to not keep you
in this conversation. So let me ask you, particularly with your
background and your experience, there are detractors here of
OPIC, who say we shouldn't have an OPIC. I am not one of those,
but nonetheless, to what extent should OPIC base its investment
decisions on economic analysis and rates of return when
choosing projects to support?
And as a corollary to that question, to what extent should
strategic considerations of foreign policy factors play a role
in its decision-making?
Mr. Durkin. Thank you, and that is okay that I have few
questions, and I will keep my answers short.
I have had the great fortune, over about 20 years, in
seeing OPIC at work. I have provided private capital to over 40
developing countries, and I see OPIC, when they do work in
these countries in the past, there has to be commercial
viability first.
But I have seen them also be very diligent about making
sure the goals, the developmental goals are met. I know that
the issues of environmental quality are important. I know, more
recently, and I think it has to do a lot with the urging of
this committee, that human rights issues, worker rights issues
are taken into consideration, and I think that has led us to a
point where also that it all wraps around. There has to be
broad foreign policy goals in what we are doing.
But I think, first and foremost, the projects have to work
in order to make them viable and sustainable because that is
the only way that I have witnessed and I think in the future
OPIC will be, have an impact, a long and meaningful impact to
the communities in which they work.
It is an extraordinary organization. I have provided
private capital, but I have seen where OPIC, particularly in
small- and medium-sized enterprises in these transitioning
economies, just can't get capital. And often they are competing
against other countries that come into developing nations that
have subsidized capital by their own governments. China being
one of them, and Africa, where I have worked for 8 or 9 years.
So, yes, commercial. But there have to be other aspects of
the decision, and indeed, the interests of the U.S. Government
have to be paramount in every decision of capital that is
committed.
Senator Menendez. I appreciate that answer. Let me ask you
this. Do you believe, from your experience with it from the
private sector side, looking at it now from a director's side,
that we are striking the right balance at OPIC?
Mr. Durkin. You know, I think that OPIC is probably
striking a better balance today than it was 7 or 8 years ago
because I think it has transitioned out of economies where
there is plenty of private sector capital for worthy projects
and moving OPIC's attention to more challenged countries and
economies, particularly in the Middle East, Africa, some parts
of Central Asia, but particularly Africa and the Middle East.
And there are still areas of Central America, which is one
of the earlier regions that I came into contact with OPIC, when
we were providing private sector capital to the biggest
organizations' enterprises.
But I think OPIC has been very sensitive to where its
capital--because it is limited. It is a lot on any relative
scale, but it is limited compared to the demands for that
capital. It is putting it in countries where it is in high
demand, where it can have impact, and particularly in areas of
the business size that just don't have access to capital from
the outside or even within the countries.
Senator Menendez. One last question. With the premise that
commercial viability exists in the project, what role do you
think OPIC should play in helping to reduce global climate
change and harm to the environment? Should that be one of the
priorities of OPIC, within commercial viability?
Mr. Durkin. Yes, you are right. I mentioned four or five
things in the past. Let us add that as a six. I know that the
organization--I have had the fortune to spend a meaningful
amount of time with staff and also with Mr. Mosbacher. And that
is important, and they have a goal to reduce their CO2
footprint by 20 percent over the next 10 years.
Possibly you could be more aggressive, but I think that
should be a part of every decision that is made, particularly
in the energy sector and some of the extractive areas that the
organization works.
Senator Menendez. Thank you.
Senator Lugar.
Senator Lugar. Following up, Mr. Durkin, with OPIC's
authorization expiring April 1, what does this mean? What sort
of activities can continue? What has been stopped? In other
words, describe to us just the organizational dilemma that you
have there.
Mr. Durkin. Well, first, I would say that I haven't been
part of the committee hearings, but I have been told that this
committee has been a proponent of moving it along, and thank
you very much.
The organization can do its work to evaluate projects and
to try to fulfill its goals, but it cannot allocate capital. So
its hands are caught behind its back.
And while I am not a board member, I have been briefed on
the kind of projects that the organization is looking at,
particularly in the Middle East and Africa, that are certainly
worthy projects. And I think particularly, again, in some of
these challenging countries and economies where this capital,
whether it is in housing or for small enterprise assisting, can
have an immediate impact on people's attitudes toward the
United States and the stability of the economies and the
political environment.
So all I am is trumpeting a concern, and if there was
something I could do with my local senator, I will do it to
push the work that this committee has done in order to bring a
vote on this to the full Senate.
Senator Lugar. Ms. Alemayehou, what is the African
Development Bank's assessment of the Extractive Industry
Transparency Initiative, and how, if at all, is the bank
integrating EITI into its operations, in your judgment?
Ms. Alemayehou. Thank you, Senator Lugar, for that
question.
I do share your concern about EITI. I know when I met with
your staffer, that was one of the issues that was raised. For
Africa particularly, a lot of the citizens that live in the
resource-rich countries have not benefited for the last 30
years, only the very few connected.
The African Development Bank, I believe, ratified EITI in
October of 2006, but ratifying it is one thing internally at
the bank, but not a lot of the resource-rich, mineral-rich
countries have really joined or ratified it. So that is one of
the issues that needs to be worked on further.
I know they are providing some sort of technical assistance
to some of the countries that do want to adopt EITI, but do not
have the capacity for financial or other reasons. And they are
trying that in several countries right now. And if confirmed, I
look forward to working with this committee to make sure that
EITI is ratified, just as OPIC has in its projects, on the
country level.
Senator Lugar. Well, I think it is an increasingly
important issue, with which apparently you agree, in Africa.
Now you raised the point that individual countries have to
adopt those principles, and that gets us into the internal
politics, some would say the sovereignty, of various countries.
However, we note, as persons outside of Africa, increasing
conflict at the sites of oil wells or oil lines being
disrupted. There are spikes in the markets here because of
activities that are occurring on the ground there, and they do
have something to do with perceptions of citizens as to the
distribution of that wealth of the country.
Now you cannot do this at the bank all by yourselves, but
at the same time, I raise the question as serious foreign
policy issue as well as an equity issue for the people who are
being served by the loans.
Ms. Alemayehou. I completely agree with you, Senator. And
the good thing is I know President Kaberuka has endorsed EITI
at the bank, and he is personally committed to this policy.
Senator Lugar. Earlier, Mr. Peel, we touched upon this
thought that the scope of the bank that you would be serving in
Central Asia, these are not European countries, although the
scope of NATO may include countries as you move around the
Caspian Sea and what have you in due course. So there are a
number of interests involved. What sort of lending is occurring
in Central Asia at this point?
Mr. Peel. I would have to--I don't know if I have that in
my materials to show the breakdown. But I could certainly get
that for you.
One thing, Central Asia is actually an area of operation.
When the EBRD was established, when they said ``Central and
Eastern Europe,'' the Soviet Union was initially a member, and
when the Soviet Union broke up, all of the Soviet Union and
then we later brought in Mongolia as well because it was part
of the Soviet----
Senator Lugar. I see. So, by definition, all of the
countries----
Mr. Peel [continuing]. Sort of a Soviet satellite. So that
is the area of operation.
And we believe, in fact, we have pressed the bank, what we
say is it should be going further and faster south and east
into the areas where the bank's need is greatest. And that is
the Caucasus and Central Asia, the Western Balkans, and
Ukraine. The needs in those countries are huge, and the
expertise that the EBRD can bring to those countries is very
sizable.
The bank has been moving that direction, increasing its
volume in those regions. And I would also include in that
Kosovo. Kosovo is not yet a member, but the bank can do work in
Kosovo in the private sector, and we are hoping that Kosovo
will be able to in the relatively near future become a formal
member of the bank. The votes aren't quite there yet, but it is
getting close.
Senator Lugar. Just a matter of curiosity, is there a data
bank or at least some background which members of the boards
that make these decisions have some idea of the economies, as
you move south and east? To what extent is there extensive
knowledge that might be available, let us say, in Western
Europe or the United States or elsewhere as you try to make
those loans?
Mr. Peel. Yes, the bank does very extensive research on all
of its countries of operation, and they do a transition
analysis of every country. It is one of the things that the
bank does the best.
If I can just take a moment and go back onto the EITI, just
to mention what the EBRD is doing? The EBRD is actually ahead
of all of the other MDBs. They not only have endorsed it and
worked with countries that are members or seeking to become
members of the EITI--and those are Azerbaijan, Kyrgyz Republic,
and Mongolia--the bank has gone further and has adopted
transparency in its own natural resource projects. So those who
are borrowing from the bank have to meet these criteria for
their own projects.
Senator Lugar. Thank you very much.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Senator Lugar.
Let me thank all four nominees for testifying today and for
their willingness to serve our country in these important
positions.
I do have additional questions for each of you, but I will
submit them for the record for your written answer so not to
keep you here under the lights any longer. I am sure you will
be responsive.
The record will remain open for all members for 1 day so
that the committee members may submit additional questions for
the record, and we ask that each nominee respond expeditiously
to these questions, as they are always a prerequisite toward
being able to move to the floor's consideration and the
committee's full consideration.
With that, if there are no other members seeking additional
comment, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:34 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses of Miguel San Juan to Questions Submitted
by Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. President Moreno's reorganization of the International
Development Bank (IDB), adopted in 2007, seeks to change the bank's
institutional culture and to make the bank more responsive to its
borrowers' needs. Could you elaborate on the kinds of problems the new
reform is intended to remedy? How will we know if the reorganization
has been successful?
Answer. The bank is in the midst of a large and complicated
reorganization but from what I understand, when this process is
complete the bank will be more nimble and in a better position to meet
the needs of the growing region.
According to the bank, global economic conditions and the
participation of the region's countries in the globalization process
have substantially changed the environment in which the bank operates,
presenting it with significant opportunities and new challenges. This
is the general context for the process of realignment of the IDB.
The realignment will allow the bank to work to become an
organization that efficiently aligns its resources to its strategy,
enabling it to respond promptly to the changing needs of the countries
of Latin America and the Caribbean. At the same time, the bank
indicates that it must become more adaptable to the constant changes
taking place in the region.
The realignment has two basic objectives: (1) To increase the
development effectiveness of bank activities by means of a greater
country focus, deeper sector expertise, and improved management based
on risk management and attainment of results. This is how the bank will
attempt to enhance its relevance in the region; and (2) To increase
organizational efficiency through better corporate integration of
operations and scaling up the various functions.
Prior to the April annual meeting, IDB management released a paper
entitled ``The Realignment to Date: Main Achievements'' which presents
an overview of its achievements since the realignment proposal's
approval at end-2006, including enhancing country focus, improving
coordination between the private sector windows, and deepening sector
specialization.
Recently, the bank submitted to the board its proposed corporate
performance framework. This framework defines the key objectives for
the institution and provides specific indicators that will allow
management to evaluate its progress. The framework, which focuses on
development results, country and client satisfaction, and efficient use
of the bank's resources, should indicate the success of the
realignment.
Question. What is the IDB's current assessment of the Extractive
Industry Transparency Initiative (EITI)? How, if at all, is the IDB
currently integrating EITI into their operations? What steps have been
taken? What will be your role in promoting EITI?
Answer. The EITI was launched in 2003 to promote transparency in
resource-rich countries through the reporting and publication of
company payments and government revenues from oil, gas, and mining
operations. EITI is implemented through multistakeholder partnerships
(government-industry-civil society) that adhere to a series of 20
voluntary steps embodied in a ``validation grid.'' Countries are deemed
to be EITI compliant if they have met all 20 steps, and EITI candidates
if they have met the first four ``sign up'' steps. To date, no country
is compliant; 23 countries are candidates (Peru is the only candidate
from Latin American and the Caribbean). Candidate countries have two
years to achieve compliance (implement the 20-steps). The United
States, through the State Department, sits on the EITI board of
directors, which sets broad policy for the initiative. The U.S.
recently contributed around $3 million to the EITI trust fund
administered by the World Bank, and has provided nearly $2 million in
bilateral support to help countries to implement EITI.
The United States has actively pressed the IFIs to support EITI
through their policy dialog, lending and technical assistance programs,
and analytical work.
The IDB has not yet formally endorsed EITI, despite encouragement
by the U.S. Government to do so. However, bank management has indicated
that they are preparing a proposal regarding EITI which will be
submitted to the board shortly. Steps for integrating EITI into
operations will depend on the outcomes of the consultations with the
board.
If confirmed, I will work with IDB management and the board to
integrate EITI into their operations and also engage upstream with bank
staff and management to promote the related objectives identified in
recent legislative guidance on IFI extractive industry projects.
Question. If confirmed, how would you further promote
anticorruption efforts at the Inter-American Development Bank? What
specific actions would you take? Are current efforts adequate? What
more would you do?
Answer. The Office of Institutional Integrity (OII) is the IDB
group's primary office for addressing external matters of integrity,
fraud, and corruption. As a measure of the significance that the IDB
group attaches to integrity, OII reports directly to the President. OII
coordinates this work closely with other entities in the bank group,
particularly the Oversight Committee on Fraud and Corruption (OCFC) and
the Sanctions Committee. OII also plays a supportive role in internal
ethics and integrity matters and helps member countries develop and
refine their own integrity programs.
OII approaches its mandate based on three ``pillars'' as defined by
Strengthening a Systemic Framework against Corruption for the Inter-
American Development Bank, the IDB group's comprehensive blueprint for
addressing corruption. These pillars include staff integrity, support
for member governments, and the fiduciary obligation to ensure that
activities financed by the bank are free of corruption.
Overall, in 2007, OII made significant progress in streamlining
investigative activities, enhancing the department's capacity, and
building knowledge-based systems to strengthen prevention efforts. OII
also broadened its research on past cases, expanding outreach and
pursuing more complex investigations. Of course, a large part of what
OII does is to respond to inquiries regarding possible fraud and
corruption.
Recently, former U.S. Attorney General Thornburg was commissioned
to conduct an evaluation of OII. This type of evaluation will be
similar to the Volcker Report at the World Bank. Work began in late
2007 and is continuing this year.
Current efforts to promote anticorruption and transparency efforts
at the IDB are well established. If confirmed, I will continue to work
with the Bank and its shareholders to promote these efforts, including
efforts to complete anticorruption policy goals, specifically whistle
blowing. Despite the presence of safeguards and procedures related to
whistle blowing, outside parties have continued to express some doubts
about their effectiveness. I understand that the OII is undertaking
efforts to bring its whistle blowing safeguards and protections in line
with international best practice standards.
If confirmed, I will be a strong advocate for greater transparency
and accountability.
Question. Do you agree to appear and testify upon request, before
any duly constituted committee of the Senate? If your agreement is
subject to any conditions, please specify those conditions.
Answer. Yes.
Question. When you receive written inquiries from the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee, will you respond in writing, within 30
days of receipt of such inquiries?
Answer. Yes.
______
Responses of Kenneth L. Peel to Questions Submitted
by Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. What is the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development's (EBRD) current assessment of the Extractive Industry
Transparency Initiative (EITI)? How, if at all, is the EBRD currently
integrating EITI into their operations? What steps have been taken?
What will be your role in promoting EITI?
Answer. The EBRD supports the EITI and is participating in the work
of the EITI. For all natural resource projects, the EBRD requires its
project sponsors to publicly disclose their material project payments
to the host government, regardless of whether the government is a
member of the EITI. The EBRD is actively involved in the EITI
consultative process, including through providing input into the
development of technical mechanisms for reporting (templates,
aggregation of data, etc.). The EBRD promotes transparent revenue
reporting, as well as increased financial and organizational
transparency, with the draft EITI reporting guidelines providing a
useful starting point for even greater revenue transparency. The EBRD
is working in cooperation with other international financial
institutions and the participating private financial institutions to
promote governance and transparency initiatives in the financial
community. The EBRD is helping to build capacity in countries of
operation to enable them to implement the objectives of the EITI. Two
countries, Azerbaijan and the Kyrgyz Republic, have been in the
forefront on this, and may be among the first countries to achieve full
EITI compliance. In Mongolia, the EBRD is helping the country to
implement the EITI through its work with mining companies.
My role would be to monitor EBRD activities in this area and also
to engage upstream with bank staff and management to promote the
related objectives identified in recent legislative guidance on IFI
extractive industry projects. Accountability and transparency are key
to the mandate of the EBRD to promote transition to market economies.
Question. Given your current position as Deputy Assistant Secretary
for International Development Finance and Debt, what is the Asian
Development Bank's current assessment of the Extractive Industry
Transparency Initiative? How, if at all, is the Asian Development Bank
currently integrating EITI into their operations?
Answer. The Asian Development Bank endorsed the EITI on February
29, 2008. The AsDB has five member states that have already agreed to
comply with EITI principles: Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz
Republic, Mongolia, and Timor Leste. All of these countries are at the
EITI's ``candidate'' stage.
The AsDB already promotes transparency and anticorruption efforts
in its projects and its developing member countries through projects
and initiatives. These efforts will be strengthened by the endorsement
of EITI, which is a natural complement to these existing activities.
Also, the AsDB is currently revamping its safeguards policies and our
expectation is that extractive industries, and the principles of the
initiative, will be part of that.
Question. Also, what is the World Bank's assessment of the
Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative? How is the World Bank
currently integrating EITI into their operations?
Answer. The World Bank formally supported EITI in December 2003 as
a global initiative, which aims to support good governance and
transparency in resource-rich countries through the publication of
payments and revenues from oil, gas, and mining in a multistakeholder
process. EITI is achieving strong momentum globally and has become an
established standard for transparency. There are EITI programs in 23
candidate countries, 21 of which have active bank programs. In
addition, there are several countries that have publicly stated their
intention to join EITI and others who are in contact with the World
Bank group about the EITI process.
The World Bank group role, led by the oil, gas, and mining policy
division (COCPO), is to support EITI implementation at the country
level and globally. COCPO's technical assistance programs on EITI are
supported by a multidonor trust fund (MDTF). The MDTF seeks to broaden
support for the EITI principles and process through the establishment
of extractive industries transparency initiatives in countries that
have signed on to EITI through programs of cooperation among the
government, the private sector, and civil society. The MDTF is
instrumental in funding the EITI work programs and grants in 10
countries and 7 additional programs are in negotiation. The World Bank
group also has special funds dedicated to supporting civil society
groups working on EITI through the Development Grant Facility.
Following strong U.S. leadership during negotiation of the 15
replenishment of the International Development Association (IDA) in
2007, the World Bank expressed a continued commitment to enhance
transparency of revenue flows to governments from extractive-industry
projects.
World Bank group support for EITI includes making EITI consultants
and advisors available to governments to assist them in implementation
and sharing international best practice. The bank also works with
client governments on EITI issues as part of broader bank-supported
programs on extractive-industries reform, natural resource management,
and good governance/anticorruption. Aside from the MDTF, the bank has
also provided financial support from its own funds to a number of civil
society groups involved in EITI implementation.
Question. If confirmed, how would you further promote
anticorruption efforts at the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development? What specific actions would you take? Are current efforts
adequate? What more would you do?
Answer. Promotion of good governance is an important part of EBRD's
mission. I would work with the EBRD staff and the board to continue to
strengthen the EBRD work in this important area.
The EBRD has in place policies and practices to combat corruption
that are quite good, but best practices are always evolving. In
particular, the EBRD undertakes extensive due diligence to ensure the
integrity of project sponsors prior to making any investments. The EBRD
recently updated its due diligence guidelines to strengthen ``know your
customer'' rules, identifying beneficial ownership and investigating
risks associated with politically exposed persons.
This autumn, we anticipate board discussion on, among other things,
an enforcement mechanism for fraud and corruption cases in private
sector operations, formal, written policies with respect to compliance
and anticorruption, and a revised procurement policy.
I would take every opportunity to ensure that these and other
anticorruption measures are acceptable to the United States, consistent
with international best practice, and most importantly, are
scrupulously implemented by the EBRD. I would make every effort to
support the work of the Office of the Chief Compliance Officer, the
internal auditor and other key staff.
Question. Do you agree to appear and testify upon request, before
any duly constituted committee of the Senate? If your agreement is
subject to any conditions, please specify those conditions.
Answer. Yes.
Question. When you receive written inquiries from the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee, will you respond in writing, within 30
days of receipt of such inquiries?
Answer. Yes.
______
Responses of Mimi Alemayehou to Questions Submitted
by Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. Some analysts are concerned about the development
effectiveness of African Development Bank projects and programs. If
necessary, what recommendations would you suggest to strengthen its
performance? What unique roles, if any, does the African Development
Bank play in a crowded field of development donors in Africa?
Answer. President Kaberuka has embarked on institutional reforms to
consolidate the bank's role as Africa's premier development finance
institution. As such, the bank, which is predominantly African-owned,
speaks with a voice that often has greater legitimacy to African
Governments and offers a role bolstered by its unique African character
and perspective. Its competitive advantages include unparalleled access
to and trust of African decision makers, a seasoned staff with deep
knowledge of the African economic environment, and vast institutional
memory on African projects.
The bank, like no other institution, has a mandate for supporting
regional integration, which is key for economic development of the
continent. I believe that proportionately the bank supports more
regional operations than any other development institution. With my
background in trade, I will be able to lend my experience to encourage
the bank's support in trade, regional integration, and private sector
development. The enhanced focus on fragile states, as agreed to in the
African Development Fund's eleventh replenishment, is also an area
where institution can make a unique and critically important
contribution.
With the bank's renewed press on managing for results, agreed to in
the recent replenishment of the African Development Fund, we will be
better able to determine the development effectiveness of the bank's
projects and programs. This work is important and I will continue to
press for the measurement, monitoring, managing for and reporting of
results because we all want to see the positive results on the ground
and the difference that the institution is making in the lives of the
African people.
Question. What is the African Development Bank's assessment of the
Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative? How, if at all, is the
bank currently integrating EITI into their operations? What steps have
been taken? What will be your role in promoting EITI?
Question. AfDB President Kaberuka endorsed the EITI in October
2006. Since then, I understand that the bank has developed an
implementation framework to guide the bank's operations to help African
countries improve resource management of extractive industries. The
framework is results-oriented and includes both short- and medium-term
measures to help countries strengthen transparency and accountability
in the management of extractive industries. The approach includes
technical and financial assistance for countries which have
demonstrated political will by endorsing the EITI and for those
countries participating in EITI++, advocacy and outreach activities to
encourage resource rich countries to improve governance, and
mainstreaming the EITI principles in the bank's own natural resources
operations. The AfDB has worked with the Liberian Government to develop
its EITI work plan, and has assisted Madagascar to become an EITI
candidate country. The bank is also financing efforts by the Central
African Republic, Botswana, and other countries to become EITI
candidates.
I believe that it is very important that every appropriate measure
is taken to ensure that all people in resource rich countries benefit
from the extraction of resources, and not just a well-connected few. As
U.S. Executive Director, I will actively promote the bank's involvement
in achieving the important transparency and accountability objectives
of the EITI in the bank's borrowing member countries. Furthermore, I
would work to block any support by the bank for the extraction and
export of certain natural resources unless the government of a country
has in place functioning systems which meet three broad standards on
revenue accounting, independent auditing of accounts, and transparency.
Question. If confirmed, how would you further promote
anticorruption efforts at the African Development Bank? What specific
actions would you take? Are current efforts adequate? What more would
you do?
Corruption is a critical obstacle to development. It diverts
development resources from where they need to go, reducing the
potential for economic growth necessary for poverty reduction. The
African Development Bank has a central and crucial role to play in
assisting African countries to build capable states, strengthen
governance, and combat corruption. I understand that the bank has an
established mandate in good governance and has recently put forward a
governance strategy and action plan to sharpen its strategic focus in
the area of good governance and anticorruption. It is imperative that
the bank use its position as the premier development finance
institution in Africa to intensify its efforts to help African
countries improve transparency and accountability in the management of
public resources and fight corruption.
Institutionally, the bank has a zero tolerance with respect to
corruption or fraud with the bank's operations. Support from the top is
essential for strong anticorruption enforcement and President Kaberuka
is fully behind the bank's governance work overall and the bank's
auditor general function, in particular. The auditor general directs an
anticorruption and fraud team which investigates complaints of possible
fraud, corruption, or misconduct and many of the allegations came to
the team through the bank's whistle-blower mechanism that was approved
in early 2007.
As U.S. Executive Director, I would work to ensure that the bank's
support for good governance is effective and ask that the performance
and impact of this work be measured and reported. In addition to making
sure that the anticorruption measures already adopted are being
properly implemented, I will urge the AfDB to work closely with African
Governments on the adoption and implementation of best practice
anticorruption measures. The AfDB can be more effective within the
countries where it works by helping to improve underlying conditions
such as civil service reform, better public sector financial
management, and judicial sector reform.
Question. Do you agree to appear and testify upon request, before
any duly constituted committee of the Senate? If your agreement is
subject to any conditions, please specify those conditions.
Answer. Yes, I agree to testify upon request before any committee
of the Senate without any condition.
Question. When you receive written inquiries from the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee, will you respond in writing, within 30
days of receipt of such inquiries?
Answer. Yes, I will respond in writing within 30 days to any
written inquiries from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
______
Responses of Mimi Alemayehou to Questions Submitted
by
Senator Robert Menendez
Question. Sudan--What is the current engagement of the African
Development Bank with Sudan? What loans are outstanding? What, if any,
projects or programs are planned? What is bank's engagement since 2002
in terms of loans provided and support given? Please provide detailed
information on budget figures since 2002. Also, please provide your
views on the appropriate role of the bank with the Government of Sudan,
given the current political and humanitarian situation. Should the bank
be providing loans for reconstruction assistance in Darfur or in South
Sudan? If so, how should those loans be managed and how should the
projects be implemented?
Answer. Sudan has been in arrears to the African Development Bank
since 1995. As of the end of June, these arrears stood at roughly $208
million. Accordingly, for the last 13 years AfDB has only engaged in
limited support in relief of humanitarian emergencies and institutional
capacity building. The only such support since 2002 is a $15.3 million
grant for governance capacity building approved by the AfDB in February
2007. This grant was provided in line with the policy that allows for
post-conflict countries in arrears to receive limited financing if
targeted for strengthening institutional capacity. AfDB currently plans
for a second phase of this support in 2010. The design of this second
phase of support will be informed by a social sector assessment
scheduled for 2009.
The U.S. Executive Director is currently directed by congressional
voting mandates on international terrorism, religious persecution, and
the Sudan Peace Act to oppose (vote ``no'' on) any financing to Sudan.
Until and unless Sudan changes its behavior with respect to these
critical issues, the United States Executive Director will not be in a
position to support any assistance to Sudan. In fact, the Sudan Peace
Act calls for the United States to actively oppose any such assistance.
______
Prepared Statement of Kay Bailey Hutchison,
U.S. Senator From Texas
I am pleased to speak in favor of the nomination of Miguel San Juan
to be United States Executive Director of the Inter-American
Development Bank. I have known Miguel for many years. He has been a
great friend to me, and a great leader for the State of Texas.
Currently, he serves the Houston region as senior vice president of
Business Development for the Greater Houston Partnership. The GHP is
the primary advocate of Houston's business community and is dedicated
to building regional economic prosperity. Miguel's role in the GHP has
given him the knowledge and training in key business and trade areas
that will enable him to immediately benefit our Nation through the
Inter-American Development Bank.
In recent years, Houston's extraordinary economic growth has been
fueled in large part by Miguel and his team at the GHP. Today, the Port
of Houston ranks first in the United States in foreign tonnage, and
second in total tonnage. In 2007, exports rose 25 percent to $72
billion.
Miguel's previous positions include serving as president of the
Partnership's World Trade Division from 1992 to 2004. He also
distinguished himself as vice president of government and public
relations for CITGO Petroleum Corporation.
In addition, Miguel has been actively involved in public service at
both a national and local level. In 1990, President George H.W. Bush
appointed him to the President's Export Council, the premier national
advisory council. He serves on the Houston Livestock Show and Rodeo's
development committee and is currently a director of the Houston
Hispanic Forum.
These experiences have given Miguel the wealth and diversity of
knowledge to become an outstanding Executive Director of the Inter-
American Development Bank.
I can think of no more deserving individual than Miguel for this
position, and I hope that the committee quickly approves his
nomination.
______
Prepared Statement of Senator Chuck Hagel,
U.S. Senator from Nebraska
Mr. Chairman, it is my privilege to support the nomination of
Kenneth Peel for the position of U.S. Director for the European Bank
for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD).
Ken served as my Foreign Relation Counsel for almost 5 years, from
1997-2001. He was instrumental in helping draft the 1997 Byrd-Hagel
Climate Change Resolution, and played an important role in the Senate's
1998 ratification of the treaty enlarging NATO. He accompanied me on
many congressional delegation trips around the world, including visits
to Russia, Central Asia, South America, the Middle East, and Europe.
Since 2006, Ken has served as the Deputy Assistant Secretary of the
Treasury for International Development Finance and Debt. This position
carries responsibility for American participation in multilateral
institutions, including the World Bank, regional development banks, the
Global Environment Fund, and the International Fund for Agricultural
Development. He has also represented American interests with the Paris
Club of international creditors.
Recently, Ken has been working to secure American participation in
a new Clean Technology Fund, within the World Bank. This fund aims to
reduce the growth of greenhouse gas emissions in developing countries
through financial assistance to bridge the cost gaps between dirty and
clean technology. I strongly support this initiative and, along with
Senators Lugar and Menendez, I am a cosponsor of Chairman Biden's
legislation to authorize contributions to this fund.
In his new position as the U.S. Director for the EBRD, Ken will be
responsible for representing the interests of the United States with
this important multilateral development institution. The EBRD was
chartered in 1991 to help the state-run economies of Eastern Europe
transition to modern, free-market economies. Through financing,
expertise, and capacity-building, it has helped shepherd 11 former
communist economies into the European Union. Today, the EBRD operates
in 29 countries, ranging from European Union members like Poland and
the Czech Republic to Central Asian states like Turkmenistan,
Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. This area of the world is one of the most
strategically important areas of the world, and it will continue to be
important that the interests of the United States--as the bank's
largest shareholder--are strongly represented in decisions that affect
this region.
Ken Peel has deep knowledge and experience with this region and
with international development and finance. Ken is the right leader for
the job, and I support his nomination and recommend his confirmation to
be the United States Director for the European Bank for Reconstruction
and Development.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
______
Response of Patrick J. Durkin to Question Submitted by
Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. Please describe OPIC's policy regarding the Extractive
Industry Transparency Initiative. How is OPIC integrating EITI into its
policies and operations? How is implementation proceeding?
Answer. As I understand it, in 2006 OPIC included the Extractive
Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) in its initiative to combat
corruption and improve transparency. Under the policy announced by OPIC
President Robert Mosbacher, OPIC will encourage its investors to abide
voluntarily by EITI guidelines to ensure that revenues from extractive
industries projects contribute to sustainable development and poverty
reductions and not individual enrichment. Implementation of EITI has
been a high priority and OPIC is working with the EITI Secretariat to
encourage compliance with other multilateral organizations and OPIC
counterparts. I understand the OPIC Board of Directors has approved the
first OPIC-supported project where the agency's commitment to greater
transparency in reporting on royalty payments to host governments on
extractive projects has been realized. Additionally, OPIC's pending
reauthorization legislation would formalize OPIC support for EITI
principles.
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, JULY 23, 2008, MORNING
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Eastham, Hon. Alan W., to be Ambassador to the Republic of
Congo
Simon, John, to be Ambassador to the African Union
Swan, James, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Djibouti
Symington, Hon. W. Stuart, to be Ambassador to Rwanda
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:05 a.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Russell D.
Feingold presiding.
Present: Senators Feingold, Nelson, Lugar, and Isakson.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD,
U.S. SENATOR FROM WISCONSIN
Senator Feingold. The committee will come to order.
I would like to begin by thanking our four nominees for
being here today, but more importantly for your many years of
service and for your willingness to work in some of the most
demanding positions in the United States Government and some of
the more difficult postings around the world. I am confident
that you agree with me that our missions across Africa are
doing some of the most important diplomatic work of the 21st
century.
More than any time in the past, United States policies and
relationships in Africa are now in the spotlight. Next month,
we will mark the 10th anniversary of the bombings of the United
States embassies in Dar es Salaam and Nairobi.
Since those tragic attacks, we have increasingly opened our
eyes to the real threats that emanate from weak states and
ungoverned spaces. The new United States combatant command for
Africa, AFRICOM, expected to be stood up this October, is one
response to that realization.
However, military tools and expertise can only contribute
so much and perceptions of an overly militarized presence can
generate hostile backlash. In order to fully address Africa's
security challenges, we need to get at the underlying roots of
instability and violent conflict. We also need to provide
sustained support for conflict prevention, human rights, and
economic development.
Diplomats are uniquely positioned to identify and implement
strategic long-term objectives. If confirmed, you will be the
eyes and ears of our Government. We will turn to you for
analysis of changing dynamics on the ground, as well as how we
here in Washington can make the most effective foreign
policies.
As you know, information-gathering and reporting is
especially challenging in Africa. In many countries and regions
across the continent, the United States does not have a long
history of engagement or a whole lot of institutional
knowledge. Fostering diverse contacts, not just with government
officials, but also with business, religious, civil society,
and other leaders is essential. We must not lose sight of the
fact that today we are building the reputation and
relationships that will determine our ability to help shape
outcomes in Africa for decades to come. The four postings
before the committee today embody those challenges.
First, if confirmed, Ambassador Stuart Symington will head
to Rwanda, ``the land of 1,000 hills.'' Rwanda is still
overcoming the tragic legacy of the 1994 genocide but is making
great gains in economic growth and political stability and has
been a tremendous contributor to U.N. peacekeeping missions
across the continent. U.S. assistance has played a significant
role in this progress and increased fourfold over the last 4
years.
However, diplomatic engagement will be crucial to ensure
democratic reforms before the 2010 elections and to ensure that
Rwanda plays a constructive role in helping to resolve the
violence in the neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo.
Turning then to the Republic of Congo, normal United States
diplomatic activities in Brazzaville have only recently resumed
after years of recurring violence and a new embassy building is
set to open early next year. If confirmed, Ambassador Alan
Eastham will have a unique opportunity to build a United States
diplomatic presence in Congo at a time when the country's oil-
based economy is growing rapidly but suffering from the
challenges of resource management and economic governance.
Next, Djibouti is a country rapidly becoming a regional
financial hub based around its strategic port for the Red Sea
and Indian Ocean. However, Djibouti's hopeful future is
somewhat limited by its rough neighborhood and hampered by
recent tensions with both Ethiopia and Eritrea. If confirmed,
James Swan will have to manage United States-Djiboutian
relations in light of those regional challenges, as well as
navigate the complexities of having the United States Combined
Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa based within that country.
Finally, if confirmed, John Simon will tackle a different
kind of challenge as he engages an emerging regional
institution with great ambitions but limited capacity. In its
first years, the African Union has already become a significant
player in continental peace and security, whether it be
peacekeeping in Darfur, sanctions in Mauritania, or mediation
in Kenya. The AU offers a framework for real African solutions
to African problems, but its long-term capabilities will
require sustained United States investment and strategic
engagement.
So, again, I would like to thank you all for embracing
these responsibilities, as well as to extend a warm welcome to
your families and friends. I know that these people have played
a critical role in your respective journeys and will continue
to support you in the challenges that lie ahead.
I would now like to invite my colleague, Senator Johnny
Isakson, the ranking member of the subcommittee, to offer some
opening remarks.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHNNY ISAKSON,
U.S. SENATOR FROM GEORGIA
Senator Isakson. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
I am proud to welcome all four nominees, of which I have
had the privilege of meeting with each of them in the days
preceding this hearing. I have said many times that I think
Africa is the continent of the 21st century for America, and
these are tremendously important roles that each of you will
play and some of you have been playing.
I want to particularly acknowledge Stuart Symington whose
storied history--his family's storied history, obviously, is
known to all of us. But I had the benefit of receiving his
hospitality in Djibouti earlier this year, and I appreciate
very much what he has done there on behalf of our country. And
I know he will do wonderful things in Rwanda.
I have also had the privilege of going to Ethiopia and to
our embassy in Ethiopia in Addis Ababa, and I know the
tremendous potential our relationship with Ethiopia has and the
help that Ethiopia has been to the United States most recently
in Somalia.
I am also particularly excited about the posting at the
Africa Union. Darfur is of great concern to the chairman and
myself. The African Union is a fledgling organization in Africa
that could be essential in putting an end to genocide and
beginning to a new freedom for all people on the African
continent. So your posting there, John, will be very important
for the United States and for that country.
But to all of you, thank you very much for your willingness
to serve and what your commitment to give the United States of
America.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Senator Isakson.
I am so pleased to see Senator Lugar here, the ranking
member of the committee, the former chairman of the full
committee, and somebody who has been very diligent throughout
his career with regard to Africa. Senator, would you like to
make any remarks?
STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD G. LUGAR,
U.S. SENATOR FROM INDIANA
Senator Lugar. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I
have just come today, as we always do, to support the nominees
for these important positions in Africa. I appreciate your
special diligence in calling the hearings in a timely way so
these embassies can be filled with talented Americans. It is a
pleasure to be here this morning. I look forward to hearing the
nominees.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Senator Lugar.
And now I would like to turn to two of my distinguished
colleagues who are here to introduce, I believe, Ambassador
Symington. First, we will go to the Senator from Missouri,
Senator McCaskill.
STATEMENT OF HON. CLAIRE McCASKILL,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MISSOURI
Senator McCaskill. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
This morning it is such an honor for me. It completes a
circle that as a young child I never dreamt that I could
complete. I remember distinctly the day the photograph arrived
at my home when I was a youngster. It was a framed photograph
of Senator Stuart Symington personally inscribed to my parents.
It was not taken to my father's office and it was not put back
in my mother's desk in the utility room. It was put in our
living room with our family photos because it was a photograph
that we were so proud of.
His grandson is here today, and this is, in fact, a hall of
fame family in terms of public service to our country. When I
realized that I am so honored to sit in the Senate seat not
just of Harry Truman but of Senator Stuart Symington, that
frankly is hard for me to really get my arms around that I have
distinct privilege and honor. And I know how proud Senator
Symington would be of his grandson.
After being raised in Missouri and graduating from Brown
and getting his law degree from Columbia, he clerked for the
Eastern District of Missouri, practiced corporate law across
the world, returned back to St. Joseph, MO, before he became a
Foreign Service officer in 1986. He has been all over the world
for his country and has served in both dangerous situations and
very politically difficult situations, from Mexico to Ecuador,
Niger, Djibouti, and now on to Rwanda, a strategically very
important country for our Nation on the important continent of
Africa.
I must also acknowledge that in addition to a grandfather,
he had an uncle that was very important in my life who is here
this morning, Congressman Jim Symington, who served in Congress
for a number of years. And I was pleased to be the campus
chairman for Symington for Senate, and I was even more pleased
to begin my career on the Hill as an intern in Jim Symington's
office in the summer of 1974.
As I say, this is a distinct pleasure for me, and you
should not by my remarks for a minute assume that mentioning
his grandfather and mentioning his uncle in any way takes away
from the talent, the strength, and the intellect that this man
offers our country. We are lucky to be able to draw on that
intellect and that strength at this important time in the
continent of Africa. It is my honor to introduce him and I am
even more pleased as an American at his willingness to serve.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Senator McCaskill. I agree
with your comment. It is hard not to mention the Symington
family because those of us who are old enough to remember--can
you imagine a year in which four sitting United States Senators
ran for President? Oh, that is right. It just happened again.
[Laughter.]
But with the names--correct me if I am wrong. I believe the
Senators were John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Hubert Humphrey,
and Stuart Symington. Is that right?
Ambassador Symington. Exactly.
Senator Feingold. And also a guy named Adlai Stevenson.
That was a heck of a primary, too.
So anyway, memory lane on that one for me.
And now we go to the Senator from Minnesota, Senator
Klobuchar.
STATEMENT OF HON. AMY KLOBUCHAR,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MINNESOTA
Senator Klobuchar. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman,
and I am here to honor all of the nominees and also my friend,
Stuart Symington. He must be pretty special to have the two new
women Senators come here and speak for him. But I am actually
here--as I hear you bring up the senior Stuart Symington and
Hubert Humphrey, we have now bridged the gap between Missouri
and Minnesota. And I know him as a friend.
His brother, who is here today, is a very good friend of
mine and married my roommate from college. I still remember
being in that wedding in my lovely peach bridesmaid dress and
seeing him then. And I also remember doing the toast and having
Uncle Jim come up and tell me that I think you could run for
office. So I appreciate the blessing of their wonderful family.
As you all know, Ambassador Symington has dedicated his
career to advancing U.S. national security and diplomatic
interests around the world. Since entering the U.S. diplomatic
corps in 1986, he has held, as Senator McCaskill pointed out,
numerous positions all across the world and, in the important
position of United States Ambassador to Djibouti, has
coordinated United States policies around the Horn of Africa
among the world's most difficult diplomatic and security
environment.
I had the pleasure of having him over for dinner with my
friends. I have to tell you, Senator Lugar, I rarely cook. So
he must be something special. But we had them over and it was
just so heartwarming to hear his views on Africa and his views
on what we can do in Rwanda. We know that Rwanda's transition
from the sorrow of the past to the potential of the future will
require a strong partner in the United States which still
carries the burden of remorse from failing to respond 15 years
ago. Ambassador Symington--what I heard that night--his vision
of bringing together all parts and functions of the United
States Government, the private sector, the NGO community, in a
united policy to partner with the Rwandan Government is the
right vision.
And I was thinking, just to end, of something. I heard
Senator Durbin tell a story when he was talking about Darfur
once on the Senate floor, and he talked about one of his
favorite movies, Schindler's List. And he talked about at the
very end when Schindler, who as you know at the beginning was a
war profiteer and was making money off the war, and then came
to see the victims of the war and came to help them and give
them safety and hide them. At the very end, those that he had
saved from the concentration camps came together and they got
all the gold that they could find and made him this ring. At
the end of the movie, he breaks down as they are around him,
and says, if only I could do more. If only I could have done
more.
Well, these people before you who are taking on such
difficult assignments, especially as I think about Rwanda--I do
not think they are going to be in that position to say if only
I could have done more because they are doing the right thing
at the right time for this country. And I am just honored to be
here with my friend, Stuart Symington.
Thank you very much.
Senator Feingold. Thank you very much, Senator Klobuchar.
We understand that the Senators need to go to other locations,
but they are, of course, welcome to stay if they wish.
But I think it is only fitting now we go to Mr. Symington,
who will offer his testimony after he says goodbye to the
Senators. Each of you please, of course, feel free to introduce
any family or friends that you would like to introduce to the
committee. Mr. Symington.
STATEMENT OF HON. W. STUART SYMINGTON,
NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF RWANDA
Ambassador Symington. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much.
Thank you for holding this hearing, as you always have, in a
way to keep our diplomatic missions staffed, for the
opportunity to appear before you, the pleasure of being with
you again, Senator Isakson, and the pleasure and honor of being
with you, Senator Lugar.
I am deeply grateful to the President of the United States
and to the Secretary for the honor of being their nominee to
serve in Rwanda.
I also want to point out that one of the many things that
the United States and Rwanda share is the remarkably important
role of women in public life, and having just heard from two
remarkable United States Senators, I cannot think of a better
way to begin my engagement, not just with the men of Rwanda,
but with the women too.
Before I turn to my prepared statement, I would like to
mention, in addition to Uncle Jim and my brother John, the real
diplomats of the family who are with me today, my wife, Susan,
and my daughter, Janey, and my son, Stuart.
Senator Feingold. Let us see where you are please, if you
could rise. Thank you. Welcome all. We are very happy to see
you here.
Ambassador Symington. Thank you, Senator.
They have never been confirmed, but I want you to know they
are the real ambassadors, and they have been since Stuart was 1
month old and went to our first post.
I also want to acknowledge that I am lucky enough to have
with us today America's Executive Director to the World Bank,
Whitney Debevoise, and his wife, Heidi, who is a friend of many
years.
Senator Feingold. Welcome.
Ambassador Symington. And finally, thinking of interns and
those people who brought us here, in this room are both members
of the promotion panel of the State Department that I am
working with this week and the desk officer for Rwanda and an
intern who put together my book. So for them and all the other
friends and family here, my thanks.
Finally, my role model in diplomacy is sitting right behind
me and she has been both behind me and in front of me for my
whole career, Ambassador Ruth Davis.
Senator, I want to mention also, as I think about your
efforts to see that we integrate all the instruments of our
Nation's strength, public and private, Chairman Ike Skelton,
who could not be with us today but who challenged me a long
time ago with two ideas. The first is that the strength of the
United States lies in its people and their principles. And the
second is that only by integrating all agencies and all
services and public and private efforts can we achieve our
goals in the world. I thought it was absolutely true and I will
try to continue to do that, if confirmed, to be your ambassador
in Rwanda.
The people of Rwanda today have a remarkable opportunity to
show that it is possible for any people to forge a common
future in a land consumed by the horror of genocide so few
years ago. It is vital to all of us that they succeed. The
Rwandans and the rest of the world must ensure that the
genocide is never forgotten and that it is never repeated.
Rwandans know that the best way to honor the victims of
genocide is to look forward and unite after having looked back
to remember what can happen through division and hatred.
Rwandans today recognize that they have a chance to make this
future better. They have, over the last few years, improved
security and stability, education, health care, advanced
reconciliation, and made progress meting out justice to many of
those involved in the genocide. They continue to face security
threats, but in the midst of that, have created economic growth
and worked with us to improve the investment climate. They have
achieved noteworthy progress, but they still face enormous
challenges.
As Rwandans look to their future, they call on all Rwandans
to unite and to see themselves as one people with equal justice
and opportunity under their law. That call is also their own
test. Rwandans are testing themselves to counter extremists
while vigorously protecting human rights, to improve governance
while also improving transparency, to strengthen democratic
institutions at the same time that they are trying to deliver
basic services, attract investment, and promote jobs and
growth. To create a shared sense of national unity and a
positive climate for development, they know that they must
instill widespread faith throughout every Rwandan in the
fairness of their governing institutions. That means being open
to dissent and permitting free access to information and to the
work of a free, responsible, and independent press. Progress
meeting this test is particularly important in the run-up to
their September elections for the House of Delegates and to the
next presidential elections.
If confirmed, I will work with all those parts of America's
investment in Rwanda, especially the people out of your mission
there, to help them strengthen their democratic institutions
and their economy, to take care of Rwandans who need our help,
and to advance transparency and respect for human rights. With
continued progress, I absolutely believe that Rwanda will be a
catalyst for regional peace and development and an instrument
for good beyond its borders.
Mr. Chairman, with your permission, I would like to ask
that the remainder of my testimony be entered in the record and
would welcome any questions.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Mr. Symington. Without
objection, that will be done. Thank you so much.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Symington follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. W. Stuart Symington,
Nominee To Be Ambassador to Rwanda
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you today as President Bush's nominee to
be Ambassador to Rwanda. I am deeply grateful to the President and to
Secretary Rice for this honor. I also want to thank you Senators for
the kind introduction. One of the many things the United States and
Rwanda have in common is the prominent role of women in public life. I
know of no better American examples of that success.
Before I turn to my prepared statement, may I introduce the members
of my family who are here with me today? First, my wife, Susan, and
children, Janey and Stuart--they are the real diplomats in our family
and they have served America as true ambassadors at every stage of what
has truly been ``our career.''
May I also point out that I am pleased to be joined by my Uncle,
former Congressman Jim Symington, and my brother, Doctor John
Symington; I thank them as well as those friends and colleagues who
have joined us here today. Finally, I'd like to thank Chairman Ike
Skelton for the inspiring challenge he put to me years ago. He said
that our greatest strengths as a nation were our people and our
principles, and that one of our greatest challenges was to act jointly,
with a common purpose, across agency and service lines, to achieve our
national objectives. If confirmed, that is what I will seek to do in
Rwanda.
Mr. Chairman, the people of Rwanda have a remarkable opportunity
today to show that it is possible for a people to forge a common future
in a land that was consumed by the horror of genocide just 14 years
ago. It is vital that they succeed. The Rwandans (and the rest of the
world) must ensure that the genocide is never forgotten and that it
will never be repeated.
Rwandans know that the best way to honor the genocide victims is to
look forward and unite, after looking back to remember the terrible
cost of division and hatred. Rwandans recognize today that they must
work together to realize their promising future. Over the last decade,
they have improved education and health care; they have advanced
reconciliation and made progress meting out justice. They have
countered security threats and cared for genocide victims. They have
created economic growth and improved the investment climate. They have
achieved noteworthy progress, but they still face enormous challenges.
As the government and many Rwandans view their future, their call
is for all Rwandans to see themselves as one people, with equal justice
and opportunity under law. Their call is also a test. Rwanda faces the
test of countering extremists, while vigorously protecting human
rights; of improving governance and transparency; of strengthening
democratic institutions, while delivering basic services; and of
attracting investment, while promoting job and income growth. To create
a shared sense of national identity and a positive climate for
development requires instilling widespread faith in the fairness of
governing institutions as well as permitting free access to information
and to the work of a free, responsible, and independent press. Progress
meeting this test is particularly important in the run-up to the
September House of Delegates elections and to the 2011 Presidential
elections.
If confirmed, I will work with all Rwandans to help them strengthen
their democratic institutions and their economy in an unstable region
and to advance transparency and respect for human rights.
We have a strong bilateral partnership with Rwanda, reflected in
President Bush's visit there in February this year. Mr. Chairman, if I
am confirmed, my goal will be to advance America's interests by
synchronizing the efforts of all U.S. Government agencies and personnel
working in Rwanda. We will also enlist the help of the American private
sector and nongovernmental groups, working with Rwandans to achieve our
shared goals. We will focus on fighting disease and hunger, promoting
democratic prosperity and growth, facilitating national reconciliation,
and advancing regional stability and global security.
Rwanda's commitment to regional stability is reflected in its role
as a member of the U.S.-led Tripartite Plus peace process. Rwanda has
been a constructive partner in those efforts to develop and implement a
joint approach to increasing security in the Great Lakes region. The
United States will continue to play a leading role promoting good
relations between Rwanda and its neighbors. If confirmed, I will work
in concert with my U.S. colleagues in the neighboring countries to
support together ongoing efforts to bring an end to the threat of armed
groups in the region and to secure the safe and voluntary return of
refugees. This remains essential, if the people of the Great Lakes are
to live in peace and to train their sights on generating growth instead
of resolving conflict.
No country on the globe has a greater reason to stop genocide that
Rwanda. It is no surprise that Rwandan troops are the backbone of the
African Union and United Nations peacekeeping force in Darfur. Just
last week, that Rwandan force suffered five casualties while
successfully repelling a largescale attack in Darfur. Today, some 2,500
Rwandan peacekeepers are on the frontline against genocide in Darfur.
At home, Rwandans recognize that their lasting security depends on
generating economic growth and creating jobs. Rising prosperity will
help to underpin reconciliation and may aid efforts to ensure equal
treatment under law, and political transparency. Today, Rwandans see
significant economic progress. Those gains are particularly remarkable
given the devastating losses from the genocide. While most Rwandans
continue to live in poverty, the government has embarked on an
ambitious plan to improve the standard of living through higher
education and infrastructure development. If confirmed, I plan to seek
ways to contribute to that effort, especially by encouraging
opportunities for private sector investment and job training to prepare
Rwandans for new jobs. Rwanda is opening its business environment. The
Trade Investment Framework Agreement helped propel a 32 percent
increase of United states-Rwanda trade in 2007, and the Bilateral
Investment Treaty signed by President Bush and President Kagame in
February will help attract new U.S. investment. Our extensive program
to construct coffee washing stations has been a singular success, with
Starbucks and other major coffee chains clamoring for Rwanda's world-
class specialty coffee.
Increased prosperity will help Rwandans focus on working together
to shape a better, united future, but the cleavages caused by genocide
will take years to heal. Rwanda has a national policy favoring
reconciliation and deemphasizing ethnic identification, but this will
be the work of generations. Therefore, ongoing efforts to promote
reconciliation are essential, both at the grassroots and in the
capital. On the national level, the Millennium Challenge Corporation
(MCC), may play a central role. The newly approved $24.73 MCC Threshold
Country Plan will fund justice sector initiatives designed to
strengthen democratic governance and the capacity of civil society
organizations. At the grassroots level, the Peace Corps is sure to have
a very positive impact. The first volunteers are slated to arrive in
Rwanda this year.
In Rwanda, investments of development resources have been shown to
have great impact due to the Government of Rwanda's focused leadership.
As a priority country for PEPFAR (President's Emergency Plan for Aids
Relief) and PMI (President's Malaria Initiative), the United States has
been in the forefront of combating HIV/AIDS and malaria pandemic in
Rwanda. Through our USAID mission, we also fund programs in democracy
and governance, economic growth, food security, and healthcare.
Mr. Chairman, the United States is making a difference in Rwanda
and Rwanda has, and will, make a difference in the world. If confirmed,
I will work to build on that success. I am convinced that Rwanda's
democratic development, economic growth, and security are essential for
its citizens and critical to the stability of much of Africa. I look
forward to working closely with you, Mr. Chairman, and with the
committee in this most important endeavor.
Thank you again Chairman Feingold, Senator Isakson, and the members
of the committee for the opportunity to appear before you today. I
welcome any questions that you might have.
Senator Feingold. Mr. Eastham?
STATEMENT OF HON. ALAN W. EASTHAM, JR., NOMINEE TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
Ambassador Eastham. Mr. Chairman, I would like to echo
Stuart Symington's gratitude to you and the committee for
holding this session on such a timely basis, although it did
require me to come back here from my present post in Malawi on
very short notice and to prepare for this in a compressed
period of time. I do appreciate the opportunity to appear
before you and appreciate the nomination by the President to
take up my position in the Republic of Congo, or as we call it
in the shorthand, Congo-Brazzaville.
This is the second time that I have appeared before the
committee. I was here 3 years ago as a candidate for
confirmation as Ambassador to Malawi, and I have had that
position for the last 3 years.
If I may, before beginning my testimony, I would like to
introduce my family members who are here. My wife, Carolyn, and
my sons, Mark and Michael.
Senator Feingold. Would you please rise? Thank you very
much for being here. Welcome.
Ambassador Eastham. Carolyn and I have been together for
longer than my Foreign Service career has lasted and probably
for longer than she would like me to say in public session.
[Laughter.]
Mark is at Elon University in North Carolina and will be in
his second year this year, and Michael will be starting at
James Madison University in Virginia next month. Michael also
happens to be our African connection since he was born in
Nairobi, Kenya during our first assignment in Africa.
If confirmed, this will be my fourth African post. I have
served in Nairobi, Kinshasa, and my present post in Lilongwe.
I have had other professional responsibilities relating to
Africa which I think serve as qualification. I spent a year as
the U.S. Representative to the Kimberley Process talks on
conflict diamonds, which gave me an introduction to resource
management and the misuses to which resources can be put in
extreme cases. I think that will serve me well in Congo.
I also served for 3 years as the Director of Central
African Affairs in the State Department and had occasion to
visit Brazzaville a couple of times during that service.
If confirmed, my top priority will be to promote and
protect United States interests in the Congo. That includes
U.S. citizens, U.S. interests and investments, and not least
important, U.S. values. These values include promoting human
rights and democracy, promoting economic good governance, and
also supporting efforts by the Congolese leadership to play a
positive and leading role in the resolution of conflicts in the
Central African region.
On the economic front, we have to ensure that American
commercial interests can operate in a free, lawful, and orderly
economic and regulatory environment, which I believe involves
encouraging the Congolese authorities to combat corruption, to
account for revenues, to invest those revenues in human and
social development, and to manage and protect the economic
resources with which the Congo is blessed.
Our political goals include supporting the country's
democratic institutions and encouraging their further
development and promoting civil and political rights including,
when necessary, talking about and intervening in particular
cases relating to human rights abuses. This includes also
support to civil society, as well as encouraging the Republic
of Congo to protect its most vulnerable populations, including
victims of child labor exploitation, child and human
trafficking, and violence against women. It is important to
support efforts to encourage timely, free, fair, and
transparent elections for the presidency which will occur in
2009.
At the regional level, President Sassou-Nguesso was
recently appointed as a co-mediator in the Chad-Sudan conflict,
and he has recently been involved in the contact group process
and hosted the most recent meeting in Brazzaville. We
appreciate the Republic of Congo's role in the Chad-Sudan
mediation and urge them to work diligently with regional
partners to facilitate a resolution of that conflict.
It is important to note, as you did, Senator, in your
statement at the beginning, that in both program and
operational terms, the United States mission in Brazzaville is
rebuilding. The embassy was closed for several years. It was
followed by a difficult period when staff of the embassy were
based across the river in Kinshasa and were obliged to travel
across the river to do their work. There is a new building
under construction which will be, I hope, occupied early next
year.
In addition, the process of rebuilding the professional
staff and procedures is underway. I hope to be able to continue
to strengthen the U.S. diplomatic platform, if confirmed by the
Senate.
At present, the major tools available to pursue United
States interests in the Congo are diplomacy and close
engagement with the people and the government. There are also
public diplomacy initiatives that we can take that further our
goals and strengthen mutual understanding between our two
countries. It is my intention, if confirmed, to examine our
programs currently active in Congo and I will definitely be
recommending changes and proposing some new initiatives to
support our objectives. In particular, I hope to be able to
attract additional resources and attention, both public and
private, clearly linked to United States policy objectives and
to positive actions by the Government of the Republic of Congo
to add to our tool kit in Brazzaville.
I appreciate very much, Mr. Chairman, the opportunity to
appear before you today. I would be happy, of course, to
respond to any questions that you might wish to pose. Thank
you.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Eastham follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Alan W. Eastham,
Nominee To Be Ambassador to the Republic of Congo
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a privilege and a
distinct honor to appear before you for a second time as the
President's nominee to serve the United States in Africa. The first
time, over 3 years ago, was as Ambassador to Malawi, a post I will be
relinquishing next month. At present, I am seeking confirmation as
United States Ambassador to the Republic of the Congo (ROC).
If I may, I would like to introduce my wife, Carolyn, who has been
at my side for 34 years. She has also served our country in seven of
the eight foreign posts to which I have been assigned. She is looking
forward to seeing the Congo River for the first time, as no family
members were allowed to live in Kinshasa during the 2 years I served
there. I have to say that she works as hard as I do to support United
States activities in Malawi, and she will do the same in Brazzaville,
if I am confirmed by the Senate. Let me also introduce my sons--Mark,
who attends Elon University in North Carolina, and Michael, who will
begin his studies at James Madison University next month. They have
grown up in the Foreign Service and I expect that there is a good
chance you will see them serving the United States abroad in some
capacity in the coming years.
If confirmed, Brazzaville will be my fourth Africa post overseas. I
have served in Nairobi, Kinshasa, and Lilongwe. I have visited 20
African countries in an official capacity, and I have had other
professional responsibilities relating to Africa, including a year as
the U.S. representative to the Kimberley Process talks on conflict
diamonds and 3 years as Director of Central African Affairs in the
State Department. As Director, I had responsibility for the Republic of
Congo. I have visited the country several times, both before and after
the destructive civil war.
United States policy in the Republic of the Congo centers on
promoting human rights, democracy, and good governance in the country.
We also support efforts by the Congolese leadership to play a positive
and leading role in the resolution of regional conflicts.
If confirmed, I will fully exercise my mandate to promote and
protect U.S. interests in that country, including U.S. investments,
U.S. citizens, and U.S. values.
Economic governance is a strong priority for the United States. We
must ensure that American commercial interests can operate in a free,
lawful, orderly, and transparent economic and regulatory environment.
This involves encouraging the authorities to combat corruption, invest
oil revenues in human and social development, and manage the country's
precious environmental resources.
Our political goals include supporting the country's democratic
institutions, and promoting civil and political rights. This includes
support to civil society as an effective mechanism of checks and
balances to promote government accountability and transparency as well
as encouraging the ROC to protect its most vulnerable populations,
including victims of child labor, child trafficking, and violence
against women. It is also important to note that Congo will be holding
presidential elections in 2009. It is important to support efforts to
make those free, fair, and transparent.
There is also important work to be done to further the
implementation of the 2005 Peace Agreement between the government and
the last remaining rebel group, in order to create a positive
atmosphere for free and fair presidential elections in 2009.
Following the Republic of Congo's tenure as President of the
African Union and nonpermanent member of the United Nations Security
Council in 2006, the ROC has enhanced its role in regional and
multilateral issues. President Sassou-Nguesso was recently appointed as
a comediator in the Chad-Sudan conflict, and has been actively involved
in the contact group process, and hosted a meeting in Brazzaville. We
appreciate the ROC's role, and urge them to work with regional partners
to facilitate a resolution of the conflict.
The ROC is increasingly becoming a partner in the area of security
cooperation. Last October, the Government of Congo hosted a United
States Navy ship visit. We continue to support capacity building
efforts to enhance the country's maritime security awareness. Our
training of the Congolese military will also support the country's
efforts to contribute to future central African peacekeeping efforts
and promote awareness for human rights in the country's armed forces.
It is important to note that in both program and operational
contexts the United States mission in Brazzaville is in a rebuilding
phase. The embassy was closed for several years, followed by several
difficult years of coverage by personnel under severe security
strictures and based across the river in Kinshasa. The embassy building
was destroyed during the civil war, and a new building under
construction is expected to be ready for occupancy early next year.
This building is necessary to support our efforts in the ROC and will
provide a strong visible indication of our commitment to strong
relations with the country. The process of rebuilding professional
staff and procedures is well under way. I hope to be able to continue
to strengthen the U.S. diplomatic platform if I am confirmed by the
Senate.
If confirmed, I would support these policy efforts through
diplomacy and close engagement with the government. I would also
support public diplomacy initiatives that further our goals and
strengthen the mutual understanding between our two countries. I also
intend to examine our programs currently active in Congo, and recommend
changes and propose new initiatives to support our objectives. In
particular, I hope to be able to attract additional resources, clearly
linked to United States policy objectives and to positive actions by
the Government of the Republic of Congo, to add to our toolkit in
Brazzaville.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to appear before you
today. I would be happy to respond to any questions you might choose to
ask, and I look forward, if confirmed, to serving the United States in
Brazzaville.
Senator Feingold. Thank you so much, Mr. Eastham.
Mr. Swan.
STATEMENT OF JAMES CHRISTOPHER SWAN, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR
TO THE REPUBLIC OF DJIBOUTI
Mr. Swan. Mr. Chairman Feingold, Ranking Member Isakson,
Senator Lugar, it is an honor to appear before you today as the
nominee for chief of mission at Djibouti. I have a very brief
oral statement and would ask that my written testimony be
included in the record, if possible.
Senator Feingold. Without objection.
Mr. Swan. I am grateful for the confidence the President
and Secretary of State have shown by nominating me to this
position and for the support of Assistant Secretary for African
Affairs Jendayi Frazer.
First, Mr. Chairman, if I may acknowledge several family
members and colleagues who are here today. My wife, Daphne
Michelle Titus, please stand up. Daphne is also a Foreign
Service officer with extensive experience in Africa. I would
also like to mention our children, Mitchell and Garner, who are
not able to be here today but who are here with us in spirit,
and also to note the presence of our goddaughter, Kiama Alexis,
who is visiting from Los Angeles.
Senator Feingold. Welcome.
Mr. Swan. Let me please also recognize several Africa
Bureau colleagues, including of course, chief of staff, Ruth
Davis, who has already been mentioned; desk officer Sarah
Skerubsky. And let me also say that I am honored to appear
today with other friends and colleagues working on African
issues.
Mr. Chairman, during more than 20 years at the State
Department, I have devoted my career to the challenges of
developing countries in transition, especially in Africa. Since
1992, my overseas assignments have been all in Africa,
including work in Cameroon, Somalia, the Republic of Congo, and
the Democratic Republic of Congo, in the last two posts as
deputy chief of mission. I currently serve as Deputy Assistant
Secretary for African Affairs with broad policy and program
responsibility for Central and East Africa, including Djibouti.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to leading
Embassy Djibouti's dedicated team of Foreign Service, Civil
Service, military staff assigned to the embassy, and Foreign
Service national employees in advancing the interests of the
United States. In Djibouti, these interests are primarily in
the areas of peace and security, good governance, and economic
development.
First, with respect to peace and security, Djibouti has
long been a pocket of stability in a turbulent region and is an
important partner in the fight against terrorism. As has been
mentioned, Djibouti hosts the only United States military base
in sub-Saharan Africa, Camp Lemonier, headquarters for the
Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa, with some 2,200
personnel. If confirmed, Mr. Chairman, I will continue to build
our close relationship with the Government of Djibouti on
regional peace and security issues.
And in view of the importance of CJTF-HOA, let me also
state that I am committed to close coordination and cooperation
between embassy personnel and CJTF-HOA and to ensuring that all
CJTF-HOA programming in Djibouti fits within overarching United
States Government priorities for the country.
With regard to democracy and governance, Mr. Chairman,
Djibouti is a nascent democracy, independent only since 1977.
We have been encouraged by the results achieved by U.S.
engagement on human rights issues, for example, progress on
trafficking in persons, and we will continue to seek to enlarge
space for private media and civil society groups that at times
have faced constraints. If confirmed, I will work with our
Djiboutian partners to support and deepen their democracy
governance reforms.
On the economic front, Mr. Chairman, Djibouti is seeking to
become a center for regional and international trade, financial
services as well. Nonetheless, the country remains very poor,
ranked 149 out of 177 countries, according to the UNDP Human
Development Index. The United States, consequently, has a small
but active aid mission in Djibouti focused on health and
education and on responding to urgent humanitarian
requirements. If confirmed, I will continue to make support for
economic development in Djibouti a priority.
Finally, but most importantly, Mr. Chairman, if confirmed,
my highest priority will be the safety and well-being of
Americans living in or visiting Djibouti. With only a few
hundred private American citizens in the country, I would
expect, if confirmed, to remain in frequent contact with them,
most importantly on consular and security issues, but also to
benefit from the wisdom of longtime residents, aid workers, and
others with expertise on developments in Djibouti.
Mr. Chairman, thank you again for the honor to appear
before you today. Of course, we welcome any questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Swan follows:]
Prepared Statement of James Swan,
Nominee To Be Ambassador to the Republic of Djibouti
Chairman Feingold, Ranking Member Isakson, members of the
committee, it is an honor to appear before you today as the nominee for
chief of mission Djibouti. Thank you for convening this hearing so
quickly during a very busy season of Senate business and campaign
preparations. I am grateful for the confidence the President and
Secretary of State have shown by nominating me to this position, and
particularly for the support of Assistant Secretary for African Affairs
Jendayi Frazer in this appointment.
First, Mr. Chairman, let me mention several family members and
colleagues who are here today. My wife, Daphne Michelle Titus, is here,
and I would also like to mention our children, Garner and Mitchell, who
are not present in this room, but are with us in spirit. Daphne is also
a Foreign Service officer with extensive experience in Africa. We have
been full partners not just in the home, but also as we've worked in
embassies abroad and in public service here in Washington. Let me also
add that I am honored to appear before you on this panel with my two
friends and colleagues, Ambassadors Eastham and Symington.
Mr. Chairman, during more than 20 years at the State Department, I
have devoted my career to the challenges of developing countries in
transition, many involving unsettled security environments and complex
political reforms. My overseas assignments have included service as
political officer in Cameroon during its first multiparty Presidential
elections, as ``Somalia Watcher'' in Nairobi during the final pull-out
of U.N. forces in the mid 1990s, and as deputy chief of mission in both
the Republic of Congo and the Democratic Republic of Congo during
efforts to bring an end to conflicts and humanitarian crises in those
countries and to promote democratic reforms. In Washington I have
served as Director for African Analysis in the Bureau of Intelligence
and Research, and most recently as Deputy Assistant Secretary for
African Affairs with broad policy and program responsibility for
Central and East Africa, including the Horn of Africa and Djibouti.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I look forward to leading Embassy
Djibouti's dedicated team in advancing the interests of the United
States. This team of over 200 consists of Foreign Service and Civil
Service personnel, military staff assigned to the embassy, and of
course our invaluable Foreign Service national employees. Our interests
in Djibouti are primarily in the areas of peace and security, good
governance, and economic development.
peace and security
Djibouti is a small but important country on the Horn of Africa. It
occupies a strategic position at the Bab el Mandab Strait, which joins
the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. These waters are used by some 40 percent
of the world's commercial ships. Djibouti hosts the only United States
military base in sub-Saharan Africa, Camp Lemonier, headquarters for
the Combined Joint Task Force--Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) and its
approximately 2,200 personnel. Djibouti has long been a pocket of
stability in a turbulent region, and is an important partner in the
fight against terrorism. It borders Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia/
Somaliland, and faces Yemen less than 18 miles across the strait to the
east. Djibouti has often used its close relations with all of its
neighbors to promote peace and understanding in the region. It is the
regional headquarters for the Inter-Governmental Authority on
Development. In June, Djibouti hosted an important meeting between
Somalia's Transitional Federal Government and the opposition Alliance
for the Re-Liberation of Somalia, which led to an agreement that both
sides have now initialed. If confirmed, Mr. Chairman, I will continue
to build our close relationship with the Government of Djibouti on
regional peace and security issues.
In view of the large and important CJTF-HOA presence, let me
underscore my commitment, if confirmed, to continue close coordination
and cooperation between embassy personnel and the CJTF-HOA contingent.
If confirmed, I will also ensure that all CJTF-HOA programming in
Djibouti fits within overarching United States Government priorities to
advance our key interests in the country.
democracy and governance
Djibouti is a nascent democracy. It has been independent only since
1977 and faced a limited but persistent internal rebel movement in the
early 1990s. With the negotiated conclusion of the rebellion, a ``grand
coalition'' was formed that effectively rules the country. Presidential
elections in 2005 were determined by international observers to be free
and fair. Recent parliamentary elections in February returned all of
the seats to members of the ruling coalition. At the regional level,
however, other political groups obtained greater representation. We
have been encouraged by the results achieved by active U.S. engagement
on governance and human rights issues--for example on trafficking in
persons. Djibouti's rapid passage of a new antitrafficking law and
followup implementation were reflected in an improvement in Djibouti's
trafficking in persons ranking from Tier II Watch List to Tier II. If
confirmed, I will work with our Djiboutian partners to continue their
democracy/governance reforms--including to enlarge space for private
media and civil society groups that at times have faced constraints.
economic development
On the economic front, Mr. Chairman, Djibouti's leadership is
seeking to embrace the opportunities of globalization. Capitalizing on
its location and excellent deep-water port, Djibouti has privatized its
port and airport and has embarked on construction of a new port
facility that will dramatically increase capacity. This privatization
has reduced corruption and increased revenues flowing to the
government. Djibouti is also emerging as a regional banking center,
albeit on a modest scale. Making Djibouti an attractive place for
investment and a center for regional and international trade will be
critical to its economic development. Djibouti remains very poor,
ranked 149 out of 177 countries on the UNDP Human Development Index.
Nearly 90 percent of Djiboutian land is desert. The United States has a
small but active AID mission in Djibouti, focused on health and
education, particularly to combat low life-expectancy, maternal and
under-5 child mortality, and transmission of infectious diseases. The
United States also responds to the current regionwide problem of food
insecurity through support for the Famine Early Warning Network office
in Djibouti, as well as Food for Peace and Office of Foreign Disaster
Assistance programs. If confirmed, I will continue to make support for
economic development in Djibouti a priority.
eritrea/djibouti border
Mr. Chairman, as you can see, we have important interests in
Djibouti. Djibouti's role in regional peace and security, its
democratic and governance reforms, and its economic prospects merit
support and encouragement from friends of Djibouti. Yet, one of its
neighbors--Eritrea--has instead sought to foment instability, creating
a potential new border conflict where before none existed. The
establishment of Eritrean military positions just over the Ras Doumeira
ridge on the Djiboutian side of the border represents a worrying threat
to Djibouti. The Eritrean Government has rebuffed efforts by the
African Union, League of Arab States, and bilateral partners of the two
countries to negotiate resolution. Now the United Nations Secretariat,
at the behest of the Security Council, is sending a team to gather
further details of the border standoff and report back to the council.
In view of Eritrea's destabilizing role elsewhere in the region, this
move against Djibouti can only be seen as yet another deliberate threat
by this dangerous spoiler on the Horn. If confirmed, I will give my
full support to international efforts to resolve this incipient
conflict peacefully and restore the border to the status quo ante.
american community
Finally, Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, my first, most immediate
priority will be the safety and well-being of Americans living in or
visiting Djibouti. With only a few hundred private Americans in-
country, I would expect, if confirmed, to remain in frequent contact
with them, most importantly on consular and security issues, but also
to benefit from the wisdom of long-time residents, aid workers, and
others with expertise on developments in Djibouti.
Mr. Chairman, thank you again for the honor to appear before the
Committee today. I would be happy to take any questions you may have.
Senator Feingold. Thank you very much, Mr. Swan.
Mr. Simon.
STATEMENT OF JOHN A. SIMON, NOMINEE TO BE REPRESENTATIVE OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE AFRICAN UNION, WITH THE RANK
AND STATUS OF AMBASSADOR
Mr. Simon. Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I would
like to echo the thanks of my colleagues for the opportunity to
testify before you here today. And in particular, Mr. Chairman,
I would like to thank you and your staff for allowing me the
opportunity to join my colleagues.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to
appear before you in consideration of my nomination to serve as
the United States Ambassador to the African Union. I want to
thank President Bush and Secretary Rice for the confidence and
trust they have shown in nominating me for this position.
I have submitted written comments for the record, and with
your permission, Mr. Chairman, I will summarize them here.
Senator Feingold. Without objection.
Mr. Simon. Mr. Chairman, first I would like to acknowledge
my wife, Laura, who is here with me today.
Senator Feingold. Welcome.
Mr. Simon. Without her love and sacrifice and that of my
children, Will, Leo, Maya, and Jayne, my career in public
service would not have been possible.
I would also like to thank the African Union desk in the
State Department and the many offices and bureaus that worked
overtime to prepare me for this hearing today.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I have spent the
past 6 years working on global development issues. The primary
focus of this work has been in Africa. Over that time, I have
had the extraordinary honor and privilege to serve our country
as an official of the U.S. Agency for International
Development, as Senior Director for Relief, Stabilization, and
Development on the staff of the National Security Council, and
most recently, as executive vice president for the Overseas
Private Investment Corporation. In these capacities, I have
helped to support the President's international development
agenda at a time of dynamic economic and political change
around the world.
Nowhere has this change been more profound than in Africa.
The United States has been an active partner in helping
Africans along this journey, with far-reaching initiatives on
the continent, including the Millennium Challenge Account, the
President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, the President's
Malaria Initiative, the African Education Initiative, the
Women's Justice and Empowerment Initiative, the Multilateral
Debt Relief Initiative, the African Mortgage Market Initiative,
and the African Financial Sector Initiative. I have been
honored to have played a role in every one of these efforts.
The African Union is the most prominent manifestation of
the new era on the continent. Founded in July 2002, the African
Union heralded a change from its predecessor's focus on
noninterference to one, in the words of its first chairman,
Alpha Oumar Konare, of nonindifference.
Over the last 18 months, the breadth of the AU political
initiatives has dramatically expanded. It has registered some
significant successes, including stabilizing Comoros and
Burundi, establishing the Democracy and Electoral Assistance
Unit, and adopting the African Charter on Democracy, Elections,
and Governance.
Although making significant progress, the African Union
still faces considerable challenges. Capacity gaps,
understaffing, and regional conflict, such as in Zimbabwe,
Somalia, and Sudan, all threaten the nascent strides the
African Union has made. These challenges on the one hand and
the increasing vitality of the AU on the other provide the
United States with a unique opportunity to engage the AU, which
is looking to the United States for support.
For instance, given the recent elections in Zimbabwe and
others that have suffered from serious irregularities, it is
imperative that the United States and other donors assist the
African Union to develop institutions that ensure the standards
enshrined in the AU charter function to guarantee free and fair
elections that are respected throughout the continent.
Building upon our historic ties, shared culture, and deep
appreciation of the African continent's strategic significance,
the United States in August 2006 became the first country to
establish a separate diplomatic mission accredited to the AU.
USAU was established with the intention to forge a strategic
partnership between the United States and the African Union by
building upon the AU's capacity to strengthen democratic
institutions, promote peace and security, improve the lives and
health of all Africans, and support sustainable economic
development through increased trade and investment. If
confirmed, I will strive to forward this agenda. I will also
use every opportunity to press AU to live up to its own
standards of nonindifference, especially in promoting human
rights and democracy.
I would look forward, if confirmed, as the U.S.
Representative to the AU, to working closely with you, Mr.
Chairman, your staff, and other Members of the Congress to
ensure that United States interests, policies, and assistance
to the African Union achieves maximum impact.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for scheduling this hearing. I
would be pleased to answer any questions you and the members of
the committee may have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Simon follows:]
Prepared Statement of John Simon,
Nominee To Be Ambassador to the African Union
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today in consideration of my nomination to serve as the
United States Ambassador to the African Union. I want to thank
President Bush and Secretary Rice for the confidence and trust they
have shown in nominating me for this position.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to acknowledge the members of my family
who are here with me today. First, my wife, Laura, and my daughter,
Maya. My two sons, Will and Leo, and my other daughter, Jayne, could
not be here today. I would also like to thank my parents, Barry and
Hinda Simon, for their generous and unfailing love and support. Without
my family's love and sacrifice, my career in public service would not
have been possible.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I have spent the past 6
years working on global development issues. The primary focus of this
work has been in Africa. Over that time, I have had the extraordinary
honor and privilege to serve our country as an official at the U.S.
Agency for International Development; as Senior Director for Relief,
Stabilization, and Development on the staff of the National Security
Council; and, most recently, as executive vice president of the
Overseas Private Investment Corporation. In these capacities, I have
helped to support the President's international development agenda at a
time of dynamic economic and political change around the globe.
Nowhere has this change been more profound than in Africa. Thanks
to improved governance, balanced fiscal and monetary policies, and
investments in health and education, Africa as a whole is experiencing
its most significant economic expansion since independence, with 10
years of uninterrupted growth, the last 5 at rates in excess of 5
percent. Africans have also experienced a growth in freedom and
democracy, with more countries classified as free by the
nongovernmental organization Freedom House than at any time in the
continent's history.
The United States has been an active partner in helping Africans
along this journey. Through the groundbreaking Millennium Challenge
Account, with firm bipartisan backing from Congress we have supported
the rule of law, sound economic policies, and investments in people.
Through the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief and the
President's Malaria Initiative, Americans have helped Africans make
unprecedented strides against two of the most deadly diseases on Earth.
Through the Africa Education Initiative and the Women's Justice and
Empowerment Initiative, the United States has worked to educate and
empower Africans from all strata of society. And through the
Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative, the African Mortgage Market
Initiative, and the African Financial Sector Initiative, we have helped
to lift the staggering burden of debt and develop the institutions of a
modern economy. I have been honored to have played a role in every one
of these efforts. If confirmed, Mr. Chairman, I will work with the
African Union (AU) to highlight these initiatives as important
developmental issues for the AU to pursue.
The African Union is the most prominent manifestation of the new
era on the continent. Founded in July 2002, the African Union heralded
a change from its predecessor's focus on ``noninterference'' to one, in
the words of its first Chairman, Alpha Oumar Konare, of
``nonindifference.'' This was a highly significant change and a
recognition that Africa not only can, but must take charge of its own
destiny if it is to compete and prosper in the 21st century. The
creation and success of the African Union is not only critical to the
continent, but to the international community and to the interests of
the United States.
The African Union is an active, multilateral organization
orchestrating complementary agendas for change and development. The
permanent representatives of its 53 member states are setting political
directions in areas as disparate as election monitoring and climate
change. The African Union Commission, effectively the AU's Executive
Secretariat, is implementing the policies endorsed by the AU's Assembly
of Heads of State. Over the last 18 months, the breadth of AU political
initiatives has dramatically expanded, and it has registered some
significant successes, including stabilizing Comoros and Burundi,
establishing the Democracy and Electoral Assistance Unit, and adopting
the African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance.
Although making significant progress, the African Union still faces
considerable challenges. Capacity gaps, understaffing, and regional
conflict, such as in Zimbabwe, Somalia, and Sudan, all threaten the
nascent strides the African Union has made. These challenges on the one
hand, and the increasing vitality of the AU on the other, provide the
United States with a unique opportunity to engage the AU, which is
looking to the United States for support.
For instance, given the recent elections in Zimbabwe, and others
that have suffered from serious irregularities, it is imperative that
the United States and other donor partners assist the African Union to
develop institutions to ensure that the standards enshrined in the AU
charter function to guarantee free and fair elections are respected
throughout the continent. Despite its shortcomings, the AU sent an
observer mission to the June 27 Zimbabwean runoff, and that mission
concluded that the election had fallen short of AU standards. The June
30-July 2 AU summit in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt issued a statement
stating that they were deeply concerned with the prevailing situation
in Zimbabwe and called for negotiations between parties and recognition
that some form of transitional government would be necessary.
Building upon our historic ties, shared culture, and deep
appreciation of the African continent's strategic significance, the
United States, in August 2006, became the first observer country to
establish a separate diplomatic mission accredited to the AU. USAU was
established in 2006 with the intention to forge a strategic partnership
between the United States and the African Union by building the AU's
capacity to strengthen democratic institutions, promote peace and
stability, improve the lives and health of all Africans, and support
sustainable economic development through increased trade and
investment. If confirmed, I will strive to forward this agenda. I will
also use every opportunity to press the AU to live up to its own
standard of ``nonindifference,'' especially in promoting human rights
and democracy.
I would look forward, if confirmed as the United States
Representative to the AU, to working closely with you and other Members
of Congress to ensure that U.S. interests, policies, and assistance to
the African Union achieves maximum impact.
Thank you again, Mr. Chairman, for scheduling this hearing. I would
be pleased to answer any questions you and the members of the committee
may have.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Mr. Simon. Thank you all.
We will begin our first round of questions. I will begin
it. We will do 7-minute rounds.
Ambassador Symington, you spent the last 3 years as United
States Ambassador to Djibouti. What lessons do you hope to
bring with you from your experience in Djibouti?
Ambassador Symington. Mr. Chairman, thank you for asking me
the question that I focused on every day as I prepared for this
hearing.
I think that there are three important lessons. The first
is the one that I mentioned inspired both by Chairman Skelton
and by you of working together jointly. I think that it is
synchronizing not just what government does but what government
does to enable the private sector to do more. So to continue to
focus on what every agency of our Government does and then to
push forward on the economic development side by creating
conditions that can help the people of Rwanda not only find
peace but a path to prosperity strikes me as the very first and
most important.
The second thing is that I am keenly aware, in an insecure
part of the Horn, how important security is, and so I will,
with the help not only of the rest of the United States
Government, but with the continued help and support of you and
the Senate and the House funding our efforts, to not only have
boots on the ground, but also to have seats at the table with
that kind of support in development, with that kind of resource
required to not just talk about security, but to be in a
position as we have been in Rwanda, training folks to then
deploy in Darfur, do something about it.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Feingold. Thank you.
Now, similar to Djibouti, Rwanda faces a major violent
conflict in a neighboring country. In fact, the extreme
violence that has plagued the Kivu Region of Eastern Congo can
be, of course, directly traced to the legacy of the 1994
genocide and the continuing Hutu-Tutsi tensions. In response to
the presence of the FDLR and former members of the Interahamwe
in Eastern Congo, the Rwanda Government funded Tutsi insurgents
until at least 2003.
Now, do you see, sir, a potential to resolve this crisis,
and how do you intend to work with President Kagame and others
in the region to do so?
Ambassador Symington. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
There is clearly a potential to resolve it. The magnitude
of the problem, while still considerable, has diminished,
thanks to the efforts not only of other American ambassadors in
Rwanda, but also the considered efforts of the Tripartite Plus
process and the conversations between the Democratic Republic
of the Congo and Rwanda and other leaders at very many levels
pushed forward by a meeting last year that the Secretary of
State chaired in Addis to bring the Tripartite Plus together in
which the Minister of the Interior of the Democratic Republic
of Congo and President Kagame got together and talked about the
way forward.
There is a tremendous opportunity to address this problem
by focusing, I think, on three things.
The first is getting together to talk about the common
interests in a lasting peace. And they are doing that more
regularly.
The second is to focus explicitly on the security concerns,
and all the parties share a desire to make sure that there are
not groups operating in the area that threaten the stability of
law.
But the third element is to turn this part of Africa from a
place of troubles to a place of promise, and that means going
beyond the focus on security to focus on the sort of
opportunities for economic integration represented by Rwanda's
recent joining of the East African community and its membership
in COMESA. We need to take some of that growth that I saw in
Djibouti that is coming across the Indian Ocean and reach into
the heart of Africa so that they can cooperate together.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Ambassador.
According to the State Department's country reports on
human rights practices for 2007, extrajudicial killings by
security forces increased, as well as restrictions on freedom
of speech, association, and press.
How would you assess the challenges of building democracy
in Rwanda and the current state of democracy there?
Ambassador Symington. As we were discussing earlier, one
great test for their commitment to multiparty democracy will be
the multiparty elections that are about to take place in
September. And so this is a perfect time to see whether or not
Rwanda continues to make progress towards that goal.
In the course of the last year, I was pleased to see
progress in a couple of those areas, particularly in that
relating to extrajudicial killings. Another very significant
issue that has plagued them in the past has been both the
crowdings and the conditions of their prisons, and they
continue to make progress there.
But there are genuine human rights concerns in Rwanda
today, and as I see our efforts, I am reminded of a very simple
truth that I learned which is that when I swear an oath to
serve as your ambassador in Djibouti, I swear that oath to
preserve and to protect the Constitution, a body of ideas. What
we have at the core of our being is those principles, and it is
what holds us together and gives us our strength in the world.
If Rwanda is to realize its promise of a single united
Rwanda playing a positive role in Africa, it must show the same
adherence to principles that we do and not because we tell them
to, but because those principles are their principles and they
work for them. And that test is one they must pass every day,
but it will be a great challenge to work with them as they try
to make progress in that area.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Mr. Symington.
Mr. Eastham, since ending its civil war, oil production in
the Republic of Congo has increased significantly and it
continues to do so.
What United States companies, petroleum companies, are
active in the country, and do you expect that Congolese oil
exports to the United States will increase in the coming years?
Ambassador Eastham. On the second question, Senator, I do
not--I think the market will determine whether imports to the
United States will increase. I would anticipate that they will
simply because there will be more Congolese oil available.
There is an expectation that when a new field comes on line
next year, that there will be an additional 90,000 barrels a
day of production, bringing Congo up from its present level of
approximately 240,000 barrels a day, up to around 330,000 in
the coming year. At present, Congo is the fifth largest
producer in Africa. I do not think that that will change the
ranking for the additional capacity to come on line.
Operating in the Republic of Congo at the moment, there are
several United States oil exploration and production companies,
as well as a number of other companies that support them. I
believe that the exploration companies are Chevron, Congo SA,
the Murphy West Africa Limited, and Neighbors Offshore.
Supporting services companies include Halliburton, Baker Oil
Tools, Schlumberger, and Trac d'Afrique. There are a couple of
other American companies also engaged in Congo, one in bauxite
and another in milling of flour for consumption in the Congo.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Mr. Eastham. When I have my
second round, I will return to this subject, but I will just
simply comment in all this debate about energy and oil, there
is insufficient attention to the role of African oil supplies,
both the positive aspects and the challenges. I know that the
ranking member has talked about it, but this is something the
American people have, I think, a limited awareness of. And I am
hoping that through our work together we can let people know
that there are not simply Middle Eastern sources of oil.
Senator Isakson.
Senator Isakson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
On that subject, I want to acknowledge that Ambassadors
Symington, Eastham, and Swan all made reference in their
statements to the important role of supporting the private
sector in each of those countries. And with the chairman
mentioning oil and the resources of Africa, I think it is
important to note, Mr. Eastham, that not far from your positing
is Equatorial Guinea where the United States left some years
ago and did not have an embassy, but has come back and brought
Ambassador Johnson. U.S. companies, Marathon in particular, but
also Hess, Formed a joint venture with that government,
discovered a huge reserve of natural gas in the Gulf of Guinea
and Marathon invested $1.5 billion in a liquefication facility
which is now operating.
And as a result of that, two things happened. One, the
economy of Equatorial Guinea and the money it is raising, is
being invested in hospitals and schools, and is helping the
populace, but also as recently as last month, President Obiang
released 37 political prisoners we have been trying to
encourage him to release for a number of years. I think that
shows that if we can help empower the private sector to
participate in joint ventures on the continent of Africa,
particularly in energy, but in other areas as well, the result
is not only wealth for the people of Africa, but also a more
democratic government emerges from that prosperity.
I am making a speech, not asking a question, but I thought
it was important to note that all three of you voluntarily
noted that point.
Mr. Eastham, in your printed testimony and verbal
testimony, you talked about American interests being able to
operate in free, lawful, orderly, and transparent economic and
regulatory environments, in particular, you mentioned the
problem of corruption and making sure that we do everything to
have honorable dealings.
What is in the Congo as far as corruption? How is it? Is it
a major problem? Is it improving?
Ambassador Eastham. Thank you for the question because that
is one of the most important things that I believe I will be
addressing, if I am confirmed and go to this post.
My impression from my preparations here is that I would
rather call it lack of accountability is getting in the way of
a lot of things that Congo would like to do. For example, they
have gone off track with the International Monetary Fund after
a promising start about 2 years ago because of a problem of
overexpenditure that caused them to miss their targets to
continue on their poverty relief and growth facility program.
Similarly, their progress toward debt relief under the HIPC
program has gone off track, largely as a result of being off
track with the IMF because, again, of a lack of accountability.
There are nongovernmental organizations that are extremely
credible on this subject, such as Global Witness, that have
noted in public the problems of accountability with regard to
the revenues from petroleum that is exported from the Republic
of Congo.
Now, I am not the ambassador yet. You will determine that,
but I think that at this stage in my preparation for this post,
I would prefer to look at it as a glass a quarter full rather
than characterizing it as corruption. So let me just assure you
that I think that that is an issue that cuts across through the
Congo and Congo's governance. The question of how they account
for the money and how they spend it in terms of--well, I will
go back to your example of Equatorial Guinea--spending on
hospitals and infrastructure projects that benefit the
population of the country, I have a feeling that is going to be
a core aspect of my mission there, if I am confirmed.
Senator Isakson. I really appreciate not only the answer,
but the way in which you answered it because ``corruption'' is
a word that gets thrown around a lot. I think the reference to
transparency and accountability is the key because with a
transparent and accountable economic and regulatory system in a
country, the United States can compete most favorably, but when
it lacks that it benefits other countries who might want to
come benefit from the resources in the country but not
necessarily do it in a transparent or accountable way. And I
think you are right on target. I will not mention who I am
talking about on that, but I think it benefits the United
States for that to exist.
Mr. Swan, I had the privilege of visiting Ambassador
Symington in Djibouti earlier this year, and I appreciate in
your remarks that you addressed Camp Lemonier and what the
United States is doing in concert with other countries at that
tremendous military facility, but acknowledge that it is--and
you correct me if I am wrong, Mr. Symington, but when I was
there, I was not only astounded, but I was pleased to see the
tremendous role of helping people in Africa. Those personnel
there are drilling wells and building bridges. They are
ambassadors of the United States. Camp Lemonier is of
tremendous value, I think, to our country and to the Horn of
Africa as well, so I commend you on your mentioning of that and
I hope you will be very committed, as Ambassador Symington has
been, to coordinate and cooperate with the personnel there.
Ambassador Swan. Thank you very much, Senator.
Yes, indeed, sir. As I mentioned in my remarks, I think
this is going to be a key priority to ensure that we have a
very close relationship with the leadership and, indeed, the
other personnel of CJTF-HOA. I think there has been an
excellent base already established--a base of collaboration, I
should clarify I suppose--already established in terms of our
relationship not only with the leadership, but in terms of our
embassy personnel working directly with a number of CJTF-HOA
officials as well to coordinate activities.
I think it is important to remember, Senator, that although
based in Djibouti, CJTF-HOA has an area of responsibility that
currently extends to some 13 countries, including Yemen. So it
is a matter of coordinating our activities with CJTF-HOA not
only as it relates to Djibouti, but more broadly in terms of
its activities elsewhere on the Horn of Africa and extending
into Yemen. With the transition to AFRICOM on October 1, we
expect CJTF-HOA's assets will, in fact, be available for
programming even outside its existing area of responsibility.
There is no doubt that its civil affairs activities have
been very important in terms of helping people who desperately
need help in the Horn of Africa and have also been very helpful
in terms of putting a more positive light on the role of the
United States military and what kinds of contributions it can
make in contributing to improvements in those societies. I
think we do see, however, that what CJTF-HOA has as a critical
asset is its ability to engage on security cooperation issues,
as well as traditional military-to-military activities. So we
see CJTF-HOA as a critical component, one of an array of
instruments of U.S. security influence, including diplomatic
elements, informational elements, economic elements,
development elements, and also this military component. So
coordination will be key.
Senator Isakson. Well, my time is up, but I do remember
when I went to Camp Lemonier and walked in to meet with--was it
Admiral Hart? Is that correct? Who was commanding officer, and
he introduced me to the British general and the French general
that were there with him, and I realized there is a very
diplomatic role in that camp with other countries in Europe and
around the world. You have a very important posting, and that
is a very important facility for the people of the United
States, as well as the people of Africa.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Senator Isakson.
Senator Lugar.
Senator Lugar. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
In 2006, our committee commissioned a report which was
entitled Embassies as Command Posts in the Anti-Terror
Campaign. But specifically a lot of the emphasis came to
special challenges for our embassies in Africa. So I am going
to ask you, Ambassador Swan, and you, Ambassador Symington in
order, first of all, to describe from your experiences in that
report what we have learned about coordination in our embassies
of all the various facets of the United States Government--
civilian, military, somewhere in between--in very challenging
circumstances where special responsibilities come to the
ambassador. And likewise, to what extent have we utilized the
lessons learned, providing information for future ambassadors
or, for that matter, to young Foreign Service officers who are
coming into service posts in the way that you have over the
last two decades in both of your careers? Can you, Ambassador
Eastham, give us some outlook from the position you have had
back in the State Department on this? And then I will ask
Ambassador Symington for his views out in the field.
Ambassador Swan. Certainly, Senator, there is no doubt that
having a coordinated U.S. Government policy that includes, as I
mentioned, all the instruments of power and all of the
interagency elements is critical to achieving our objectives.
In most posts, as you may know, Senator, we have what is
effectively a country team, led by the ambassador and the
deputy chief of mission, which brings together all of the
agencies at post to ensure that there is a common message to
ensure that there is a collective and collaborative and
coherent effort aimed at achieving the objectives that are
established, both through the interagency process in Washington
and by the chief of mission on the ground. And that certainly,
if confirmed, would be the approach that I would intend to take
in Djibouti.
I think in Djibouti, there is, of course, also this special
issue of the relationship with CJTF-HOA. This is also the case
for other missions on the Horn of Africa in which CJTF-HOA has
relations. But there is, in fact, quite an established
framework already to ensure good coordination.
For example, within the country team at the embassy, there
is a coordination element, a representative of CJTF-HOA who
participates in those discussions to ensure that there is good
coordination. There is also at CJTF-HOA a senior State
Department political advisor, a POLAD, to ensure that messages
are well transmitted. And recently there has been the addition
of a development advisor from USAID to CJTF-HOA. So I think
there is a serious effort to ensure close collaboration and
coordination.
With respect to lessons learned on coordination, I think
more and more we are seeing an emphasis on training at the
State Department at all levels of leadership and management.
Much of this is, in fact, due to Ambassador Davis' initiatives
when she was the Director General of the Foreign Service. But
we see in each of those elements an emphasis on the need for
coordination in terms of maximizing the impact on the ground.
Senator Lugar. Thank you very much.
Ambassador Symington.
Ambassador Symington. Senator Lugar, thank you for that
question.
I learned three lessons. The first is that you need to
coordinate at the level of the sergeants and at the level of
the admirals and at the level of Washington. The second is that
you need to do that every day, and the third is that you need
to do that in every country.
If you do those three things so that you are constantly
syncing up your goals and your assets and working together, and
if you do that in a spirit that ultimately says this is not
about what the United States is doing alone, but what we can do
with the partner nations and the people there, then you have a
chance to succeed. If you drop any part of that, if you think
it is about us and not about them, if you think it is about me
and not about you, then it does not work.
But I would also add one other thing that you and the
chairman have been working for for much of your public life,
for which I am extraordinarily grateful. We cannot have
effective interagency cooperation around the world if the
civilian agencies are not funded sufficiently well to do their
part of the job. And I know that in the current budget, with
the prospects looking ahead, this is very difficult. But I
applaud your efforts and those of your colleagues to bring us
those resources. And I just hope that we will continue to do
it.
One area, for example, is some of these young diplomats who
are now, frankly, much better trained in working in sync with
the military than I am--I got 90 days once working in an
intensive operation with them, and I have worked with military
personnel throughout my career on civil affairs work. Many of
my young colleagues, whose files we are reading today to decide
on promotions, have served one and two and sometimes three
tours in places like Afghanistan and in Iraq and out in a PRT.
They know more about it than I know. And I am looking forward
to learning from them as they come back.
But in every case, it helps to have, for example,
discretionary funding. That is as much true for your
ambassadors as it is for your generals and admirals. And those
commander's funds that they have are wonderful, fast
dispensing, get a target of opportunity chances to do some
good.
So those are my lessons and those are a little of my thanks
to you for your leadership over the years in getting us the
resources.
Senator Lugar. Well, I appreciate your comments, and in a
diplomatic way, you have raised an important issue for this
committee and for the Congress. We have had a lot of testimony
about the disproportionate funds available to the military as
opposed to our civilian or diplomatic components. And Secretary
Gates, our Secretary of Defense, has recognized this publicly
and indicated that we are going to have to have some leveling
up. Or if we have urgent military needs, we will need to
rebuild the funds that are available for American diplomacy if
this type of coordination that we have been talking about is to
be more satisfying.
But finally, I appreciate likewise your recognition that
sometimes, in the course of fighting the war on terror, we have
had military expeditions or even intelligence expeditions that
were not altogether known by our ambassador or at least the
briefings were incomplete.
Now, one of the reasons for this coordination in effect is
to make certain we are all on the same page. Each of you as
professionals recognize the importance of that. Likewise, as
ambassadors, just the essential aspect of knowing what is going
on in the country for which you have responsibility.
I think we are making headway, but I wanted to raise this
question at this hearing just to have testimony from two
veterans of the trail. And I appreciate that.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Senator Lugar.
Senator Nelson.
STATEMENT OF HON. BILL NELSON,
U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA
Senator Nelson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I just wanted to come by since these professionals are
going to a very important part of the world with regard to our
relations and since our relations are really on the up-tick
with each of these posts that you are going to, indeed, over
most of Africa.
Mr. Chairman, for example, the Ambassador in Tanzania told
me a couple of weeks ago that he thinks our favorable toward
the United States is now at about 60. In Kenya, I was having
dinner with a group of Kenyans, both in the government and in
the business sector, and they said that the good will toward
America was upwards about 85 percent. And of course, we were
laughing, depending on the turnout in the election, that it
might go to 99.9 percent.
But all over Africa, you give credit where credit is due to
the President with his PEPFAR program, the fact that we have
now tripled it in the Senate, for not only that, but malaria
and AIDS. The fact that in Zanzibar this coming year they
expect malaria to be zero. These are some incredible things,
and since the United States is, in fact, initiating a lot of
this, that good will is being extended there.
Of course, the very emotional experience that we have seen
how President Kagame in Rwanda over the course of 14 years--14
years ago, April 6, 1994--when as general of the rebel army
that he enters the capital city and sees the city strewn with
corpses, with dogs eating their flesh, and how he held that
army together with discipline so that they would not all go
out, as some of them individually did, taking retribution into
their own hands, but that he could work with reconciliation
after that slaughter of a million within a 100-day period of
the Tutsis. That right there is just a wonderful story of
reconciliation and healing that the whole world would do well
to understand.
So, Ambassador Symington, you, along with the others, are
all professionals, career service. You go to a very important
part of the world for them and for us.
Now, it is going to be interesting to see, as we take the
first little, timid steps into this Africa Command, how that
works, but it has a great deal of promise. We are already
seeing it happening in South America in Southern Command
because the commander, Admiral Stavridis, is not only a
warrior, he is a diplomat. So too as we set up in Africa, the
military can do a lot of things that other agencies cannot, but
the military has got to be in the proper place reaching out
with coequals, with State, with USAID, with Agriculture, with
Health, and on down the line. And that is going to be a very
important part.
I will just conclude by saying that I am seeing in just a
few minutes General Zinni. He was the commanding general of
Central Command some 10-12 years ago, but he was very visionary
because he said in third world countries, the United States
military has got to take exactly this kind of approach if we
are going to be successful.
So you all are on the front lines. Thank you for your
public service, and thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Senator Nelson. I can confirm,
having served on this subcommittee for 16 years, this is the
highest level overall of senatorial interest in Africa that I
have witnessed. The subcommittee is used to being a little
lonelier. And it is a very good sign, and it is bipartisan. So
this is a good sign. I appreciate Senator Nelson's very strong
interest in Africa and his demonstrated willingness to make the
trips there and make the contacts. It is very helpful.
Let me return to Mr. Eastham on the oil issue. Earlier this
year, the Republic of Congo was accepted as a candidate country
for the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative. What
does EITI implementation consist of, and how can the United
States best contribute to that process?
Ambassador Eastham. It is important to note, Senator, that
EITI is a voluntary scheme of transparency and accountability.
The Republic of Congo has just begun its implementation of the
scheme. They have set up the committee that is going to
implement the requirements for joining. They are at present a
candidate country for EITI.
I do not think that very much progress has been made in
actually producing the documentation and the procedures that
will have to be followed.
I think that, in the first instance, their voluntary
submission to the process, which has been going on for a couple
of years now, is an important indication of their willingness
to be more transparent in the publication of the actual revenue
side.
It is also important to note that it does not address the
budget side. What happens to those revenues, once they come
into the government treasury or the government coffers, is not
addressed by EITI.
I have met with the folks in the State Department who are
charged with monitoring EITI, and they have noted to me that as
a candidate country, Congo has nearly 2 years to complete the
process. So there is a deadline out in early 2010 by which this
must be completed or they will no longer be a candidate.
I am hopeful that when I get there, if confirmed, that I
will be able to push this along. I noted earlier that I think
that this issue of accountability is going to cut across
everything I do in Congo, accountability on the oil revenue
side in the first place, but also accountability on the
expenditure side, as well.
I would note that at my present post, the Malawians were
fortunate enough to be able to qualify for Millennium Challenge
threshold funding, and one of my major jobs in Malawi has been
overseeing a program that did a great deal to improve their
ability to monitor their revenues and expenditures within the
government side in the interest of transparency and in the
interest of accountability on the government side. We do not
have that kind of resources available for Congo, but I hope to
use our diplomatic tools to be able to push that forward.
It seems to me that accountability is an issue that gets in
the way of just about everything that you want to do that is
right in Congo and the EITI is one part of the piece.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Mr. Eastham.
Mr. Swan, as I mentioned in my opening remarks, Djibouti is
a small country in a rough neighborhood. If confirmed, how do
you envision your role in the wider region? How do you intend
to coordinate with other ambassadors and actors in the region
to work toward peace and stability?
Mr. Swan. Thank you, Senator.
Yes, indeed, Djibouti's role historically on the Horn of
Africa has been as this small place of stability in what you
aptly term a rough neighborhood, to the north, Eritrea; to the
west, Ethiopia; to the south, Somalia and Somaliland. And just
18 miles across the Gulf of Aden is Yemen. So it has in many
ways defined its national mission as being that pocket of
stability in the turbulent neighborhood.
And Djibouti has played a helpful role in terms of seeking
to promote stability in the region in the past. It is the
headquarters of the international organization for drought and
development in the Horn of Africa. It is a member country of
the League of Arab States. It recently played host to an
important piece, negotiation, between the transitional federal
government in Somalia and the opposition alliance for the
reliberation of Somalia, and while not directly involved in the
talks, which were led by the U.N., the Special Representative
of the Secretary-General, nonetheless, Djibouti played an
important role as a neutral venue for these discussions to take
place.
In terms of coordination with other missions in the region,
if confirmed, Senator, I would obviously maintain regular
contact, frequent contact with the other chiefs of mission on
the Horn of Africa and in Yemen through sort of day-to-day e-
mails, telephone calls, and other efforts to stay in constant
contact.
Second, there are some institutional means already in place
in terms of ensuring regular contact. Under the rubric of our
counterterrorism efforts, there are twice yearly meetings of
the East Africa Regional Security Initiative, with a particular
focus on counterterrorism. At the annual chiefs of mission
conference, there is typically a session devoted explicitly to
Horn of Africa issues as a means of institutionalizing this
coordination. And then clearly, sir, I would, of course, have
to take reference regularly from the State Department in
Washington and the interagency here in Washington in terms of
the overall direction of our policy with respect to the Horn of
Africa.
Senator Feingold. As you mentioned in your testimony,
Djibouti and Eritrea have been engaged in border skirmishes
over recent months at the mouth of the Red Sea. What progress
has been made to mitigate these tensions, and what role could
the United States play in resolving this kind of border
dispute?
Mr. Swan. Certainly, sir. The dispute really arose as a
consequence of an Eritrean incursion across the border into
Djibouti. It is a remote area in the north of Djibouti, the
south of Eritrea with no physical demarcation of the boundary,
but with an agreement that the ridge line between the two
countries constituted the border. And Eritrean forces moved
across that ridge line in April and took up positions. There
was, indeed, exchange of fire between the two sides, most
recently in June, but there has not been further exchange of
fire between the two sides since June.
In response to this situation, the United States played
really a leading role in terms of bringing this matter to the
attention of the U.N. Security Council, which issued a very
strong presidential statement, and then followed up with a
determination to send an official of the U.N. Department of
Peacekeeping--I am sorry--of Political Affairs to meet with the
two sides and seek a way forward in terms of resolving this
peacefully.
I think the challenge, sir, is going to be, once again,
obtaining Eritrean support for a solution. The Eritreans
rejected earlier initiatives by the League of Arab States, by
the African Union, and by some bilateral partners to try to
achieve a negotiated settlement. I think, unfortunately, this
is an example once again of Eritrea playing an unhelpful role
as a spoiler in the region. If confirmed, however, I would
obviously continue to support international efforts to resolve
this peacefully and return to the status quo ante on the
border.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Mr. Swan.
Senator Isakson.
Senator Isakson. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman.
One, as a hometown boy, I have to say this to all of you.
CDC is headquartered in Atlanta, GA and they have a significant
number of people on the ground in Africa and have had, even
before PEPFAR, working on the African AIDS problem. I know you
will be in Addis Ababa, Mr. Simon. They have a significant
group there, as well as probably in each of the other
countries, or near them. So any support you can give Dr.
Gerberding and always look out for the CDC people, I would
appreciate.
My one question remaining. It really is for Mr. Simon. I
appreciated the fact that you remarked on the progress of the
African Union, but also the significant challenges,
particularly Zimbabwe, Somalia, and the Sudan.
And in particular, I have grave concerns over the Darfur
issue. I know the African Union is managing or has been
selected to be the group to try and go in there and end the
killing, but I also know there has been a short supply of
things like helicopters and other equipment that are absolutely
necessary. I know some of our other world powers are not as
interested in Darfur becoming a safe, civilized place again,
but I am and I think every Member of this United States Senate
is.
As the representative to the African Union, it would seem
to me that Darfur would have to be mission one or certainly on
the priority list, so I would appreciate your discussing what
you know about the situation as far as the African Union and
Darfur and what progress they are making, and also if you will
be a source for us to know what we need to do as a country to
help facilitate that becoming a reality rather than just a
hope.
Mr. Simon. Thank you, Mr. Senator.
Darfur is clearly going to be a priority not only of this
mission, the United States mission to the African Union, but is
a priority obviously of Congress and of the President.
The African Union has had troops on the ground in Darfur
since 2004. They went in early. They are the core of the 11,000
U.N. personnel there under UNAMID, and 10,000 of those
personnel come from the African Union. And they are in harm's
way and recently they have been taking casualties. So the
African Union has played a very important and very constructive
role in Darfur in terms of trying to create an environment for
peace and security.
The African Union has said--and we believe as well--that
there needs to be a strong U.N. presence to supplement what
they are doing, and that is why we argued strongly for a dual-
hatting of the mission in Darfur with U.N. support, as well as
AU support.
Also, the size of the force needs to be more than the
11,000 that exist today, as high as 26,000. And critical to
getting the forces up to that level is both increasing the
number of troop-contributing countries and the Government in
Khartoum allowing countries that are non-Africans to provide
troops to the forces that exist there on the ground. There has
been some progress on that latter point recently. Khartoum has
allowed Nepalese and Thai troops to join the UNAMID forces in
Darfur.
And then the other major challenge that the African Union
faces is having its troops, as you mentioned, Senator, brought
up to the standards of the U.N. and of the U.N. peacekeeping
mission. In that regard, the United States has spent $450
million, increasing the capacity and the equipment of the
African Union forces in Darfur that are part of UNAMID.
If confirmed as ambassador, I will continue to work to
ensure that the African Union forces get the resources they
need to meet the standards of the United Nations and of UNAMID
and work to increase pressure within the African Union for the
Government in Khartoum to allow more troop-contributing
countries that are non-African to add the necessary forces to
reach the 26,000 number that was approved by the United
Nations.
Senator Isakson. Well, I think that is important. I cannot
remember his name. I think it was the White House liaison to
Darfur. He testified before our Foreign Relations Committee and
talked about--Williamson, yes--they still have problems with
security for the convoys of humanitarian aid going into Darfur.
If they cannot even protect those convoys going in, then it
seems to me that any hope of that bringing us some resolution
is unlikely. Anything we can do to help be a constructive
player in supporting getting to the 26,000 and encouraging
anybody in the U.N. that is maybe reluctant to do so, I would
appreciate your information on what we can do as the United
States Senate to raise the visibility of that issue here.
Mr. Simon. As you asked, Senator, if confirmed, I will be
conveying information to you on where the challenges stand in
reaching that 26,000 number.
Senator Isakson. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Feingold. Thank you.
Senator Lugar.
Senator Lugar. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Simon, in addition to Darfur, you mentioned in your
testimony, or we did, problems with Zimbabwe and President
Mugabe. Now, at least the press accounts following the African
Union meeting were that President Mugabe got a free ride out of
the situation. In other words, he defied the other people
sitting around the table of the African Union on the basis
perhaps that some of you gentlemen got to where you are
likewise through either strengthened methods that were not
necessarily democratic and who are you to be criticizing me on
that basis--and sort of stood them down.
Not only that, but there are inferences in the press that
the United Nations, in terms of its activity, was somewhat
stymied by the fact that some leaders in Russia and China also
were reticent to get involved in discussions of democracy and
the purity of the election methods in Zimbabwe and did not
necessarily give a free pass, providing some criticism perhaps,
but nothing stronger than that.
I raise that because that was then. This is now. On the
front pages of national papers today, you see four people
seated, including the two major candidates for the presidency,
and apparently they are visiting about life and the times and
the future.
Can you give us some idea of what progress the African
Union may have brought about in this, or is this entirely an
internal negotiation within Zimbabwe without reference to the
neighbors?
Mr. Simon. Thank you, Senator.
The situation in Zimbabwe, obviously, is very dynamic and
changing very quickly.
Where we stand today is there has been an MOU signed
between the ZANU-PF and the Movement for Democratic Change, the
opposition, although by rights perhaps it should not be the
opposition. That MOU is basically a process for starting
negotiations. It is really not much more than that. It does
include an expanded role for the African Union as part of an
expanded mediation group, and from our perspective, that is a
positive development. However, there are a lot of open
questions about how this MOU and this process will go forward.
From our perspective, our focus is on the outcome, and the
outcome must be a Zimbabwe Government that is representative of
the will of the people of Zimbabwe that will stop the
intimidation and the killing and the long suffering of the
people of Zimbabwe and lay the foundation for the prosperity
that that country so rich in human and natural resources should
be able to enjoy. That is the outcome that we as a government
are focused on. And if confirmed as an ambassador, that is the
outcome that I will try and focus the African Union on.
The African Union has within its charter embedded the
principles of democratic governance and, like I said, the
principle of nonindifference, and it is by stressing those
principles that we need to focus the African Union on achieving
an outcome that truly represents the will of the Zimbabwean
people.
Senator Lugar. Well, I appreciate that last comment that
there is some progress--the African Union is there and there is
this pledge to work toward democratic solutions--to recognize
that is important. I suppose some could say in the past, prior
to the African Union's intervention in all these affairs, that
this was the way the world works. The Zimbabwe election and
various others might have gone without further ado.
But the promise of the African Union is I think what you
have stated. There is at least a principle there that hopefully
nations are struggling to fulfill, and our role in that and
your role as ambassador from the United States can be a very
important one in trying to refine this, give support to it. So
we wish you well on that mission because your work is cut out
for you there.
Mr. Simon. Senator, I would note that there are many voices
within the African Union that have been very public about their
condemnation of the current situation in Zimbabwe, including
the Pan-African Parliament, which is an organ of the African
Union, including the observer mission that the African Union
went to observe the runoff which commented that the standards
of the runoff did not meet the standards of the African Union,
and including, of course, several African leaders who have been
very vocal about their concern about the situation in Zimbabwe.
I think, if confirmed as ambassador, my role will be to try and
encourage those voices to be the voices that are heard and to
ultimately be the voices upon which action is taken.
Senator Lugar. Well, thank you for recognizing those
voices, and really credit should be paid to those persons who
were with the observers and others who assisted them. Thank
you.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Senator Lugar.
We will begin a third round.
This is for Mr. Swan again. According to the State
Department's country reports on human rights practices for
2007, women in Djibouti face specific challenges, including
domestic violence, prostitution, and female genital mutilation.
What measures, if any, have been taken by the Djiboutian
Government to combat these problems and protect women's rights?
If you are confirmed, how will you draw attention and U.S.
resources to this area?
Mr. Swan. Senator, for a variety of cultural and historical
reasons, the status of women has been low in Djibouti,
historically. I think we have seen some movement on this front
in recent years, however, including in terms of their political
participation. There are seven women in the 65-seat parliament,
for example. There are two women in the cabinet. The President
of the Supreme Court is a woman. So I think we are beginning to
see more positive movement at this point in terms of the role
of women.
You drew attention to a very important continued challenge,
Senator, and that is female genital mutilation, which
regrettably is practiced on an estimated 98 percent of the
female population, including frequently some of the most severe
forms, the so-called infibulation.
The Djiboutian Government has adopted legislation that,
indeed, outlaws that practice. That legislation is on the
books, although my understanding is that, as yet, there have
not been any convictions in regard to that. But I think it is
testimony to the increased awareness on the part of Djiboutian
authorities of these challenges and of the need to respond.
If confirmed, Senator, this would certainly be an important
priority as well for me and for the team at the embassy in
terms of continuing efforts to raise awareness of these issues
and to seek change and government follow-up in terms of taking
action.
Senator Feingold. Thank you for that answer, Mr. Swan.
Mr. Simon, if you are confirmed, this would be your first
diplomatic post in Africa as well as at a multilateral
institution. What do you think qualifies you for this posting,
and how will you apply your previous experiences to the
challenges of the African Union?
Mr. Simon. Thank you, Senator.
It is a question that I have asked myself many times when
the suggestion first arose that I be nominated to this
position.
For the last 6 years, I have worked on development and
international issues and have worked in multilateral fora,
whether that is involvement in the G-8 conferences, the G-8
summits, both Gleneagles and the Sea Island Summit that we had
here in the great State of Georgia, whether it was working with
the U.N. finance for development process, or whether it has
been working with the international financial institutions here
in Washington.
As part of those efforts, I have been heavily focused on
development in Africa. That was the focus of our work in
Scotland for the Gleneagles Summit. That has been the focus of
much of the President's development agenda over the past 6
years. And as part of that work, I have worked closely, whether
it was at the United States Agency for International
Development, whether it was at the National Security Council,
or whether it was in my current position at the Overseas
Private Investment Corporation with the other agencies involved
in development in the United States Government.
Almost all of the initiatives that I referenced in my
testimony are multiagency initiatives that involved several
different parts of the U.S. Government working together to
accomplish a positive result. And I think the result that we
have achieved on the African continent, through things like the
President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief or the President's
Malaria Initiative or the Millennium Challenge Account, really
indicates how that type of work can credit both the United
States and the Americans who are helping to fund it and help
the Africans themselves and help the Africans realize the
opportunity that the current era presents for them.
If confirmed at the African Union, I would see a major
focus of my efforts being to marshal all of the resources that
the United States Government has and has committed to the
continent together to help build the capacity of the African
Union and help it truly achieve its goals which are very
closely aligned to our goals for the continent of Africa.
Senator Feingold. I am pleased to hear about the range of
Africa issues you have worked on over the last 6 years, but I
do have to note a lack of specific peacekeeping or security-
related experience, both of which are a priority for the
African Union right now. Please describe the tools and the
expertise you would bring to the table when you are working on
these kinds of issues.
Mr. Simon. As Senior Director for Relief Stabilization and
Development, the Director for Stabilization reported to me. So
the Director for Stabilization on the National Security Council
was the official of the National Security Council in charge of
peacekeeping issues and basically everything that he did was
something that I was apprised of and kept in the loop.
Now, I happen to have an excellent Director for
Stabilization, Clint Williamson, who is now the U.S. Ambassador
for War Crimes. And so I can honestly say that my involvement
in that was less than maybe some of these other issues because
he was so good. But I was involved in all of the initiatives in
that area that we engaged in, including the Global Peacekeeping
Operations Initiative, including the SCRS, the conflict and
reconstruction coordinator's position that was created at the
State Department, and including the creation of a civilian
reserve.
Part of what we recognized in putting the Director for
Stabilization or part of what Steve Hadley, the National
Security Adviser, recognized in putting the Director for
Stabilization in the Relief Stabilization and Development
Directorate instead of in the Defense Directorate was that
ultimately stabilization is not purely a military matter.
Ultimately it is a matter that must involve the military
working together with the civilian agencies to create an
environment for economic growth and prosperity to basically win
the confidence of the people that putting down their weapons
and picking up their plowshares and picking up their computers
and picking up the other elements of economic growth can
ultimately lead to a better result for them and their families
than continued conflict and continued trying to play the zero
sum game of getting more of what other people have.
So like I say, peacekeeping was always something that was
part of what I did at the National Security Council even though
my personal focus was largely on many of the economic issues.
Senator Feingold. Thank you.
And finally, Mr. Simon, in the realm of counterterrorism,
what are the African Union's chief concerns, and to what extent
do the United States and the AU engage in counterterrorism
cooperation?
Mr. Simon. The AU has a small counterterrorism cell in
Algiers and it is only now being built up. The capacity there
clearly could be enhanced, and if confirmed as U.S. Ambassador
to the African Union, that is certainly an issue that I would
take on.
However, the United States itself has several
counterterrorism initiatives throughout the continent,
including the counterterrorism program, including the East
African security program that Mr. Swan mentioned. And part of
the role that the U.S. Ambassador to the African Union should
play, and if confirmed, part of the role that I would play,
would be to connect the AU to these other initiatives so that
the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. And that would
be a major role that I would look to play, and frankly, I would
hope that the AU itself would look to find ways that it could
increase its capacity by working with the other initiatives
that exist on the continent.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, sir.
Senator Isakson.
Senator Isakson. Mr. Chairman, I do not have any more
questions. I just want to end by thanking the families of these
four gentlemen for all the support they give to them to allow
them to do a very important job for a great country. Thank you
for what you do.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Feingold. Thank you, Senator Isakson.
Senator Lugar.
Senator Lugar. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. I join my
colleague, Senator Isakson, in thanking not only the nominees
for your service but the families, and their presence today is
very meaningful I think to all of us. But I appreciate your
responses and we look forward to supporting each one of you.
Senator Feingold. I thank my colleagues especially, but I
thank all the nominees for your patience. It was a longer
hearing, but I think it is a good sign. It is a sign of great
interest in these matters and great hope that, should you be
confirmed, things go well for you and for our country as you
represent us. Thank you very much. And we will do what we can,
as we are doing today, to try to expedite these nominations.
That concludes the hearing.
[Whereupon, at 11:40 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses of John Simon to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What, in your view, are the most pressing human rights
issues in facing the African Union (AU)? What are the steps you expect
to take, if confirmed, to promote human rights and democracy among
members of the AU and within the body as an institution? What do you
hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. The African Union faces a wide array of human rights
challenges, including advancing peace and security and protecting basic
human rights in Darfur, Somalia, Eastern Congo, and other parts of
Africa where there is insecurity and instability. The AU also faces the
daunting challenge of fighting poverty and disease while creating
economic opportunities, which will help Africa's poorest develop the
educated and middle class constituencies that are the strongest local
advocates of human rights.
These challenges require institution and capacity building at the
AU and education and support for dialog between government and
opposition as well as greater participation by civil society groups.
If confirmed, I will devote my energy and focus to work with the
commissioners of the African Union and the member states to better
understand their needs and how the United States, in partnership with
international institutions and other interested parties, can mobilize
the resources and expertise necessary to help the AU take a leadership
role on the continent in addressing these issues.
In this context, it is clear that as a strong partner of the
African Union, we can and must work together to promote peace and
security, a fundamental priority if we are to advance human rights and
democracy on the continent. The AU and the United States stand together
in support of the AMISOM troops in Somalia and the need for a greater
international response to stabilize the conflict there and advance
reconciliation. We are in strong partnership in support of forces in
Darfur. Further, we are working together to promote political
reconciliation and respect for human rights and democracy in Zimbabwe.
If confirmed, I will work to maintain and strengthen cooperation with
the AU in these critical areas.
To further promote human rights and democracy within the AU, the
USAU must also expand its engagement with the Commission for Political
Affairs, the Commission for Social Affairs, and the Division for Women
and Gender, among others. If confirmed, I will work through the AU
permanent representatives to express the United States interest in the
signature and ratification of the Charter on Democracy, Governance, and
Elections and support United States Government efforts to request
observer status to the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights
(ACHPR). As an observer, the United States will be able to both
highlight issues of concern with and express support for the ACHPR in
the African Union's plenary sessions.
Through a very coordinated and cooperative relationship with the
AU, member states, and donors, I believe we can accomplish greater
dialog among diverse groups, between government and opposition, civil
society and bureaucrats, and transparency, which will allow all people
to be a part of process that creates more open, free, and democratic
states. We must work with the AU to ensure the continent's people have
the opportunities for democracy and human rights promised in the AU
charter. If confirmed, I will work to see that opportunities are
created, but more importantly, support the ability of African States to
advance human rights and democracy.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous responses? What challenges will you face in advancing human
rights and democracy, in general?
Answer. The obstacles include the persistence of conflicts that
plague parts of Africa from Somalia to Sudan to Cote d'Ivoire, the
resistance of a minority of leaders in Africa, like Mugabe in Zimbabwe
and Bashir in Sudan, and inaction of the international community to
some of the pressing stabilization needs on the continent. Some leaders
have argued, as President Isaias in Eritrea, that you cannot have
democracy without economic advancement. I submit that we can have both
and must do both. Democracy feeds the soul while economic advancement
meets the needs of the people. The success of Liberia, Burundi, and
other countries underscore that we can resolve conflict in the current
environment in Africa. Mauritius' political maturity underscores that
people can have a voice in the affairs of their government.
Our challenge is to build on these successes. This requires
building political will within the AU for just and sustainable
settlements of current conflicts, capacity within the AU to implement
such settlements, and international support to provide the necessary
assistance to the AU. It will not be easy, but if confirmed, I will
work with our partners in Africa, and those interested in Africa, to
forge the commitment required to make a difference.
Question. What are the most significant actions you have taken in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? Why were they
important? What was the impact of your actions?
Answer. As an official at the United States Agency for
International Development and the National Security Council, I helped
design the selection criteria for the Millennium Challenge Account,
which emphasized the importance of democracy and political and human
rights in its ``ruling justly'' category. These criteria have proven a
powerful incentive for democracy and good governance in Africa, as
documented in academic statistical studies and by particular cases. For
instance, in 2006, the prospect of an MCC Compact helped ensure free
and fair election in the Republic of Benin.
As Senior Director for Relief, Stabilization, and Development at
the National Security Council in 2005, I helped secure funding and
support for the Women's Justice and Empowerment Initiative, a
Presidential initiative launched prior to the G-8 Summit at Gleneagles
that works with African partners to strengthen the capacity of local
justice systems to protect women from sexual violence and abuse and
punish perpetrators, as well as provide victims access to shelter,
counseling, and healthcare. The initiative is now active in four
countries--Benin, Kenya, South Africa, and Zambia.
More generally, over the past 6 years, I have been integral to a
series of development initiatives, including the President's Emergency
Plan for AIDS Relief, the President's Malaria Initiative, the
Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative, the African Financial Sector
Initiative, and post-conflict reconstruction in Liberia. By increasing
the health and welfare of Africa's people and the opportunities for
employment and economic growth, these efforts reinforce the positive
trends occurring on the continent in the realm of democracy and human
rights.
If confirmed, I will continue to emphasize democracy and human
rights as a fundamental pillar of United States engagement with African
Governments, leaders, and people. I will also encourage investment to
create economic opportunity to provide jobs that are sustainable and
enable people to invest in their own futures. Addressing economic
development is a critical component in promoting human rights and
democracy.
Question. Peacekeeping is one of the foremost functions of the AU
at this time. What are the key limiting factors on the effectiveness of
AU peacekeeping operations? What are the strengths of previous or
ongoing operations? If confirmed as ambassador, how would you seek to
enhance these capabilities?
Answer. The African Union has taken the lead role in several
critical peacekeeping missions across the continent despite suffering
from a number of deficiencies in this area. The United States, through
the Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA)
program, has helped equip and train AU peacekeeping troops with great
effectiveness in places like Burundi and Congo.
Yet challenges remain on sustainability, including paying and
supporting troops in the field, mission planning and financial
management, and attracting additional troop contributing countries to
the current AU missions on the continent. More importantly, the AU
needs to secure international financial and political support for the
missions it currently has in the field, including the AU mission in
Somalia (AMISOM) and the AU contribution to the UN-AU mission in Darfur
(UNAMID).
The AU has proven that, with sufficient donor assistance, it can
respond to conflicts on the continent when the U.N. is either unwilling
or unable to act. In several instances, including Burundi, Comoros,
Darfur, and Somalia, the AU has led the way when the U.N. was unable to
react to a crisis, whether because of its own deliberative process or
because of restrictions levied by host governments. Yet the AU cannot
and should not bear the full burden of long-term, complex missions on
its own.
As ambassador, I will, if confirmed, build on our engagement with
the AU through ACOTA to encourage the AU to work with the United
States, U.N. and other key donors to enhance its capacities at the
headquarters level, particularly in the areas of financial management,
human resources and mission planning. I will also seek to ensure that
our ongoing capacity-building efforts continue, and that we pursue new
opportunities for collaboration with the AU. In particular, I will, if
confirmed, work with the U.S. mission at the U.N. and U.S. ambassadors
to our allies to get the AMISOM and UNAMID the international assistance
they need.
Currently, the United States is supporting the Strategic Planning
and Management Unit (SPMU) of the AU by providing funding for equipment
and a logistics advisor through the Global Peace Operations Initiative
(GPOI). The United States is also providing peacekeeping equipment,
training, and logistics support to the African Union mission in Somalia
(AMISOM). The United States is supporting long term efforts to build
the capacity of the African Standby Force (ASF) through the bilateral
and multilateral peacekeeping training activities of ACOTA program, as
well as support for subregional components of the ASF like the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Standby Force (ESF).
______
Responses of W. Stuart Symington to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What, in your view, are the most pressing human rights
issues in Rwanda? What are the steps you expect to take, if confirmed,
to promote human rights and democracy in Rwanda? What do you hope to
accomplish through these actions?
Answer. While making admirable advances over the last decade in
economic development and making significant progress in the
adjudication of an enormous backlog of genocide cases, Rwanda continues
to face challenges regarding reconciliation, human rights, and
democratization as it continues its efforts to rebuild a society torn
asunder by ethnic hatred, war, and genocide. The 2007 Human Rights
Report cites the Government of Rwanda's demonstrable efforts to address
human rights, however significant human rights abuses occurred.
Principal human rights problems include restrictions on citizens' right
to change their government peacefully and freely; the security forces'
use of extrajudicial killings, torture, and arbitrary arrest and
detention; lack of judicial independence; harsh prison and detention
center conditions; prolonged pretrial detention; limits on freedom of
expression and association; limits on freedom of press; and limits on
civil society.
If confirmed, I will engage at every level in Rwanda to help them
strengthen democratic institutions and to advance transparency and
respect for human rights. Leading up to the September Parliamentary
elections and 2011 Presidential elections, I will support efforts by
Rwandans to improve platform development and increase the channels of
communication open to all parties. Our key goals are to work together
to open political space, increase civil liberties, and to strengthen
the judiciary. The newly approved $24.73 MCC Threshold Country Plan
will also be a key area for engagement. It will supplement other United
States Government programs to address problems in the justice sector by
seeking to strengthen democratic governance, build the capacity of
civil society organizations, and advancing press freedom.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues that you have identified as
most pressing?
Answer. Improving respect for human rights in Rwanda is an
essential part of reconciliation and a key element needed for Rwandans
to succeed in efforts to unite as a people and make progress for the
future. Passions generated by the decades of misrule by previous
governments have not disappeared; overcoming this difficult legacy of
mistrust and violence is the work of generations. Rwanda's main
obstacle in this period of reconciliation is to address the issues of
governance and ensure that justice is not perceived as one-sided.
Dealing with the sheer magnitude of the issues the country faces causes
people to look at human rights through the prism of recent and awful
ethnic division. It is essential in the pursuit of human rights in
Rwanda, and in its pursuit for unity and prosperity, that the country
be seen by its own people to provide equal justice under law applicable
to all.
Question. In response to a question before your confirmation as
Ambassador to Djibouti, you described how you have worked to advance
human rights in the Sahel and Latin America. How has your experience as
chief of mission further shaped your perspective on this issue?
Specifically, how were you able to elevate the importance of human
rights issues in the United States relationship with the Djiboutian
Government and to engage with civil society and other groups to promote
increased respect for human rights?
Answer. While I was Ambassador to Djibouti, embassy staff and I
regularly engaged the Government of Djibouti, NGOs, and the private
sector on human rights issues--through both public and private efforts.
The embassy organized and hosted events to improve women's
participation in and understanding of the political process. We brought
members of the opposition party together with members of the ruling
coalition party to address improvements in the electoral process. We
engaged with police prosecutors and others on trafficking in persons,
supporting Djibouti's successful efforts to draft and enact new
antitrafficking laws.
As chief of mission in Djibouti, I have seen that significant and
lasting improvement in human rights is tied to working in partnership
at all levels with host government officials, private sector leaders,
and civil society. This is needed to ensure that all progress in the
promotion of human rights is effective and sustainable.
Question. Rwanda held its first local elections in over 30 years in
March 2001 and Presidential and Parliamentary elections in 2003. What
is your assessment of the state of democracy in Rwanda? Do you consider
Rwanda to be tolerant of dissent and democratic? Please describe the
state of freedom of the press in Rwanda. If confirmed as ambassador,
how would you see your role to help foster such freedoms?
Answer. The people and the Government of Rwanda have made
democratic advances since the 1994 genocide, though Rwanda has much
work to do before it can achieve democracy. Over the last decade, they
have made notable progress, including a constitution which prohibits
discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, or creed; laws in place
which prohibit torture; a decrease in the prison population; and the
application of criminal penalties for corruption. Rwanda has advanced
reconciliation and made progress meting out justice. While it has
accomplished much, it continues to face enormous challenges. It
continues to encounter obstacles in finding the right balance between
the need to maintain internal stability and the requirement to instill
fundamental democratic values including respect for a free and
independent press. While the constitution provides for freedom of the
press, press freedom in Rwanda remains limited, due in part to the
active role of domestic media organs in the genocide and the resulting
mistrust of the media by the government.
If confirmed, I hope to help the Rwandan's achieve progress toward
a democratic system that they see as representative of and responsive
to the wishes and hopes of all Rwandans. I think that continued
progress toward this goal is both right and essential to underpin
progress on the economic front. It will permit Rwandans to unite to
achieve a shared vision for a more stable and prosperous future.
Question. The United States has played an important role in helping
to create the possibility of greater peace and stability in the region
through the Tripartite Plus process. If confirmed as ambassador, how
would you seek to build on this progress?
Answer. Significant progress has been made since the Tripartite
Plus' inception. To highlight the priority for peace in the Great
Lakes, Secretary Rice chaired the Tripartite Plus Heads of State
meeting in Addis in 2007. Inside of this mechanism, member countries
agreed to continue military and political pressure on the FDLR, the
former Rwandan genocidaire rebel group now based in DRC, and to ensure
that the FDLR fulfills its commitment to disarm and repatriate to
Rwanda. Tripartite members also agreed to advance diplomatic relations
and establish mechanisms for safe and voluntary refugee return. In
concert with the international community and UNHCR, these initiatives
are taking shape.
If confirmed as ambassador to Rwanda, I will encourage and
facilitate Rwanda's full participation in the Tripartite. This
facilitation will include diplomacy in Kigali with European Union,
United Kingdom, French, Belgian, and MONUC representatives for
implementation of international sanctions imposed on the FDLR and
participation in the Joint Monitoring Group, established as the
monitoring mechanism for the Nairobi Communique between the Government
of Rwanda and the Government of the DRC. Such tangible acts and
confidence-building mechanisms will keep Tripartite members, especially
Rwanda, engaged in building peace through their own initiatives with
the support of the international community.
______
Responses of John Simon to Questions Submitted
by Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. What is your assessment of the performance of African
Union peacekeeping missions including in Sudan and Somalia? What are
the principal challenges the African Union faces in this regard?
Answer. African Union troops are performing with commitment to duty
and dedicated service, particularly in Sudan and Somalia. There, troops
are facing extraordinary challenges. In Somalia, over 2,500 troops from
Uganda and Burundi serve under harsh conditions. Troop levels remain
far below what is necessary to maintain peace in this volatile region.
Financing, logistical support for supplies and equipment, and force
protection issues pose the greatest challenges to AMISOM's objectives.
The lack of troops, armored vehicles, and air assets makes it
impossible for the AMISOM force to patrol and secure Mogadishu as well
as monitor and secure areas outside Mogadishu, particularly in the
highly dangerous lower Juba region where extremists, such as al-Shabaab
operate. A political solution is key to enhancing stability. The recent
Djibouti peace accord offers renewed hope for a framework to promote
peace. The negative influence of Eritrea as well as threat from
extremism from outside Somalia complicate the challenges facing the
African Union in stabilizing Somalia.
In Sudan, the killing of seven UNAMID peacekeepers, including five
from Rwanda, underscores the deadly situation the troops operate under.
Challenges include the need for a political solution to resolve the
instability, including the Sudanese Government engagement of the south
in implementing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. The slow rate of
deployment of additional forces and the lack of air and heavy transport
assets makes it difficult to monitor the region and support UNAMID
operations.
Question. What steps should the United States take to help the
African Union build its capacity and resource base to carry out PKO
missions?
Answer. The United States, as an observer mission, can play a
crucial role mediating and facilitating coordination and cooperation
among the donor community in providing resources to help the African
Union build capacity and secure resources for its operations. The
United States provides limited funding to the African Union, but this
can be targeted at critical gaps and supplemented through the help of
other donors for projects and programs of importance to the African
Union. This includes enhancing its capacities at the headquarters
level, particularly in the areas of financial management, human
resources, and mission planning.
Currently, the United States is supporting the Strategic Planning
and Management Unit (SPMU) of the African Union with funding for
equipment and an ``in-kind'' logistics advisor through the Global Peace
Operations Initiative (GPOI). The United States also is providing
peacekeeping equipment, training, and logistics support to the African
Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). In addition, we are helping long-
term efforts to build the capacity of the African Standby Force (ASF)
through the bilateral and multilateral peacekeeping training activities
of ACOTA program. We also support subregional components of the ASF
like the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Standby
Force (ESF).
If confirmed, I will seek to ensure that our ongoing capacity-
building efforts continue, and that we pursue new opportunities for
collaboration with the African Union. In particular, I will, if
confirmed, work with the United States mission at the U.N. and United
States ambassadors to our allies to get the AMISOM and UNAMID missions
the international assistance they need.
Question. What role should other donors play to help the African
Union build its capacity and resources base to carry to carry out PKO
missions?
Answer. The needs of the African Union in the peacekeeping arena
cannot be met by one donor alone. The international community must work
together to increase the planning, logistics, financial management, and
training capabilities of the African Union. In addition, the African
Union peacekeeping troops in the field need equipment, supplies,
financial support for troop payments, and additional forces. In the
case of the two African Union missions currently in the field, AMISOM
and UNAMID, a more robust international response is necessary to reach
the troop levels and capability required to stabilize those conflicts
and promote reconciliation.
If confirmed, I will endeavor to create closer coordination among
the donor community and work with the African Union to focus limited
funding on key issues that will help advance cooperation as well as
streamline operations.
Question. What is your assessment of the African Union's capacity
to use effectively and account for donor funds provided to assist it in
building its capacity and resource base to carry out PKO missions?
Answer. The African Union has limited financial management
capacity, in general, and this applies to its peacekeeping operations
as well. In addition, the African Union is still developing
capabilities to coordinate among member states on equipment, resources,
and information. It requires further expertise to establish competent
fusion cells and centers to handle peacekeeping missions. These
shortcomings explain deficiencies in recruiting, training, equipping,
paying, and dispatching troops.
The new African Union chairman, Jean Ping, was elected on a
platform of management reform and is working to strengthen these
systems. If confirmed, I will work with the chairman and commission to
assist them in making as much progress in the area of financial
management and accountability as possible.
Question. What is the cost of moving the nominee to Djibouti? Will
he be accompanied or unaccompanied?
Answer. If confirmed, I will be residing and working in Addis
Ababa, Ethiopia, the seat of the African Union and the United States
mission to the African Union. To date, no decision has been made as to
whether my family will accompany me, if confirmed. If I travel to Addis
alone, the Department estimates the total cost will be approximately
$241,000. If I am accompanied by my wife and four children, the
Department estimates the total cost will be approximately $321,000.
These cost estimates include round-trip airfare costs, round-trip
transportation costs for household effects, unaccompanied air freight,
a personally-owned vehicle, and operating expenses in Addis.
Question. Please describe the circumstances of the outgoing
Ambassador Cindy Courville's departure from the post?
Answer. It is my understanding that Ms. Courville resigned her
appointment as the U.S. Ambassador to the African Union.
Question. Why was our ambassador to Ethiopia not selected to
maintain U.S. representation at the African Union headquarters in Addis
Ababa for the short term instead of selecting a new ambassador for the
vacant post?
Answer. The establishment of the United States mission to the
African Union was an important step in furthering our engagement in
Africa. Its opening was received warmly across the continent and the
European Union has followed our example and established a mission to
the African Union. Reverting to covering the post part-time during this
period of significant activity at the African Union on a number of
fronts--peacekeeping in Sudan and Somalia, political crisis in
Zimbabwe, greater vitality in health and development issues, initiation
of management reforms--would undermine our success and decrease our
opportunity to influence and assist the African Union just when it is
looking to the United States for leadership and support.
Moreover, while Ambassador Yamamoto is currently maintaining
diplomatic relations with the African Union, the significant workload
of handling United States affairs with Ethiopia, including a large
assistance program and meeting the difficult drought problems plaguing
Ethiopia, limit the time he can spend on African Union issues.
Therefore, the administration believes selecting a full-time ambassador
to the African Union is necessary to reinforce our commitment to
support the African Union and the region as a whole.
______
Responses of James Swan to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What, in your view, are the most pressing human rights
issues in Djibouti? What are the steps you expect to take, if
confirmed, to promote human rights and democracy in Djibouti? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. As we have catalogued in our annual Human Rights Report,
despite recent improvements, Djibouti's human rights record remains
poor. Problems include arbitrary arrest and detention, harsh prison
conditions, executive branch influence on the judiciary, corruption,
interference with privacy rights, and restrictions on freedom of the
press, assembly, and association. Accordingly, human rights are part of
our regular diplomatic dialog with the Djiboutian Government, including
the Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Labor, and Ministry of Foreign
Affairs. Embassy staff also meets regularly with individuals and groups
affected by these problems, as well as minority political parties to
gain a better understanding of obstacles they are facing as the
decentralization process moves forward.
If confirmed, I will ensure that human rights and democracy remain
a fundamental focus of all embassy activities. I will work closely with
the Government of Djibouti at every level to ensure that government
officials understand the importance of the promotion of human rights
and democratization, and that they remain committed to improving the
country's human rights record. I will encourage an acceleration of
progress on these issues, and in addition to working with government
officials, will make engagement with civil society, media, and other
advocacy groups a priority.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous responses? What challenges will you face in Djibouti in
advancing human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. The challenges and obstacles in advancing human rights and
democracy in Djibouti are significant. Djibouti faces high
unemployment, has a high degree of illiteracy, and is located in an
unstable region. Opposition parties are still in the development
stages, and still trying to find their voice in Djibouti. They face
financial and organizational obstacles, and often get caught up in
internal disputes. Few nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are present
in Djibouti working on democratization and human rights issues.
Although President Guelleh ran unopposed amid an opposition boycott
in Presidential elections in April 2005, international observers
considered the election generally free and fair. In March 2006,
Djibouti held its first-ever municipal elections, in which several new
independent opposition parties successfully participated. Although the
President's party won an overwhelming majority of seats, these
opposition parties won several seats, including 12 in the capital.
Legislative elections in February 2008 returned the ruling coalition,
Union for a Presidential Majority (UMP), to all 65 seats in Djibouti's
unicameral legislature. However, despite a boycott call from a rival
coalition, voter turnout was over 72 percent, and international
election observers did not report any irregularities. If confirmed, I
will work closely with the Djiboutian Government to encourage an
independent judiciary, the expansion of the political space, and
respect for human rights.
Question. If confirmed in your new position, what steps will you
take to ensure that promotion of human rights objectives will be an
integral part of the U.S. Embassy's activities? If confirmed, what
steps will you take to ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage
in human rights activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded
for superior service?
Answer. Human rights issues touch on every element of an embassy's
work, and as such, if confirmed, I will ensure that the promotion of
human rights is an integral component of each officer's portfolio. I
will stress to all embassy employees that the promotion of human rights
values should not only be a part of their formal work with the embassy,
but also a part of their daily lives as they interact with Djiboutians
at all levels. If confirmed, I will ensure that our human rights goals
are formally recognized within the embassy, and that those members of
the embassy team who best work to further these objectives are also
formally recognized--both with award nominations and in their annual
evaluations.
Question. What are the most significant actions you have taken in
your career to promote human rights and democracy? Why were they
important? What was the impact of your actions?
Answer. In my Foreign Service career, all of my assignments have
been to countries where human rights issues were at the top of the
agenda. I have personally drafted eight Country Reports on Human Rights
Practices, and took pains to ensure that these reports were as thorough
and accurate as possible. I believe that the promotion of human rights
and democracy is integral to all U.S. policy objectives, and if
confirmed, I will continue to prioritize effective promotion of our
human rights and democracy goals.
In my current position as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
African Affairs, I have ensured that human rights concerns are high on
our agenda in some of the most challenging political and security
environments on the continent, including the Democratic Republic of the
Congo and other Great Lakes states, and Somalia and other countries in
the Horn of Africa. I have personally pressed host-country officials
throughout central Africa and the Horn to address human rights
problems.
While serving as deputy chief of mission in the Democratic Republic
of Congo, I ensured that human rights issues received high-level
attention and coverage, including by increasing reporting from the
rebel-held areas of eastern Congo. I focused attention on the grave
challenges of sexual and gender-based violence, an area in which the
embassy and USAID conducted a number of programs both to heighten
awareness and to respond to the needs of victims. I also pressed to
ensure inclusion of civil society and human rights groups as part of
the Inter-Congolese Dialog that led to the transition government after
the rebellion ended in 2003. As a sign of the high value I placed on
human rights, I nominated our principal human rights reporting officer
for the Department of State's worldwide human rights award, which she
won in 2003.
While deputy chief of mission in the Republic of Congo, I drew
human rights abuses to the attention of the Congolese Government during
the 1998-1999 civil war and oversaw grants to NGOs focused on promotion
of human rights. These included programs to address the needs of the
marginalized pygmy population.
As chief of the political section in our embassy in Cameroon in
1992-1994, I organized election observers for the first ever
multiparty, Presidential elections, oversaw grant programs to support
human rights organizations, helped to train several human rights groups
on international standards and investigative methods, and conducted
extensive public outreach on governance and human rights. In Nicaragua,
as the embassy labor and human rights officer, I worked with USAID and
mission implementing partners to support independent trade unions and
human rights groups in the aftermath of the National Opposition Union
victory over the Sandinistas in 1990.
Question. Djibouti reportedly has one of the most serious
corruption problems in the region. What is your assessment of the
causes of corruption in Djibouti? What additional measures, in your
view, might be needed to deal with corruption?
Answer. Djiboutian law provides criminal penalties for official
corruption, and the Government of Djibouti has increased its efforts to
implement such laws and combat corruption. However, the government has
not yet been able to implement these laws effectively, and corruption
remains a serious problem.
Djibouti's extreme poverty and popular frustration over
unemployment, inadequate public services, and obstacles to political
participation all contribute to corruption. However, Djibouti has
recognized the opportunities provided by globalization, and in seeking
to capitalize on its location and deep-water port, the government has
privatized the port and facilitated significant private and
international investment. This privatization has helped to reduce
corruption. As investment grows and Djibouti's port capacity and need
for commercial efficiency increase, the government incentive for
reducing corruption will also increase. Additionally, USAID assistance
programs in Djibouti for improving governance seek to promote a more
transparent and efficient government at the national, regional, and
local levels; advance Djibouti's decentralization; promote government
accountability; and strengthen civil society. The fiscal year 2009
budget request includes $500,000 for democracy and governance programs,
including an anticorruption component.
Question. If confirmed as ambassador, how would you seek to balance
the growing U.S. military presence and security interests in the
country with other U.S. priorities?
Answer. Camp Lemonier, our base in Djibouti and the only United
States military base in sub-Saharan Africa, allows the United States
Government to focus our efforts to deny safe haven, external support,
and material assistance for terrorist activities in the Horn of Africa.
The base is home to the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-
HOA), which is present in the region to counter the reemergence of
transnational terrorism by providing security assistance in support of
civil-military operations (CMO) to enhance long-term stability in the
region.
Djibouti is a relatively stable country in a volatile region, and
it provides a solid foundation from which to address several primary
policy aims in Africa, including food security, regional stability and
economic development. The Port of Djibouti is the primary conduit for
United States food aid to Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. Djibouti is
a country with a 96 percent Sunni Muslim population that is pro-western
and pro-American. As a moderate Muslim state and a member of the Arab
League, Djibouti is a valuable international partner. Djibouti has the
potential to play an important role in the economic and political
revitalization of its neighbors, and it has played a significant role
in the regional peace processes in Sudan, Ethiopia and Eritrea, and
Somalia.
If confirmed, I will ensure that Djibouti continues to function not
only as a base for CJTF-HOA and our peace and security interests, but
also as a base from which to promote democratization, human rights,
economic development, and effective humanitarian response. If
confirmed, I will work to strengthen the partnership between CJTF-HOA
and USAID; to ensure appropriate levels of United States assistance in
support of democracy and governance, and health and education; and to
ensure that all CJTF-HOA programming in Djibouti continues to fit
within overarching United States Government priorities.
______
Responses of Alan W. Eastham, Jr. to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in the
Republic of the Congo? What are the most important steps you expect to
take, if confirmed, to promote human rights and democracy in the Congo?
What do you hope to accomplish though these actions?
Answer. The most pressing human rights issues are the need for a
credible electoral process and the prevalence of corruption. If
confirmed, I would work to ensure that two goals are achieved: (1) That
the country carries out free and fair presidential elections in 2009;
and (2) the government makes progress in combating corruption.
Democracy in the Republic of Congo faces an important test in the
presidential elections that are slated for 2009. President Sassou-
Nguesso has announced his decision to delay the elections for 6 months.
Having recently signed a peace agreement in 2005 with the last
remaining rebel group in the country, the Congolese Government can
demonstrate the progress it has made with respect to reform of the
country's democratic institutions by holding free and fair elections. A
failure to do so will exacerbate social and political tensions in the
country, and harm our interests. If I am confirmed as ambassador, I
will encourage Congolese authorities to work with the donor community
to lay the groundwork for transparent elections. I will also recommend
how the embassy and the State Department can best assist the Congolese
in these efforts, including opportunities to incorporate IFES other
United States-based NGO groups in our initiatives.
The State Department Human Rights Report notes that government
corruption is an infringement on human rights, recognizing that
corruption deprives ordinary people of access to essential social
services. Corruption also discourages foreign investment and hinders
economic growth. American foreign investment can benefit from an
environment that is free of the burden of government corruption. The
embassy has done a great deal to highlight the concerns of corruption
with its interlocutors. If confirmed, I will continue our dialog and
advise Congo to implement the reforms necessary to address donor
concerns about its commitment to transparency. The Republic of Congo
must continue to make progress on fulfilling the validation process
under the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, and must take
steps to cooperate with the IMF and World Bank to implement substantial
economic reforms and programs to encourage poverty alleviation.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues that you have identified as
most pressing?
Answer. Still emerging from a post-conflict status, the Republic of
Congo currently lacks the capacity to overcome its many human rights
challenges. Congo must marshal its limited resources and overcome
bureaucratic lethargy to train government personnel, improve government
infrastructure, professionalize its security forces, and increase
enforcement capacity. A professional bureaucracy and skilled security
forces are necessary preconditions for maintaining internal stability
and moving forward on long overdue legislative elections in the
troubled southeastern Pool region.
The Congolese Government sometimes has difficulty taking the
specific steps needed to fully implement planned reforms. One example
of this is the government and U.N.-supported disarmament and
demobilization program. The goals of the program are lofty, but the
government must implement further reforms to strengthen the program's
effectiveness. Similarly, while the Congolese have made some
improvements on revenue transparency, additional actions, such as
continuing to hire external auditors to review government records and
independently assess Congo's progress, are necessary to make
significant progress.
Question. In response to a question before your confirmation as
Ambassador to Malawi, you described how you have worked to advance
human rights in Central Africa and elsewhere. How has your experience
as chief of mission further shaped your perspective on this issue?
Answer. As chief of mission in Malawi since 2005, I have been
fortunate to work with a government whose intentions on human rights
are generally good. On occasion, however, lack of resources has led to
some cases of abuse, particularly with respect to the underpaid and
poorly trained police. I attempted to bring the problem to the
attention of the authorities, and, along with other like-minded
colleagues, direct resources to improve the professionalism of the
police. In addition, as the next election draws near, there is a
tendency on the part of the Malawi Government to use government
instruments and power in support of the incumbent president's
reelection. I have attempted, through quiet conversations with both
opposition and government, to defuse disputes and bridge differences,
particularly in support of a recent mediation effort led by an
ecumenical group of Malawi clergy. I have also sought out civil society
and nongovernmental organizations to understand and attempt to put into
action their suggestions for reducing the political temperature and
therefore the possibility of politically-motivated human rights
violations. My experience at chief of mission highlighted the important
role a U.S. Ambassador can play in helping to transcend differences
among political parties and incorporate civil society in the political
process.
Question. The past several elections held in Congo were considered
to be highly disorganized by opposition members and outside observers.
What specific measures has the government taken to improve the
electoral process? Do you view the democratic process as improving?
Answer. While the government has taken steps to consult with the
opposition on the electoral process (including members of the
opposition in the presidential cabinet), and while they have committed
to supporting the country's electoral commission, they haven't done so.
The government has the financial resources to develop a climate for
free and fair elections in 2009 but has not shown the will to do so. I
will be able to better characterize the status of the democratic
process in the Congo when I go there, if I am confirmed.
In confirmed, I will encourage the Congolese Government to support
the country's democratic institutions to ensure that the electoral
process is free and fair. I will also continue the embassy work in
supporting initiatives to better inform members of the Congolese civil
society on their role and responsibility in the electoral process.
Question. Congo is endowed with natural resources, including
abundant rain forests, large deposits of oil, natural gas, magnesium,
diamonds, and gold. To what extent are natural resources being
responsibly and transparently managed? If confirmed, what role would
you envision playing in helping to promote transparent, responsible,
and sustainable resource management?
Answer. One of the chief concerns of the U.S. Embassy is
conservation of the natural resources. I understand that the Congolese
Government has expressed its commitment to transparently and
responsibly manage natural resources. They are cooperating with
initiatives by the Wildlife Conservation Society, Jane Goodall
Institute, and Central African Regional Project on Environment (CARPE)
representatives to promote sustainable resource management. In 2007,
the Republic of Congo was permitted to reenter the Kimberly Process
certification scheme after a 3-year suspension, which resulted from the
government's inability to reconcile discrepancies between rough diamond
exports and known production capacity. They have also expressed an
interest in working with the embassy to prepare a comprehensive report
on the life span of the Congo's resources. The report will focus on
timber, iron ore, and bauxite.
If confirmed, I will continue to consider environmental resource
management as a significant priority for the United States in the
Republic of Congo. I will continue to encourage the Congolese
Government to cooperate with NGO groups to ensure that the country's
resources are managed properly. I will also encourage the Congo's
compliance with all aspects of the Kimberly Process. Finally, I will
work with United States and foreign companies involved in the
extraction of natural resources to ensure that they consider resource
management as a top priority. This will include working with our
Chinese counterparts operating in the region.
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, JULY 23, 2008, AFTERNOON
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Gfoeller-Volkoff, Tatiana C., to be Ambassador to Kyrgyzstan
Olson, Richard G., Jr., to be Ambassador to the United Arab
Emirates
Pearce, David D., to be Ambassador to the People's Democratic
Republic of Algeria
Sison, Hon. Michele J., to be U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 1:32 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. John F. Kerry
presiding.
Present: Senators Kerry and Coleman.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN F. KERRY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Kerry. This hearing will come to order.
Thank you all very much for taking the time to be here. I
think Senator Coleman is going to be here, but I thought we
would just start and get going anyway.
Each of your testimonies will be submitted to the record in
full as if delivered in full, and I assume you are prepared to
deliver summary comments.
We want to thank each of you for your willingness to serve,
for your distinguished records in various parts of the world,
not all of them which are all that glamorous. And we certainly
are exceedingly pleased to have such a professional group of
ambassador-designees before the committee. I think a lot of
members of the committee, because we deal with these issues,
have particular respect for the careers you have chosen and for
the sacrifices that go with it, both your own personally and
those of your families. So I think this is a particularly
qualified group, and we are very grateful for your willingness
to serve yet further at a difficult time. Service abroad
nowadays is, in most places, not what it used to be and, in
many places, can be both a risky and demanding undertaking.
Let me just ask, if I can, do each of you have family
members who are here? When you are called on, if you would
introduce your support structure, we would appreciate it. That
would be very nice.
Yesterday Ambassador Sison and I had the opportunity to be
able to chat a little bit. Our nominee to be Ambassador to
Lebanon--and we are fortunate to have someone who has already
served in the United Arab Emirates, Pakistan, India, Cote
d'Ivoire, Cameroon, Benin, Togo, and Haiti. Ambassador Sison
has already been serving as our Charge d'Affaires in Lebanon,
and so comes to this posting with a real understanding of the
situation there that will more than serve her well.
Mr. Richard Olson, the nominee to be Ambassador to the
United Arab Emirates, has also had a very impressive career,
currently serving as the deputy chief of mission to the United
States mission to NATO in Brussels. He has had previous
postings to the UAE, as well as assignments in Mexico, Uganda,
Tunisia, Saudi Arabia, and Ethiopia.
I will also note we had the pleasure of confirming Mr.
Olson's wife, Deborah Jones, as Ambassador to Kuwait in
February. So the committee has confidence that you know where
to go to get advice if needed. [Laughter.]
Mr. David Pearce, the nominee to be Ambassador to Algeria,
has received a number of commendations for his exemplary
service over the past 25 years. He comes to us now from Iraq
where he has been serving as senior advisor to the ambassador.
He brings extensive previous experience in the Middle East,
having also served in Israel, Syria, the UAE, Kuwait, and Saudi
Arabia.
Ms. Tatiana Gfoeller-Volkoff, the nominee to be Ambassador
to the Kyrgyz Republic, has also had a distinguished career of
over 20 years that includes postings in Russia, Poland,
Bahrain, and NATO headquarters, and brings significant
experience in the region, having served as the deputy chief of
mission in Turkmenistan. Most recently she served as the consul
general in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.
As she knows, I was in Jeddah a few weeks ago and had the
pleasure of meeting Ms. Gfoeller-Volkoff's husband, Michael,
who is doing an outstanding job as the deputy chief of mission
and who I learned is a legend in the region. And I enjoyed
enormously my conversations with him, I might add. He is a very
intelligent fellow.
All of you have very challenging posts and challenging jobs
ahead of you, needless to say. Our relationships with Lebanon,
the UAE, Algeria, Kyrgyz Republic--all offer significant
opportunities but also real challenges.
In Lebanon, the mounting tensions and the political
stalemate between Hezbollah and the March 14 coalition that
began in December of 2006 exploded this May for all of us to
see on television, and the violence left over 80 people dead
and hundreds more wounded. A full-blown civil war was averted
by a Qatari-mediated accord in May that resulted in the
election of Michel Sleiman as a consensus choice for President,
and, in effect, gave Hezbollah some of the political power that
they had been seeking.
On July 11, a new cabinet was finally announced, but this
fragile coalition government will only last until the new
elections are held early in 2009.
By all accounts, Syria continues to interfere in Lebanon's
domestic affairs, supplying Hezbollah with weapons and support
that have enabled it to act as a ``state within a state.'' I
was recently there and met with many of the various factions,
parties, with obviously the exception of Hezbollah, though I
met with their straw people in the parliament and elsewhere. It
is safe to say that Hezbollah has become more powerful than
ever and has shown a greater efficiency in many cases than the
government itself in its ability to deliver services funded, of
course, by Iran and Syria.
Simply put, we need to do more to help the Siniora
government to demonstrate it can deliver for the people, but
obviously in a way that does not make it look like it is just
doing so at our behest and sort of as our surrogate, which it
is not. So there will be a requirement for significant economic
assistance and continuing efforts to strengthen the Lebanese
Armed Forces and the civil society. And I was struck in
traveling around Lebanon how palpable the danger is. It is felt
by every leader and by all those who are visitors. And no
society should live under such danger in conducting its daily
affairs.
There is much cause for concern about Hezbollah, but its
continuing refusal to lay down its arms and recent developments
may bring about new opportunities. The historic announcement
that Syria and Lebanon intend to establish diplomatic relations
may allow for meaningful movement on the vital issue of respect
for Lebanon's sovereignty.
The Hariri Tribunal can also provide an opportunity to
bring some closure to tragic political violence that has
plagued Lebanon for generations now.
And Israel's offer to negotiate with Lebanon on all
outstanding issues could be an opening for welcomed progress
and improving relations after years of tensions.
In the Gulf, the UAE has been a very important strategic
ally, hosting a significant United States Air Force presence at
Al Dhafra Air Base and allowing us to use naval facilities that
support United States operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. We
have strengthened this partnership through the sale of major
weapons systems, with significant new arms sales currently
developing. I look forward to hearing from Mr. Olson about how
the United States is enhancing its security and cooperation
with the UAE.
At the same time, concerns remain, as they do in many parts
of that region, on issues of human rights and human
trafficking. And despite limited improvement on democratic
reforms, including strictly controlled elections in 2006 by the
Federal National Council, the State Department found that
numerous restrictions remain on freedoms of speech and
assembly. We're aware that the State Department has upgraded
UAE's designation on human trafficking. We look forward to
hearing how we can encourage continued improvement on this and
other areas of concern.
U.S. relations with Algeria have improved in recent years,
and we now enjoy a significant level of cooperation on several
counterterrorism and security efforts, including information-
sharing and participation in the NATO Mediterranean dialog and
the Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership. This is
especially important given the emergence of terrorist groups
like al-Qaeda and the Islamic Maghreb which claimed
responsibility for a string of horrific attacks in Algeria and
a number of foreign fighters in Iraq, who regrettably come from
Algeria.
Human rights concerns are of concern in that area. Many
people question the need for Algeria to maintain its decades-
old state of emergency, which has reportedly allowed for human
rights abuses by state security forces.
The challenge is to continue to strengthen our security
cooperation while encouraging Algeria to take significant steps
to improve its record on many issues, such as cracking down on
human trafficking, easing restrictions on freedoms of speech,
assembly, press, and association.
The Kyrgyz Republic is an important United States ally in a
very troubled part of the world. It provided essential
assistance following 9/11 particularly in letting us use the
Manas Air Base, and this base still serves as a vital logistics
hub for our operations in Afghanistan. In fact, nearly 100
percent of our supplies to Afghanistan transit through it.
While this partnership and United States efforts to assist
Kyrgyzstan on security and economic improvements are key areas
of our relationship, we also have a duty to stress the
importance of fair governance in Kyrgyzstan. In particular, we
are concerned that the 2007 constitutional referendum and
parliamentary elections, which were not deemed to have met
international standards, represented a missed opportunity to
sustain democratic progress of the 2005 Presidential election.
So I will ask each of you, if you would, to limit your
comments to about 10 minutes opening, maybe less even, and then
we will have an opportunity to have a dialog on these issues.
Thank you.
Ambassador Sison, do you want to start? Thank you.
STATEMENT OF HON. MICHELE JEANNE SISON,
NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO LEBANON
Ambassador Sison. Mr. Chairman, it is a great honor to
appear before you today as President Bush's nominee to be the
United States Ambassador to Lebanon. I would like to introduce
my sister, Vicki Sison Morimoto, just behind me with her
husband, Miles, and daughters, Emiko and Michiko, who have come
up from North Carolina today.
Senator Kerry. Thank you. Welcome. We are glad to have you
here today.
Ambassador Sison. I have served in Beirut as Charge
d'Affaires ad interim since February of this year, and I would
like to express my sincere appreciation for the extraordinary
decision made by Chairman Biden to agree to Secretary Rice's
request that I be sent to Lebanon to serve as Charge in
February, pending agreement and ahead of these Senate
confirmation hearings. If confirmed, I look forward to working
with this committee, interested Members of Congress, and other
Americans to represent the American people and to continue to
advance United States goals in Lebanon.
I have served our country as a Foreign Service officer
since 1982. Over the past 26 years, I have done my very best to
represent the United States in a series of challenging
assignments. As a first-generation American, I am especially
proud to represent our country abroad. I am profoundly grateful
for the opportunities and the many, many privileges that our
great Nation offers its citizens.
Mr. Chairman, the United States, indeed, has important
interests in Lebanon. If confirmed, I will work hard to advance
these interests. Lebanon is at the forefront of our efforts to
promote democracy, promote human rights and freedoms, and to
combat extremism in the Middle East. Lebanon, as you note, has
undergone seismic changes over the past several years, from the
assassination of former Prime Minister of Rafiq Hariri and
subsequent Cedar Revolution of 2005, to the devastating July
2006 war and the ensuing political stalemate that ended only
this May 2008 with the Doha Agreement and the election of
President Michel Sleiman, and then the subsequent formation of
a national unity government on July 11, headed by Prime
Minister Fouad Siniora.
Now, we should remember that it was the Lebanese citizens
themselves who took to the streets in 2005 to end Syria's
occupation and demanded a sovereign, democratic state free from
foreign interference. The Lebanese people also called at that
time on the international community to investigate Prime
Minister Rafiq Hariri's assassination and related crimes
through the U.N. International Independent Investigation
Commission and the Special Tribunal for Lebanon.
One concrete measure of United States support for the
Lebanese people's aspirations for a democratic, sovereign,
stable, and prosperous Lebanon is our robust United States
bilateral assistance program. Since 2006, the United States has
committed over $1 billion to help Lebanon strengthen its state
institutions and to rebuild, reform, and realize its economic
potential. With these funds, the United States is training and
equipping the Lebanese Armed Forces and the Internal Security
Forces, the police, to support their deployment throughout
Lebanon to provide security for the Lebanese people. As we saw
in May of this year, Hezbollah and other armed groups continue
to threaten the peace and security of the Lebanese people and
their neighbors in contravention of U.N. Security Council
resolutions. If confirmed, I will work closely with the
Lebanese Government to strengthen the Lebanese Armed Forces and
the Internal Security Forces to ensure that Lebanon and thereby
the region is more stable and more secure.
U.S. bilateral assistance programs also include judicial
reform, education, entrepreneurial skill-building, support for
civil society, and electoral law reform initiatives. Such
United States engagement can do much to help the Lebanese
people realize their dreams of a sovereign, prosperous and
democratic state.
While the United States has a number of critical interests
in Lebanon, my highest priority, if confirmed, will be the
safety of the dedicated men and women serving under my
leadership, both American and locally engaged Lebanese staff,
as well as the safety of all Americans living, working, and
traveling in Lebanon. Each day at Embassy Beirut, my staff and
I pass the embassy's memorial to the 337 American and Lebanese
colleagues who have lost their lives serving the United States
Government at United States Embassy Beirut. We all serve in
their memory and in their honor.
Mr. Chairman, I want once again to express my sincere
appreciation for this opportunity to address you. I look
forward, if confirmed, to seeing you and your staff in Beirut.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Sison follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Michele J. Sison,
Nominee To Be U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is a great honor to
appear before you today as President Bush's nominee to be the United
States Ambassador to Lebanon. I have served in Beirut as charge
d'affaires ad interim since February of this year.
I would like to express my sincere appreciation for the
extraordinary decision made by Chairman Biden to agree to Secretary
Rice's request that I be sent to Lebanon to serve as charge d'affaires
pending agreement and ahead of these Senate confirmation hearings. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with this committee, interested
members of Congress, and other Americans to represent the American
people and to continue to advance United States goals in Lebanon.
I have served our country as a Foreign Service officer since 1982.
Over the past 26 years, I have done my very best to represent the
United States in a series of challenging assignments in Haiti, Togo,
Benin, Cameroon, Cote d'Ivoire, India, Pakistan, and most recently, as
the Untied States Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates.
As a first-generation American, I am especially proud to represent
our country abroad. I am profoundly grateful for the opportunities and
the many privileges that our great Nation offers its citizens. Also,
I'm pleased today to introduce my sister, Vicki Sison Morimoto, and her
family--Miles, Michiko, Andy, and Emiko--who drove up from North
Carolina to be here this afternoon. I also want to recognize my two
daughters, Alexandra and Jessica. The girls are college students and
out in Flagstaff, AZ this summer, but are real Foreign Service
troopers, having been raised in West Africa, India, Pakistan, and the
United Arab Emirates.
Mr. Chairman, the United States has important interests in
Lebanon--interests that I will work hard to advance, if confirmed.
Lebanon is at the forefront of United States efforts to promote
democracy, protect human rights and freedoms, and to combat extremism
in the Middle East. Lebanon has undergone seismic changes over the past
several years, from the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafiq
Hariri and subsequent Cedar Revolution of 2005, to the devastating July
2006 war and the ensuing political stalemate that ended only this May
2008 with the Doha Agreement, election of President Michel Sleiman, and
subsequent formation of a national unity government headed by Prime
Minister Fouad Siniora on July 11.
We should remember that it was the Lebanese themselves who took to
the streets in 2005 to end Syria's occupation and demand a sovereign,
democratic state free from foreign interference. The Lebanese people
also called on the international community at that time to investigate
Prime Minister Hariri's assassination and related crimes through the
United Nations International Independent Investigation Commission and
the Special Tribunal for Lebanon.
One concrete measure of United States support for the Lebanese
people's aspirations for a democratic, sovereign, prosperous, and
stable Lebanon is our robust United States bilateral assistance
program. Since 2006, the United States has committed over $1 billion to
help Lebanon strengthen its state institutions and to rebuild, reform,
and realize its economic potential. With these funds, the United States
is training and equipping the Lebanese Army and the Internal Security
Forces to support their deployment throughout Lebanon to provide
security for the Lebanese people. As we saw in May of this year,
Hezbollah and other illegal armed groups continue to threaten the peace
and security of the Lebanese people and their neighbors in
contravention of U.N. Security Council resolutions. If confirmed, I
will work closely with the Lebanese Government to strengthen the
Lebanese Armed Forces and the Internal Security Forces to ensure that
Lebanon, and thereby the region, is more stable and secure.
The United States must continue to strengthen the forces of the
Lebanese state--the Lebanese Army and the police (the Internal Security
Forces)--so that Lebanese citizens may enjoy prosperity, peace, and
security. Both of these institutions had languished under Syrian
occupation, receiving very little in the way of training and equipment.
When the Lebanese Government took the momentous decision in 2006 to
deploy its army to southern Lebanon for the first time in 40 years and
displace Hezbollah from the Israeli border, troops traveled in civilian
vehicles because they lacked trucks, communicated via cell phone
because they lacked radios, and slept in tents because they lacked
permanent shelter. When LAF troops battled Fatah al-Islam militants in
the Nahr al-Barid refugee camp in 2007, they faced the difficult
challenge of modifying aging helicopters to drop bombs because they
lacked proper close air support assets. Our assistance to the LAF is
helping to address these needs for basic and more advanced equipment as
well as training. Meanwhile, our assistance to the ISF is helping to
create a credible police force capable of taking on new missions
including security inside Lebanon's refugee camps. If confirmed, I will
work closely with the Lebanese Government to further strengthen these
institutions to ensure that Lebanon--and thereby the region--is more
stable and secure.
U.S. bilateral assistance also funds a variety of programs, ranging
from judicial reform to education to entrepreneurial skill-building and
support for civil society and electoral law reform. Such United States
engagement can do much to help the Lebanese people realize their dreams
of a sovereign, prosperous, and democratic state. While the United
States has a number of critical interests in Lebanon, my highest
priority, if confirmed, will be the safety of the dedicated men and
women serving under my leadership, both American and locally engaged
Lebanese staff, as well as the safety of all Americans living, working,
or traveling in Lebanon. Each day at U.S. Embassy Beirut, my staff and
I pass the embassy's memorial to the 337 American and Lebanese
colleagues who have lost their lives working on behalf of the United
States Government in Lebanon since 1976. We all serve in their memory
and in their honor.
If confirmed, I will do my best to be worthy of the trust placed in
me by the President, Secretary Rice, and the U.S. Congress to advance
American interests and to protect American citizens. I fully understand
that I will be answerable to you and to the American people in this
regard.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I want once again to
express my sincere appreciation for this opportunity to address you. If
confirmed, I look forward to seeing you and your staff members in
Beirut. I would welcome any questions you might have for me today.
Thank you.
Senator Kerry. Thank you, Ambassador.
Mr. Pearce.
STATEMENT OF DAVID D. PEARCE, NOMINEE TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE PEOPLE'S DEMOCRATIC
REPUBLIC OF ALGERIA
Mr. Pearce. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, I am
deeply honored to appear before you as President Bush's nominee
to be the Ambassador to the People's Democratic Republic of
Algeria. I appreciate the trust and confidence the President
and the Secretary have shown in nominating me.
Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce my family. My wife,
Leyla, is my best friend, teacher, and instructor on the Middle
East, born and raised in Lebanon, for over 30 years. She speaks
fluent Arabic, English, an French. My daughter, Jenny, former
Peace Corps volunteer, just received her masters degree in
community and regional planning at the University of Oregon.
And Joey has taught disadvantaged students in Beirut English
and is now working on his masters in Arabic studies at
Georgetown. I am very proud of them all and, frankly, Mr.
Chairman, if it were not for their support and sacrifice
through an awful lot of moves and separations over 26 years, I
probably would not be sitting here today.
Mr. Chairman, Algeria is the keystone of North Africa, the
third most populous country in the Arab world. It is the
largest producer of oil and gas on the African continent and an
important supplier of energy to both Europe and the United
States. In fact, I believe a good part of it goes to New
England, sir. Our own two-way trade with Algeria is worth about
$20 billion. But even if Algeria were not our second-largest
trading partner in the Arab world, we would have a great stake
in this relationship. Algeria's stability and prosperity are
important for the stability of both Africa and the Middle East.
As you know, Mr. Chairman, tens of thousands of Algerians
died in the indiscriminate violence of the 1990s. While that
internal violence has declined substantially from previous
levels, as you noted, the threat of extremism, nevertheless,
remains. And Algeria has been an essential partner in fighting
the instability created by the increasingly regional terrorist
threat.
Mr. Chairman, the Algerian Government has confronted the
challenge of extremism squarely and courageously. It has taken
a leading role in international cooperation on
counterterrorism, especially in pursuing and breaking up al-
Qaeda-based networks. And our bilateral cooperation, again as
you noted in this area, is strong.
Mr. Chairman, through the Middle East Partnership
Initiative and other programs, we are also supporting Algeria's
reform agenda. If confirmed, I will do my best to encourage
continued reform and development and further Algeria's efforts
to stabilize and modernize, consistent with the rule of law,
transparency, and the importance we attach to human rights and
other basic freedoms.
Mr. Chairman, Algeria has long had a significant role in
Middle Eastern and African affairs. It is a key player in
conflict resolution throughout the wider region. It facilitated
an end to the Ethiopian-Eritrean border war in the late 1900s
and more recently provided airlift support to peacekeepers
going to Somalia and Darfur. Its mediating role in the Sahel
has been vital to finding peaceful solutions there. The frozen
conflict over Western Sahara cannot be resolved without
Algerian participation. And Algeria is at the center of the
Algerian is at the center of the Arab Maghreb Union, and here
too, its willingness to lead is going to be a critical factor
in greater regional integration.
Mr. Chairman, regarding the embassy itself, we have now
moved into a new, more secure facility, which I look forward to
seeing, if confirmed. There are still significant security
restrictions, and I assure you that, if confirmed, I will have
no higher priority than the safety and security of our staff
and all Americans in Algeria.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to address
you and Senator Coleman. If confirmed, I hope I will have many
opportunities to host you, as I had the honor to do with both
of you in Jerusalem when I was Consul General there, in
Algiers. And I would be pleased to answer any questions that
you may have.
Senator Kerry. Thank you very much, Mr. Pearce.
[The prepared statement of David D. Pearce follows:]
Prepared Statement of David D. Pearce, Nominee To Be
Ambassador to the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am deeply honored to
appear before you today as President Bush's nominee to be Ambassador to
the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria. I appreciate the trust and
confidence the President and Secretary Rice have shown in nominating
me.
With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce my
wife, Leyla, my daughter, Jennifer, and my son, Joey. For over 30 years
now, Leyla, who was born and raised in Lebanon and speaks fluent Arabic
and French, has been my first and best teacher on the Middle East.
Jenny recently received her master's degree in community and regional
planning at the University of Oregon. And Joey is working on his
master's in Arabic studies at Georgetown. I am immensely proud of them
all, and grateful for their constant support and sacrifice through many
moves and separations during our 26 years in the Foreign Service.
Mr. Chairman, Algeria is the keystone of North Africa and the
third-most populous country in the Arab world. It is the largest
producer of oil and gas on the African continent, and an important
supplier of energy to both Europe and the United States. Our own two-
way trade with Algeria is worth about $20 billion. But even if Algeria
were not our second-largest trading partner in the Arab world, we would
have a great stake in this relationship. It is a country of real
promise, where hundreds of thousands of educated youth could drive a
knowledge-based economy that would bring growth to the entire region.
Its stability and prosperity are important for the stability of both
Africa and the Middle East.
As you know, Mr. Chairman, tens of thousands of Algerians died in
the indiscriminate violence of the 1990s. While that internal violence
has declined substantially from previous levels, the threat of
extremism nevertheless remains. And Algeria has been an essential
partner in fighting the instability created by the increasingly
regional terrorist threat. Nearly 2 years ago, a local Algerian
extremist group sought a new lease on life by declaring a link to al-
Qaeda. Since then, that group has carried out a number of atrocities
against innocent men, women, and children in Algeria and elsewhere. It
has attacked U.N. offices, engaged in kidnappings and bombings, and has
extended its reach into surrounding countries.
Mr. Chairman, the Algerian Government has confronted the challenge
of extremism squarely and courageously. It has taken a leading role in
international cooperation on counterterrorism, especially in pursuing
and breaking up al-Qaeda-linked terrorist networks. And our bilateral
cooperation in this area is strong. We recognize that a comprehensive
effort against terrorism must go beyond direct security assistance to
incorporate cooperation in fields such as forensics, English-language
instruction, and university training. So we are working to build our
relationship in those areas.
Mr. Chairman, through the Middle East Partnership Initiative and
other programs we are also supporting Algeria's reform agenda. Our
programs promote the professional development of lawyers and judges.
They assist Algeria's press in building journalistic expertise and
business acumen. They help the Ministry of Finance to improve tax
administration and reduce corruption. They aim to assist the Bank of
Algeria in updating its system of bank supervision--just to name a few
areas. If confirmed, Mr. Chairman, I will look forward to joining this
important work with the Algerian Government and people. I will do my
best to encourage continued reform and development, and further
Algeria's efforts to stabilize and modernize, consistent with the rule
of law, transparency, and the importance we attach to human rights and
other basic freedoms.
Mr. Chairman, Algeria has long had a significant role in Middle
Eastern and African affairs. It is a key player in conflict resolution
throughout the wider region. It is a leading member state of the Arab
League, the African Union, and the Organization of the Islamic
Conference. It is a longstanding member of the Organization of
Petroleum Exporting Countries and a founding member of the New Economic
Partnership for African Development. It facilitated an end to the
Ethiopian-Eritrean border war in the late 1990s and, more recently,
provided airlift support to peacekeepers going to Somalia and Darfur.
Its mediating role in conflicts in the Sahel has been and will remain
vital to finding peaceful solutions there. The ``frozen conflict'' over
Western Sahara cannot be resolved without Algerian participation. Not
least, Algeria is literally at the center of the Arab Maghreb Union. It
would gain from increasing trade within that grouping, and its
willingness to lead in this area will be critical to realizing long-
held dreams of regional integration.
Mr. Chairman, regarding the embassy itself, we have now moved to a
new, more secure facility, which I look forward to seeing. There are
still significant security restrictions, and I assure you that if
confirmed, I will have no higher priority than the safety and security
of our staff and all Americans in Algeria.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for this opportunity to address you. If
confirmed, I hope I will have many occasions to host members of this
committee in Algiers. For now, I would be pleased to address any
questions that you may have.
Let me welcome my ranking member, Senator Coleman, and ask
at this point, if you will excuse us for interrupting the
conversation's flow, and if he has any opening.
STATEMENT OF HON. NORM COLEMAN,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MINNESOTA
Senator Coleman. Mr. Chairman, what I will do is just
simply ask that my opening statement be placed in the record. I
will listen to the nominees. These are highly strategic areas
and of great importance. So I look forward to an opportunity to
ask some questions and then work with these nominees. So with
that, I would ask consent that my statement----
Senator Kerry. Absolutely. Without objection, the full
statement will be placed in the record.
Senator Coleman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of Senator Coleman follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Norm Coleman,
U.S. Senator From Minnesota
Thank you, Senator Kerry. Today we are considering a very important
set of nominations, as these nominees are to represent the United
States in countries located in some of the most critical regions in the
world. The countries for which we are considering nominees today are
located in a highly strategic region and play critical roles in
achieving U.S. objectives for the region--including bringing peace
between Israel and its neighbors, fighting terrorism, partnering on
energy security, combating the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction--among other important areas. I look forward to hearing
from our guests on how their experience has prepared them for the
important tasks that have been placed before them in being nominated to
serve as our Ambassadors in Lebanon, the United Arab Emirates, Algeria,
and Kyrgyzstan.
One of the countries for which we are considering a nominee is
Lebanon, which today stands at a critical juncture. I believe the
complexity of the situation was highlighted dramatically last week when
we observed a deeply saddening exchange of the bodies of two Israeli
soldiers for the release of Hezbollah terrorists. In May of this year
we watched as Lebanon faced a grave political crisis, which was
overcome through the mediation of the Arab league. While the Doha
Agreement that was agreed to in May prevented additional bloodshed at
the time and restored some stability, it also gave Hezbollah a
significant stronghold within the government. So it is unclear that
this arrangement will serve as a stable basis on which Lebanon can
advance its political process. Furthermore, the tentacles of both Syria
and Iran continue to undermine the moderate elements in the country and
to subject the future of the people of Lebanon to the whims of the
theocrats in Tehran. Yet there are elements in Lebanon who are fighting
for freedom and for democracy, and it is in the interests of the United
States to ensure that these forces of moderation succeed. The situation
therefore remains extremely complex and fragile, and the confirmation
of a representative to represent the United States in Lebanon is vital
at this time. I look forward to hearing the nominee's perspective on
her views of the situation in Lebanon and how she will work to pursue
our key interests.
Moving toward the Gulf region, we see that an unprecedented
increase in the price of oil has allowed the Emirates of Dubai and Abu-
Dabi to undergo a surge of acquisitions of United States properties and
interests, orchestrated by their sovereign wealth funds. While some of
these deals, such as the Dubai Ports World case, have raised concerns
in this chamber, others received support since they brought a much
needed life-line to some of our troubled financial institutions. What
is certain is that we need to know more about these funds, about who is
behind them, and especially about their objectives and implications.
The UAE, as well as Algeria, enjoy vast reserves of natural gas and
other energy resources. In light of these circumstances, and the fact
that Algeria is currently chairing OPEC, it is important that our
nominees work closely with both these countries as we seek to resolve
the significant energy challenges facing the United States. I believe
that U.S. representation in both of these countries is important in
this work to pave the way for more stable sources of energy supply, as
well as to arrive at a mutual understanding on the most productive
forms of economic and security cooperation with our country.
Kyrgyzstan also is a country with a very strategic geography,
bordering with China and with the oil-rich Kazakhstan, and closely
allied with Russia. It has also been of great support to coalition
efforts in Afghanistan, allowing large forces to pass through its
airports. For these reasons, the country embodies key U.S. security
interests and should therefore be engaged in a close, cooperative, and
mutually beneficial dialog, ensuring that this cooperation remains
strong.
I thank each of the nominees for offering themselves to represent
their country at an important time and in very important countries. I
look forward to hearing the testimonies from our nominees and
discussing how the United States can best pursue its objectives through
our relationships with the countries we will be discussing today. Thank
you.
Senator Kerry. Thank you.
Mr. Olson.
Let me just say also to the families that just got
introduced. We really appreciate your being here. As a Foreign
Service brat I have a lot of respect for the journey, so to
speak. Mr. Pearce, your wife, it appears, ought to be going to
Lebanon with Ms. Sison. We will work that out later.
STATEMENT OF RICHARD G. OLSON, JR., NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO
THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
Mr. Olson. Mr. Chairman and Senator Coleman, it is a great
honor to appear before you today as President Bush's nominee to
be the United States Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates. I
am deeply grateful to President Bush and Secretary Rice for
their confidence in me. If confirmed, I look forward to
representing the American people, to advancing United States
goals in the United Arab Emirates, and to working with this
committee and other interested Members of Congress to advance
the United States agenda.
I have been privileged to serve the American people as a
Foreign Service officer since 1982, having represented them at
a series of assignments mostly in the Middle East and Africa. I
have been lucky to have shared my life in the Foreign Service
with my wife, Deborah Jones, currently serving as the United
States Ambassador to Kuwait, and with our two wonderful
daughters, two Foreign Service brats, Ana and Isabella.
Mr. Chairman and Senator Coleman, I would also like to
acknowledge the presence of representatives of the United Arab
Emirates embassy who are with us here today at this hearing and
thank them for coming.
Mr. Chairman and Senator Coleman, the United Arab Emirates
plays an influential and growing role in the Middle East and is
an important partner for the United States. The United States
and the United Arab Emirates enjoy strong bilateral cooperation
on a full range of issues, including defense, law enforcement,
countering terrorist finance, and nonproliferation. Within the
region, the UAE has shown leadership by its recent decision to
send an ambassador to Baghdad and to cancel $7 billion worth of
Iraqi debt. The UAE has also contributed generously to
international efforts to rebuild Afghanistan and given
substantial assistance to the people of Lebanon and to the
Palestinian Authority.
Our strategic partnership extends to cooperation on
political-military issues. We conduct regular bilateral
strategic security discussions through the Gulf Security
Dialogue and continue to expand our robust military-to-
military partnership.
The UAE is committed to preventing the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction. It endorsed the Proliferation
Security Initiative in early 2006. In August 2007, the UAE
passed a comprehensive export control law empowering the
federal authorities to take action against companies or
shipments threatening UAE national security. The United States
has actively engaged Emirati authorities via the bilateral
Counter Proliferation Task Force.
UAE remains one of the largest export markets for U.S.
goods in the Middle East. A diverse array of American companies
active in the petroleum, defense, services, education, and
health care sectors have found the UAE not only an attractive
place to work but also an excellent location for regional hubs
doing business across the Gulf. By investing heavily in its own
infrastructure and in attractive opportunities overseas, the
UAE is planning for a future in which hydrocarbons will not be
the dominant source of wealth for its citizens.
If confirmed as U.S. Ambassador, I plan to build on our
already solid base of partnership, focusing on cooperation in
the Middle East region and on security issues. I will work with
Emirati authorities on our common goal of seeing that the UAE's
legitimate interest in trade with its neighbors is not put to
inappropriate uses, especially with regard to Iran. I will be
an active partner with the American private sector to encourage
the further growth of our trade relationship.
And I plan to devote personal attention to the overarching
issue of America's image in Emirati society. As a first step, I
will listen to Emiratis' concerns, because I do believe that
when Americans engage with Emiratis on the things that matter
to them--good jobs for their children, a peaceful future,
sustainable economic growth, then our image improves. And I
know from personal experience that Emiratis who come to the
United States, especially to study, got back to the UAE with a
greater appreciation for our society. We can make no sounder
investment to advance our long-term relationship than in the
area of educational and cultural exchanges.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, in closing, if
confirmed, I would welcome seeing you and your staff members in
the UAE. I would also welcome any questions you might have
today. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Olson follows:]
Prepared Statement of Richard G. Olson, Jr.,
Nominee To Be Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, it is an honor to appear
before you today as President Bush's nominee to be the United States
Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates. I am deeply grateful to
President Bush and to Secretary Rice for their confidence in me. If
confirmed, I look forward to representing the American people,
advancing United States goals in the United Arab Emirates, and to
working with this committee and other interested Members of Congress to
advance the United States agenda.
I have been privileged to serve the American people as a Foreign
Service officer since 1982, having represented them at a series of
assignments mostly in the Middle East and Africa. I have been lucky to
have shared my life in the Foreign Service with my wife, Deborah Jones,
who is currently serving as the United States Ambassador to Kuwait, and
with our two wonderful daughters, Ana and Isabella.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, the United Arab Emirates
plays an influential and growing role in the Middle East, and is an
important partner for the United States. The United States and the UAE
enjoy strong bilateral cooperation on a full range of issues including
defense, law enforcement, countering terrorist finance, and
nonproliferation. Within the region, the UAE has shown leadership by
its recent decision to send an Ambassador to Baghdad, and to cancel $7
billion worth of Iraqi debt. The UAE has also contributed generously to
international efforts to rebuild Afghanistan and given substantial
assistance to the people of Lebanon and to the Palestinian Authority.
Our strategic partnership extends to cooperation on political-
military issues. We conduct regular bilateral strategic security
discussions through the Gulf Security Dialog and continue to expand our
robust military-to-military partnership. For example, the port of Jebel
Ali in Dubai is the United States Navy's busiest overseas port-of-call.
The UAE is committed to preventing the proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction; it endorsed the Proliferation Security Initiative in
early 2006. In August 2007, the UAE passed a comprehensive export
control law empowering the Federal authorities to take action against
companies or shipments threatening UAE national security. The United
States has actively engaged Emirati authorities via the Export Control
and Related Border Security program to provide training and discussed
ongoing issues of bilateral concern via the bilateral Counter
Proliferation Task Force.
In April 2008, the UAE issued its white paper on nuclear energy.
Noting that peaceful nuclear power is an environmentally promising and
commercially competitive approach to meeting its future electricity
needs, the paper announced a program to thoroughly evaluate a nuclear
power option for the UAE. From a nonproliferation perspective, the
paper included several important policy decisions by the UAE, including
renouncing any intention to develop domestic enrichment or reprocessing
capability in favor of long-term external fuel supply arrangements and
meeting the highest international standards for nonproliferation,
safety, and security.
The United States has engaged the UAE with the goal of helping to
develop the infrastructure necessary to meet the highest standards for
nonproliferation, safety, and security in a nuclear energy program. On
April 21, 2008, the United States signed a Memorandum of Understanding
(MoU) on peaceful nuclear cooperation with the UAE. Simultaneously, the
UAE endorsed the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism.
The UAE remains one of the largest export markets for United States
goods in the Middle East. A diverse array of American companies active
in the petroleum, defense, services, education, and health care sectors
have found the UAE not only an attractive place to work, but also an
excellent location for regional hubs doing business across the gulf. By
investing heavily in its own infrastructure and in attractive
opportunities overseas, the UAE is planning for a future in which
hydrocarbons will not be the dominant source of wealth for its
citizens.
Since 2006, the UAE has voluntarily submitted proposed investments
to the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States numerous
times--in all cases with a successful resolution. Investors from the
UAE have put billions of dollars into the American economy. Whether
purchasing shares in well known institutions or making investments that
garner less attention in the media but are equally important in
generating new jobs for Americans, the UAE is a long-term strategic
investor in the U.S. market. To ensure that the international community
remains open to investment the UAE and the Abu Dhabi Investment
Authority have worked in cooperation with the U.S. Department of the
Treasury and the International Monetary Fund to establish a set of
voluntary best practices for Sovereign Wealth Funds.
If confirmed as U.S. ambassador, I plan to build on our already
solid base of partnership, focusing on our cooperation in the Middle
East region, and our partnership on security issues. I will work with
Emirati authorities on our common goal of seeing that the UAE's
legitimate interest in trade with its neighbors is not put to
inappropriate uses, especially with regard to Iran. I will be an active
partner with the American private sector to encourage the further
growth of our trade relationship. And I plan to devote personal
attention to the overarching issue of America's image in Emirati
society. As a first step I will listen to Emiratis concerns, because I
do believe that when Americans engage with Emiratis on the things that
matter to them--good jobs for their children, a peaceful future, and a
sustainable economic future--then our image improves. And I know from
personal experience that Emiratis who come to the United States,
especially to study, go back to the UAE with a greater appreciation for
our society. We can make no sounder investment to advance our long-term
relationship than in the area of educational and cultural exchanges.
As head of the U.S. mission comprising employees of more than 12
different U.S. Government agencies and departments, my first priority
will remain at all times the safety and security of the dedicated men
and women, American and foreign nationals, at my mission as well as all
Americans living and working or traveling to the United Arab Emirates.
I will strive to be worthy of the confidence placed in me by the
President, Secretary Rice, and the U.S. Congress because ultimately I
will be answerable to you and to the American people.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, in closing, if
confirmed, I would welcome your insights and views on the UAE and the
region, and would look forward to seeing you and your staff members in
the UAE. I would also welcome any questions you might have for me
today. Thank you.
Senator Kerry. Thank you very much, Mr. Olson.
Ms. Gfoeller-Volkoff.
STATEMENT OF TATIANA C. GFOELLER-VOLKOFF,
NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE KYRGYZ REPUBLIC
Ms. Gfoeller-Volkoff. Mr. Chairman and Senator Coleman,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I am
honored that President Bush and Secretary Rice have
demonstrated the confidence in me to put forward my nomination
as United States Ambassador to Kyrgyzstan.
During my almost quarter century in the Foreign Service, my
family and I have been grateful for this opportunity to make a
unique contribution to our country. Indeed, I would like to
acknowledge here my family's culture of service. A number of
family members have served or are serving now in Afghanistan
and Iraq. My husband, Michael, whom you were kind enough to
mention, and son, Emmanuel, are unfortunately unable to be
present here today with me because Michael, as you said, Mr.
Chairman, is serving as our deputy chief of mission at our
embassy in Riyadh, and Emmanuel is busy training fellow cadets
at West Point.
Kyrgyzstan is an important partner of the United States and
a positive bilateral relationship is critical to United States
interests in the region. Two months after September 11,
Kyrgyzstan agreed to host the United States Air Force at Manas
Air Base, a crucial supply link in our ongoing efforts to fight
terrorism and to lay the foundations for a peaceful and
prosperous future in Afghanistan and the entire Central Asia
region. President Bakiyev publicly reaffirmed his country's
continued commitment to the base in December of last year.
In March, we jointly reaffirmed our cooperation on a range
of issues, from the fight against terrorism and other
transnational threats like narcotics trafficking, to economic
engagement, to democratic development, and promotion of the
rule of law. If confirmed, I will be honored to do my part to
deepen that cooperation.
Since independence in 1991, Kyrgyzstan has made impressive
progress toward the transition from an authoritarian regime to
a democratic one and from a command structure to a market-based
economy. Early on, Kyrgyzstan recognized the value of the free
exchange of ideas, establishing an open environment that
fostered a vibrant civil society. It became the first former
Soviet state to join the World Trade Organization.
Over the years, however, the momentum of reform stalled.
The December 2007 parliamentary elections did not meet
international standards, and the government has sought
legislation that would restrict important freedoms, such as the
freedom of the press and assembly. The United States, in close
collaboration with other international partners, has made clear
to the Kyrgyz Government that such steps do not reflect
Kyrgyzstan's international commitments.
Through all this upheaval, however, Kyrgyzstan has
maintained an active and vocal political culture, tolerating
often contentious confrontations but avoiding serious political
violence. Some say this country is learning about democracy by
doing democracy. It has shown a capacity for reform. We can
help the Kyrgyz foster that reform and, in so doing,
demonstrate throughout the region the ultimate benefits of
including all people in the political process.
One challenge that has beleaguered Kyrgyzstan throughout
independence is corruption. All segments of society have sought
our help in addressing this problem. If confirmed, I look
forward to overseeing the implementation of a brand new
threshold program focused on fighting corruption that the
Millennium Challenge Corporation recently approved for
Kyrgyzstan.
Kyrgyzstan is keenly interested in American commercial
engagement, but the challenges for United States companies are
daunting. The economy has shown stability in recent years, but
renewed inflationary pressures and other conditions make for a
bleaker picture in 2008. If confirmed, I will look for ways to
assist and encourage the Kyrgyz leadership to keep focused on
improving the investment climate.
One of the key lessons we have learned over the years of
transition is the interconnectedness of reform efforts.
Kyrgyzstan itself recognizes the importance of economic
revitalization. One of the requirements for true economic
reform is the rule of law. Ensuring the primacy of the rule of
law requires a fully functioning democracy. We continue to
emphasize this interconnectedness.
If we consider where the country started 17 years ago,
Kyrgyzstan has made remarkable progress, and the United States
can take considerable pride in supporting that transformation.
We can also take comfort in the contributions Kyrgyzstan makes
to regional and global security. Our relationship still has
room to grow, however. If confirmed, I will be honored to
represent President Bush and work with Members of Congress to
engage with the Kyrgyz Government and all elements of Kyrgyz
society to facilitate that process.
Thank you for your consideration. I look forward to
answering any questions you may have.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Gfoeller-Volkoff follows:]
Prepared Statement of Tatiana C. Gfoeller-Volkoff,
Nominee To Be Ambassador to Kyrgyzstan
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for the
opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored that President
Bush and Secretary Rice have demonstrated the confidence in me to put
forward my nomination as United States Ambassador to Kyrgyzstan.
During my almost quarter-century in the Foreign Service, my family
and I have been grateful for this opportunity to make a unique
contribution to our country. Indeed, I would like to acknowledge here
my family's culture of service. A number of family members have served
or are serving now in Afghanistan and Iraq. My husband, Michael, and
son, Emmanuel, are unfortunately unable to be present here today with
me, because Michael is serving as our deputy chief of mission at our
embassy in Riyadh, and Emmanuel is busy training fellow cadets at West
Point.
Kyrgyzstan is an important partner of the United States, and a
positive bilateral relationship is critical to United States interests
in the region. Two months after September 11, Kyrgyzstan agreed to host
the United States Air Force at Manas Air Base, a crucial supply link in
our ongoing efforts to fight terrorism and to lay the foundations for a
peaceful and prosperous future in Afghanistan and the entire Central
Asia region. President Bakiyev publicly reaffirmed his country's
continued commitment to the base in December of last year.
In March, we jointly reaffirmed our cooperation on a range of
issues, from the fight against terrorism and other transnational
threats like narcotics trafficking to economic engagement to democratic
development and promotion of the rule of law. If confirmed, I will be
honored to do my part to deepen that cooperation and promote our own
interests--which include the secure, prosperous, and democratic
development of Kyrgyzstan.
Since independence in 1991, Kyrgyzstan has made impressive progress
toward the transition from an authoritarian regime to a democratic one
and from a command structure to a market-based economy. Its progress
has been uneven, however, and it still faces considerable challenges.
Early on, Kyrgyzstan recognized the value of the free exchange of
ideas, establishing an open environment that fostered a vibrant civil
society. It undertook necessary economic reforms, becoming the first
former Soviet country to join the World Trade Organization. It is still
the only WTO member in Central Asia. Over the years, however, the
momentum of reform stalled. The government imposed new restrictions on
the media, and political opponents found themselves in jail.
Then, the people of Kyrgyzstan demanded change. A series of
protests culminated in the fall of the Akayev government in March 2005.
The so-called Tulip Revolution led to presidential elections in July of
that year that were widely recognized by international observers as
free and fair. President Bakiyev was elected on a platform of continued
reform, and we had high hopes for his efforts. Since then, however,
Kyrgyzstan has faced protracted political turmoil, and the December
2007 parliamentary elections did not meet international standards.
Through all this upheaval, Kyrgyzstan has maintained an active and
vocal political culture, tolerating often contentious confrontations
across the political spectrum, but keeping them on the political level
and avoiding serious political violence. Some say this country is
learning about democracy by doing democracy. It has shown a capacity
for reform. We can help the Kyrgyz foster that reform and, in so doing,
demonstrate throughout the region the ultimate benefits of including
all people in the political process and extending to them the freedom
to build their own economic future.
President Bakiyev has declared he is ready to proceed with needed
economic reforms. While we hope that he will soon get the country back
on the reform path, progress has been limited so far.
One challenge that has beleaguered Kyrgyzstan throughout
independence is corruption. Representatives of the government, the
opposition, and civil society alike have all sought our help in
addressing this problem. If confirmed, I look forward to overseeing the
implementation of a brand new assistance program that the Millennium
Challenge Corporation recently approved for Kyrgyzstan.
This threshold program will focus on helping Kyrgyzstan confront
the scourge of corruption by reforming the judicial and law enforcement
sectors. It has the potential not only to land a solid blow against the
corruption that impedes Kyrgyzstan's progress toward prosperity, but to
reassert the primacy of the rule of law and get the country back on the
course of reform.
Kyrgyzstan cooperates with us on a host of security issues. In
addition to hosting Manas Air Base, the government has expressed
interest in providing more direct assistance to our coalition efforts
in Afghanistan. We helped establish the Drug Control Agency of
Kyrgyzstan in 2003, and we are working together to improve its capacity
to intercept and reduce the flow of narcotics through Kyrgyzstan. Our
military and other officials collaborate with Kyrgyz officials here, at
the Marshall Center in Europe, and in Kyrgyzstan on workshops to
improve individual officers' capacity to combat terrorism.
Kyrgyzstan is keenly interested in American commercial engagement,
but the challenges for United States companies of operating far away in
a relatively small market with pervasive corruption are daunting. The
economy has shown stability in recent years, with over 8 percent growth
in 2007, inflation under reasonable limits, and an improving fiscal
picture. Renewed inflationary pressures and other conditions make for a
bleaker picture in 2008. The World Bank and IMF have both approved
additional assistance to help Kyrgyzstan through these recent
difficulties. If confirmed, I will look for ways the United States
Government can assist in the short term, but will also encourage the
Kyrgyz leadership to keep focused on the longer-term goal of improving
the investment climate, to increase opportunities for both the local
population and American firms.
This past year has also seen disruptions in Kyrgyzstan's progress
toward a fully functioning democracy. Since December's elections, the
government has sought legislation that would restrict important
freedoms, such as the freedom of the press and assembly. The United
States, in close collaboration with other international partners, has
made clear to the Kyrgyz Government that such steps do not reflect
Kyrgyzstan's international commitments.
One of the key lessons we have learned over the years of transition
is the interconnectedness of reform efforts. Kyrgyzstan itself
recognizes the importance of economic revitalization and has committed
to reform in that area. One of the requirements for true economic
reform is the rule of law. Ensuring the primacy of the rule of law
requires a fully functioning democracy, in which the population
understands and supports the system behind the law. Although Kyrgyzstan
would prefer to focus its engagement with the United States on economic
concerns, we continue to explain that our emphasis on the rule of law
and good governance is as much about the economy as it is about
democracy.
If we consider where the country started 17 years ago, Kyrgyzstan
has made remarkable progress, and the United States--in particular
through the generosity of the American people--can take considerable
pride in supporting that transformation. We also can take comfort in
the contributions Kyrgyzstan makes to regional and global security.
Our relationship still has room to grow, however. If confirmed, I
will be honored to represent President Bush and work with members of
Congress to engage with the Kyrgyz Government and all elements of
Kyrgyz society to facilitate that process.
Thank you for your consideration. I look forward to answering any
questions you may have.
Senator Kerry. Thank you very much. Thank you, all of you.
Since you were patient and waited till the end, Ms.
Gfoeller-Volkoff, I will just start with you. I will pick up
where you left off.
You mentioned, appropriately, the slowdown in the reform
effort. What do you attribute that to?
Ms. Gfoeller-Volkoff. There has been a lot of instability.
After the 2005 elections, which were free and fair, there was
opposition to the President in the parliament. There were a lot
of demonstrations. Unfortunately, the opposition is very
fragmented. A lot of the parties--and there are many, many of
them--are basically formed around one person as opposed to
around an idea.
And so I think the President began to feel very beleaguered
and started thinking that maybe he needed to consolidate power
in some way. We certainly keep urging him to keep on the road
to reform and that actually stability comes from democracy. But
I think that as a result of certain demonstrations, which never
got really violent but were somewhat of concern to him, he
started feeling that maybe he needs to look at stability ahead
of it continuing on the road to democracy.
Senator Kerry. How would you describe the competing forces
on the ground particularly the play between China, Russia, and
the United States presence?
Ms. Gfoeller-Volkoff. Kyrgyzstan enjoys good relations with
all three, Mr. Chairman. With Russia, of course, there are
special ties that bind. Kyrgyzstan and Russia were part of the
USSR, the same state. Many, especially of the elite, the
educated people, speak excellent Russian. They have gone to
Russian schools and universities. Many members of the
government and even the opposition have been educated in
Russia. So I expect that these ties will continue.
Also, they are both members of the Shanghai Corporation
Organization, and there is a lot of Russian investment. There
is a lot of Russian trade with Kyrgyzstan going on, and
something between half a million to a million Kyrgyz citizens--
and that is out of a population of only 5 million--are
presently working in Russia and sending remittances to
Kyrgyzstan, which are a very important part of the Kyrgyz
economy. So I consider that probably Russia will continue to be
a very important partner for Kyrgyzstan for the foreseeable
future.
They are also both members of the CIS, the Commonwealth of
Independent States.
China has recently become a more important partner for the
Kyrgyz. Of course, when Kyrgyzstan was part of the USSR,
Kyrgyzstan was a place of actual tension because the USSR and
China sometimes did not have the best relations. So now the
Kyrgyz are discovering kind of the opportunity of interacting
with the Chinese and the Chinese discovering that they are able
to interact with the Kyrgyz.
The Chinese have also invested a lot of money in
Kyrgyzstan. There is cross-border trade which is flourishing.
They are also both members of the Shanghai Corporation
Organization. Again, I think that their good relations will
probably continue.
We have no problems with the Kyrgyz having good relations
with these two countries in the region. In fact, we welcome
Kyrgyz good relations with the entire region.
What we would like, however, to see is greater
opportunities for the Kyrgyz to branch out, and we are
particularly looking at the south. For example, Kyrgyzstan on a
seasonal basis produces more hydroelectricity than it really
needs, whereas countries to the south, such as Afghanistan and
Pakistan, are in desperate need of energy. So we are looking
right now and providing some technical support to the Kyrgyz
and possibly creating a regional electricity grid where the
Kyrgyz could sell some of their surplus electricity to the
Afghans and the Pakistanis. And my understanding is that the
Afghans and Pakistanis would be willing to pay a much higher
price for the electricity than Kyrgyzstan is able to get
domestically. So that is something that we are urging the
Kyrgyz to look into, again not to try to impede in any way
their relations with Russia and China, but to provide them with
more opportunities, more chances, and therefore more
independence.
Senator Kerry. How would you describe their relations with
their neighbors? You mentioned the neighborhood. Besides,
obviously, the relationships you just talked about with the
larger powers, how would you describe them, particularly since
the Tulip Revolution?
Ms. Gfoeller-Volkoff. Yes, Mr. Chairman. Kyrgyzstan has
three other neighbors. Tajikistan to the south is actually very
similar to Kyrgyzstan. It is a very poor country. It also,
though, has some hydroelectricity surplus on a seasonal basis,
again, and has some potential in that regard. Relations between
Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are friendly and stable. There are a
couple of issues about demarcation of borders, but basically
things are going well. And we would be looking to have
cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan in building this
grid because Tajikistan is between Kyrgyzstan and Afghanistan
and would also benefit very much from selling its own
electricity. So I think that here things are looking good.
Kazakhstan to the north of Kyrgyzstan is a very important
trading and investment partner. It has a muscular economy. It
has invested a lot in Kyrgyzstan. There are some Kazakh banks
in Bishkek, the capital of Kyrgyzstan. It also produces wheat
and is a very important supplier of wheat to Kyrgyzstan. On the
other hand, Kyrgyzstan supplies Kazakhstan with water. I
believe that relations with them will continue to be friendly
and stable.
With Uzbekistan, the last of the neighbors of Kyrgyzstan,
there are--it is a friendly relationship. There are a bit more
tensions. There are some areas of the border regions that are
not demarcated properly. One thing that is happening is that
they are both in the same natural water system, and Kyrgyzstan
supplies Uzbekistan with water but is not charging for it,
whereas it buys energy, especially coal, from Uzbekistan and
gas and is being charged for it. I believe there is a bit of
tension over that imbalance. But still, overall relations are
friendly.
Senator Kerry. I will come back perhaps afterwards.
Mr. Olson, there have been some concerns that Dubai has
been a transit point for the A.Q. Khan nuclear proliferation
network. I wonder if you could share with us your perception of
UAE's and Dubai's, in particular, efforts to try to curb the
smuggling and your perception of it at this point or the
administration's description of it at this point.
Mr. Olson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I think that, indeed, for the Emiratis the revelations
about the A.Q. Khan network were something of a wake-up call
for them, and they recognized the importance of this issue. And
the action that they have taken so far is to pass an export
control law that was passed in 2007. Our assessment is that
this is actually a good law and covers what is necessary to
make sure that there is not reexport of dual-use or sensitive
technologies to Iran.
We have been working with the Emiratis, with the Emirati
authorities, the federal authorities, since that time on the
implementation. There is a domestic implementation aspect.
There are some regulations that are required to bring about the
implementation of the law. But there has been very good
cooperation with the Emiratis on certain specific instances
which we discuss with them in the context of the Counter
Proliferation Task Force. This is a bilateral initiative that
has been going for several years, meets frequently at a senior
level, United States and Emirati. In the course of those
discussions, we have raised our concerns, both general and also
specific cases, and we have received, in our view, considerable
cooperation from the Emirati authorities.
This will continue to be a high priority. It will be a
personal priority for me to make sure that Iran--there are
interests in legitimate trade. They do have a very large volume
of trade with Iran, and most of that is legitimate. But we want
to make sure that Dubai is not a source of anything that can
threaten what we both consider to be--I would say that both the
Emirates and the United States share a strategic assessment
about the danger that a nuclear-capable Iran would represent to
the region.
Senator Kerry. What is your understanding of what we, the
United States, are doing or helping lead the UAE to in an
effort to prevent the flow of weapons-capable technology going
through the UAE?
Mr. Olson. Well, Senator, it would be difficult for me to
answer in terms of specific cases in an open session. I would
be happy to offer a briefing by myself or other persons on
specific cases where we have had cooperation.
Senator Kerry. Let me frame the question this way for this
session. Are you satisfied that we are doing enough, and if
not, is your portfolio specifically designed to increase our
efforts in that regard?
Mr. Olson. Mr. Chairman, I think there is work still to be
done in this area. I think there needs to be further domestic
implementation legislation and regulatory framework in the
United Arab Emirates. And I will work closely with the Emirati
authorities to see that that is put in place. But I also think
that it is an issue that needs continual vigilance, and I can
assure you that I will be doing that on the specific cases. And
we will work not just with the federal government but also with
the authorities in Dubai at the emirate level to make sure that
they understand our concerns and that it is fully internalized
on their side.
Senator Kerry. Thank you.
Let me turn to Senator Coleman and then we will come back
for another round.
Senator Coleman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will turn to
Lebanon, Ms. Sison, if I can.
Hezbollah and its allies have a veto in the Lebanese
cabinet. Obviously of great concern. The March 14 movement
offered some hope. And the question of whether they can even
live and work in Lebanon, whether they are able to do that. Can
you give me an assessment of where the March 14 movement is
doing a better job of reaching out to the--I am trying to get
your sense of where things are at.
Ambassador Sison. The March 14 moderates came together in
recent weeks, Senator, and with the other political parties,
hammered together the 30-person cabinet on July 11. And I note
that although, as you say, the opposition has a blocking third
of the cabinet--it is 16 majority, 11 opposition, 3 cabinet
members named by the president--Hezbollah only has one minister
in the cabinet, which is interesting. The moderates, the March
14, put forward and appointed an independent Shia minister,
Ibrahim Shamsudeen. This is interesting because it will make it
more difficult, I think, for Hezbollah and their allies to
assert that they are the sole voice of the Lebanese Shia in the
government.
The Doha Agreement in May, yes, designed this 16/11/3 split
in the makeup of the cabinet. It is important to note that the
president, Michel Sleiman, retained control for the nomination
of the defense minister and the interior minister, two key
ministries with which we, the United States, work as we seek to
strengthen key institutions of the state, the Lebanese Armed
Forces, and the Internal Security Forces, the police. Of
course, the interior ministry will also have the key role in
organizing free and fair parliamentary elections in the spring
of 2009. The new interior minister is a constitutional lawyer
who had served on the Boutros Commission looking at electoral
law reform.
On the blocking one-third on the so-called veto, I think,
Senator, that this concession may actually have less
significance on the ground since the Lebanese cabinet has
typically operated on a consensus basis.
Senator Coleman. My concern sitting here is the question of
our ability to strengthen those institutions if you have the
fox in the chicken coop. Talk to me a little bit about where
Hezbollah gets its support. How much support does Iran supply
to Hezbollah?
Ambassador Sison. As I have been in Washington over the
last few days, Senator, I have consulted with several of my
colleagues, and of course, our colleagues at the U.S.
Department of the Treasury have been particularly active in
bringing the interagency together to look at ways to approach
the challenge of Hezbollah. As we saw last month, the U.S.
Government--well, this month actually--this summer, the United
States designated two Venezuela-based supporters of Hezbollah
along with two travel agencies owned by one of the gentlemen.
So the United States has actually targeted Hezbollah's
funding sources by taking action against Iran's bank, Saderat,
which had been used by the Government of Iran to channel funds
to terrorist organizations, including Hezbollah, as well as the
Iran-based Marchers Foundation, part of Hezbollah's support
network. So Hezbollah has received financial assistance through
Iranian entities. The U.S. Government this year and in 2007 and
in earlier years has targeted through designations and
executive orders that process.
Senator Coleman. This is not a question here, but the hope
would be that you would have a moderate government. It would
take the reins and enforce its sovereignty over territories and
not get into a position where Hezbollah can drag a country into
war with grave consequences for the entire region. So it is a
very delicate situation there and one of great concern.
Mr. Olson, if you can move over then in terms of the same
issue with Iran and the UAE. Can you talk to me a little bit
about the relationship between--when I was in Dubai, I think
the language of commerce is Farsi. And Dubai, let me just say,
is just one of the most incredible, vibrant centers in the
world today. But talk to me a little bit about UAE's policy
toward Iran. How does that impact our relationships with the
emirate?
Mr. Olson. Thank you, Senator Coleman.
Yes, indeed, the UAE and especially Dubai have a long
history of a relationship with Iran. It is estimated that up to
400,000 Iranians live in the emirates, mostly in Dubai, and
many Emiratis trace their family roots back to Iran. And there
is a considerable volume of trade. There always has been
between Dubai and Iran.
What I would say is that at the federal level, that is to
say, at the level of the national government, it much shares
our strategic assessment of the threat that Iran represents,
and I think this is, in part, fundamentally a matter of
demographics. The Emirates is composed of probably about 3
million people, of which fewer than a million are actually
Emirati citizens, and they are looking 80 miles across the
water at a population of 80 million. So they have some
fundamental concerns, and I think this is one of the reasons
why we do have such a strong relationship in defense
cooperation. It is one of the, I think, fundamental motivations
from the Emirati side for the interest in purchasing defensive
weapons systems.
I think that we have made a lot of progress, as I already
mentioned in response to the chairman's question, about export
controls. I think an area that will also be of increasing focus
for myself, if confirmed, is in the area of finances. As
Ambassador Sison mentioned, in Lebanon I think we have similar
situation. There are Iranian banks in the United Arab Emirates.
The UAE has complied with Security Council resolutions,
especially 1747 and 1803, but if confirmed, it will certainly
be my intention to continue to press the Emiratis to maintain
vigilance over the Iranian banks that are present in the UAE
and, where possible, to close down their operations.
Senator Coleman. The concern is--it appears to me when you
look at the situation in Lebanon, when you look at the UAE, we
have forces of stability, hopefully, moderation taking hold in
Lebanon, that the battle or the concern is the forces of
moderation and those forces that support extremism which are
threat to forces of moderation. Obviously, it is their
neighborhood, but we certainly have an interest there.
I talked about the incredible wealth and vitality that you
are seeing in Dubai, sovereign wealth funds, Abu Dhabi
Investment Authority, close to a trillion dollars. Talk to me a
little bit about pros and cons of the authority investing in
American companies, what our role is in facilitating that, and
how that impacts the relationship between us and the UAE.
Mr. Olson. Thank you, Senator Coleman.
The sovereign wealth funds is an issue that we have had
some intense engagement with the Government of the United Arab
Emirates on. They have been working with us in the context of
the IMF and also in the OECD to identify best practices for
sovereign wealth funds.
You mentioned the trillion dollar figure. One of the
issues, I suppose, that surrounds sovereign wealth funds--I
think your reference was probably to the Abu Dhabi Investment
Authority, which is widely believed to be the largest sovereign
wealth fund in the world. But no one really knows the answer,
aside from people who work in ADIA and a few others as to what
the actual size of the fund is. And I think that highlights one
of the issues that we would probably want to work with the
Emirati Government on in terms of best practices, working
towards the idea of transparency, the idea that investments are
made on a commercial basis and not on any other basis.
As I say, I think the Emirati Government has been very
cooperative on these matters.
I also think it is worth pointing out that the sovereign
wealth fund in the United States--the sovereign wealth funds in
the States, especially the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, have
been long-term investors and I think have made some significant
investments that have been useful in terms of preserving
American jobs here in the United States.
Senator Coleman. Mr. Chairman, if I may, just a note of
thanks to these nominees and to their families, the level of
commitment and sacrifice that they will make in the Foreign
Service. Certainly every time I visit an embassy and talk to
the staff--I do not know if we can thank them enough for their
service to this country. So I just want to take this
opportunity to thank the nominees here for their continued
commitment to service and to their families.
Senator Kerry. Thank you, Senator Coleman.
Let me pick up, Mr. Olson, if I can on that. When I was out
of the room, you mentioned the numbers of Iranians that are in
the Emirates. You put it at how many hundreds of thousands?
Mr. Olson. Well, the number that we understand is about
400,000.
Senator Kerry. I'd like to have us speak for a moment with
respect to Iran's financial institutions. We seem to be
rattling the saber and talking very openly and repeatedly about
military options without a lot of intermediary steps, which I
find puzzling. The sanctions that exist today are frankly
pretty lame mostly because they are not truly multilateral, but
even those that are are not that creative in my judgment. It
seems to me that some Iranian's have enormous sums of money
that move across state lines and access the benefits of the
western world's wealth-creating machinery.
It confounds me that when I go back to the debates we have
had right here in this room on South Africa and then we did
what we did partly because it was multilateral, that here we
have leaders of countries proclaiming as a matter of policy
that Iran cannot have a nuclear weapon, but leaping from point
A to point Z without any of the intermediary steps. And I find
that dangerous and even stupid in some cases.
Are there not many tools available in your judgment that
could really tighten the noose economically with respect to
flights, visas, access to banking systems, freezing of assets,
and other steps which would put a very serious financial crimp
on Iran's options?
Mr. Olson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
First, in terms of overall United States policy, of course,
I think our objective has been, as you know, to pursue a
diplomatic option with regard to Iran while keeping all options
on the table. But I think we actually, in the last few months,
have been very successful in increasing the pressure on Iran,
and I would cite two particular examples, first of all, on the
Geneva talks that took place over the weekend in which, as you
know, Under Secretary Burns participated for the first time.
This was a tactical shift, not a policy shift for the United
States. But the purpose that it served was to reinforce the
unity of the P5 plus 1. And I think that that was a very solid
outcome, and I think the ball is very squarely now in the
Iranians' court to respond within 2 weeks to the offer that was
put on the table.
The second area is one that has been in development over
the longer term is the action at the U.N. Security Council and
especially U.N. Security Council resolution 1747 and 1803,
which have, indeed, tightened a bit the financial noose around
the Iranians. And I think it is having an impact.
Senator Kerry. It is voluntary.
Mr. Olson. Yes, sir. And we absolutely have to work with a
number of allies, including the United Arab Emirates, to bring
about that compliance. But for certain countries--for example,
for the United Arab Emirates--and it is an important point
because Dubai is in the process of establishing itself as an
international financial center, with some degree of success. As
the blue chip banks move away from dealings with Iran and
increasingly do not want to deal in any way with Iranian
assets, that makes it all the more likely that the UAE will, in
fact, adopt stronger measures for implementation of 1747 and
1803.
So I think there is an incentive for our allies and
partners around the world to take the steps that we want them
to take. And I think that these steps do impose real costs on
the Iranian economy just because of the simple costs of the
transactions, but also because it forces them to work harder to
do business in a variety of other ways.
I would not want to speculate, Mr. Chairman, on what full
range of options might be available otherwise, but I will
certainly convey back your points on flights, on visas, on
freezing assets to my betters at the State Department.
Senator Kerry. Well, you do not need to leap across
boundaries here except to the degree you feel it affects what
you are doing with respect to the UAE. But we will certainly be
in communication with the administration. I think the clock is
ticking actually on what they may or may not have even time to
do here.
But it strikes me that the voluntariness of that situation
and the laxity of it is such that it has not created the kind
of consensus that I think is necessary to really have an
impact. And I think to create a consensus, you cannot start
with the most rigid targets, obviously. You have got to work up
to them. China and Russia have their own attitudes about what
that pace ought to be, but that is another topic.
Let me just ask you quickly--within OPEC, what is the UAE's
attitude with respect to oil pricing and levels at this time?
Mr. Olson. Mr. Chairman, the UAE, of course, is a longtime
member, I believe, and a founding member of OPEC, but they have
signaled that they are prepared to expand production to meet
demand. I am afraid I do not have exact numbers with me here
today, but I can certainly get back to you in a statement for
the record.
Senator Kerry. So you understand they are not pumping all
the oil they could be at this point in time?
Mr. Olson. I understand that they are prepared to increase
their pumping. If I may, Mr. Chairman, I think that they have
had some concerns about the long-term impact on their fields
with increased production so that somewhat limits their surge
capacity, but I think that they are looking at ways to increase
the amount that they produce.
Senator Kerry. What do you understand the goals of the
current arms sales with the UAE to be? What capacity will that
give them in your judgment?
Mr. Olson. Mr. Chairman, the basic approach that we take
with regard to the UAE is, of course, the Gulf Security Dialog
which the administration launched in 2006. It has got six
pillars, which I do not need to probably review here today, but
one of them includes defensive capabilities and cooperation.
My understanding is that the weapons systems--and of
course, we have a long history of weapons sales to the United
Arab Emirates. We sold them 80 F-16 aircraft in the mid-1990s.
I actually participated in that in my previous assignment
there.
They are currently looking at a series of defensive systems
that would enhance their air defense capability, so in other
words, the threat from the air, that is to say, whether by air-
breathing aircraft or by missiles. Again, I think the basic
strategic assessment where they would come from--they see this
very much in terms of the Iranian threat.
Senator Kerry. Mr. Pearce, how would you describe the
current al-Qaeda presence in Algeria?
Mr. Pearce. Mr. Chairman, as you noted in your own remarks,
the violence--and the antiterrorism cooperation is important
for us. What happened was the violence went down substantially
after a 12-year period. However, there were small groups of
extremists that did not sign on to the idea of a ceasefire, and
among them was one small extremist group which affiliated
itself 2 years ago with al-Qaeda. This group is not small in
numbers but they have been active in undertaking a number of
attacks. They attacked and bombed the United Nations, as you
recall, recently. And it is a serious threat that we take
seriously. I do not think it is the strategic threat to the
existence of the state that there was, say, 10 years ago.
Senator Kerry. Do you know whether or not they are
receiving operational guidance from al-Qaeda in Pakistan and
Afghanistan?
Mr. Pearce. I believe that the leader of al-Qaeda in the
Maghreb recently gave an interview in which he stated that,
yes. He stated that they were in touch with them.
Senator Kerry. I have just been handed a note reminding me
that we have another hearing that is going to start here at 3
o'clock. Therefore, you all may be saved by the overscheduling
here.
So let me turn to Senator Coleman again for another round.
Then we will come back and see where we are.
Senator Coleman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Just a question both to Mr. Pearce and Ms. Gfoeller-Volkoff
regarding an investment climate. Ms. Gfoeller-Volkoff, in your
statement, you talked about the interconnectedness of reform
elements, primacy of rule of law, and I think the corruption
piece is all tied into that. Companies are not going to invest
if they do not believe that there is rule of law, if they are
worried about corruption.
Can you talk to me a little bit more about what we can do
to assist developing a more stable rule of law and a better
investment climate?
Ms. Gfoeller-Volkoff. Thank you, Senator Coleman.
Yes, you are absolutely right. And in fact, right now there
is very little American investment in Kyrgyzstan. It is no
accident that the main investors, as I mentioned, China,
Russia, Kazakhstan, are from sort of the same region, have some
of the same issues, for example, corruption.
We are moving forward, though, as I mentioned with the MCC
Threshold Program. I think that is a really extremely important
program for Kyrgyzstan. What is particularly gratifying is that
unlike many other countries in the region, the Kyrgyz actually
openly admit that they have a problem with corruption. They are
not trying to cover this up, and they openly say that they
realize the negative impact corruption has, for example, on
investment reform, a host of other issues. This is a belief
held throughout Kyrgyz society. The president has said this
openly, publicly. Opposition figures have said it. The man in
the street, I understand, says it. So this, I think, is
encouraging. Once you know you have a problem, you are some way
ahead of the game.
The MCC program, the Threshold Program, is going to focus
on 3 areas of combating corruption--reform of the judicial
system, reform of the criminal justice system, and reform of
law enforcement. If, as I hope, this program is successful and
the Kyrgyz are able to increase some of their indicators,
particularly in the area of ruling justly, and if they are able
to pass the corruption indicator, I believe that this will, in
turn, bring about a much increased level of investment from the
West, hopefully from the United States as well, because as you
said, Senator Coleman, people will have confidence that if they
invest, they will actually get their money back.
Senator Coleman. Mr. Pearce, in regard to Algeria,
questions about what it takes to become part of the WTO. Are
there issues there? Are they corruption? Is it bureaucratic?
Can you talk to me a little bit about the investment climate
there?
Mr. Pearce. Senator, I think that is a hugely important
question. This is a country where more than half of the
population is under the age of 30, and there is a great deal of
underemployment and unemployment. So the ability to have a
better investment climate to help create jobs and achieve
development to my mind is the other side of the coin of
counterterrorism cooperation.
I think we have a lot of very good programs underway, and I
will be looking hard, when I get there, to find more ways that
we can help. Some of them include, for example, assistance in
banking sector reform, judiciary reform, helping train young
lawyers and judges. We have a very good program of English
language instruction to disadvantaged youth. We have a new
science and technology agreement, which I believe could be a
vehicle for a lot of different things.
So I believe that the Algerian Government wants to move
forward on WTO accession. They have had a process in place for
quite a long time. So we will be looking to see if we can help
move that along because the investment climate and improving it
I think is a very important thing.
Senator Coleman. Thank you, Mr. Pearce.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. Looking at Algeria as a whole, there are
tensions, obviously, over oil production, tensions over al-
Qaeda in the Maghreb. There are human rights issues, and then
these other tensions--rights of press, assembly, democracy, and
so forth. We found a modus operandi to have some cooperation,
obviously, on the antiterrorism efforts. Partly it is
existential to Algerians and they have an interest in doing
that.
How would you describe the relationship overall in terms of
some of these other issues? Do we have any leverage? Is this
just a way of getting along because there is neutral interest,
or is there something more connective here that we can build
on?
Mr. Pearce. Senator, I think there is. I will not pretend.
We do not see eye to with Algeria on everything. There are a
lot of things we do not agree on. However, I think the quality
and extent of the engagement has improved a lot in a number of
ways, whether it is more military-to-military exchanges or all
of the programs that I just discussed on the development side.
So I think that it is a growing partnership, but not a
particularly easy one. But I do think that there is a lot of
opportunity there.
And I would just say, to make my pitch to you, when you are
trying to move ahead, as we saw in Jerusalem, hard, hard
issues, it really does help to have high level visits. And
these can often be the driver for access, for making a point.
So I really hope that I will have a chance to see you in
Algeria and other high level officials as well because these
visits are pure gold in terms of having the kind of high
quality discussion that can lead to a qualitative turn for the
better in many, many ways.
Senator Kerry. I appreciate that and I have seen firsthand,
obviously, the difference that some of those interrogatories
and those visits can make, and the effects of some of the
dialogs. I know they can be productive, and I have seen it in a
number of countries. We try to get the Majority Leader and the
President and others to give us a schedule that lets us do
that. If Senator McCain is elected, then I may be over there a
lot. If Obama is elected, he may be over there a lot. We will
see what happens. [Laughter.]
Mr. Pearce. We benefit either way.
Senator Kerry. Ambassador Sison, let me sort of wrap up
with you, if I may. Again, we are barely scratching the
surface, and we all understand that. You do and we do up here.
That is the nature of these hearings, particularly when you
have four nominees, but it is an opportunity to at least lay
down some markers of what we think is important. And I regret
the time constraints, though I am sure you are delighted by
them. [Laughter.]
Ms. Sison, let me ask you. Was the Doha Agreement a victory
for Hezbollah? And is the current structure and the Israeli
agreement recently on the exchange a victory for Hezbollah?
Does that complicate matters for Siniora?
Ambassador Sison. Mr. Chairman, let us look at what the
Lebanese people got out of Doha. The moderates retained control
in the cabinet with the 16/11/3 makeup of the cabinet despite
the so-called blocking third. Lebanon was able to inaugurate a
consensus president, Michel Sleiman. The Lebanese people
received an agreement for the issue of Hezbollah arms to be
raised in the context of a renewed national dialog, but most
importantly, as we discussed yesterday, the fighting stopped.
The actions of Lebanese killing Lebanese during the month of
May--that violence stopped. So the Lebanese people benefitted
from the Doha Agreement.
Now, Hezbollah lost something in May I believe. Hezbollah
turned its weapons against the Lebanese people. That is
remembered in many quarters.
Now, I have to say that Hezbollah's efforts to establish
its own telecom network and its decision to conduct its own
airport surveillance in Beirut, the two issues that triggered
partially the violence in May, remain areas of concern.
You noted the Hezbollah/Government of Israel agreement for
the prisoner exchange, the recent prisoner exchange. I have to
say that the return of Kuntar to Lebanon I found personally
difficult to watch in the media, even though I was sitting
here. He is not a hero. He killed a father, killed a 4-year-
old, was responsible for the death of the 2-year-old sibling.
Having said that, for the Lebanese people the issue of the
Lebanese prisoners in the neighboring state in Lebanon--this is
also an issue in Syria because there are Lebanese detainees in
Syria as well--is an issue that is of great interest, of great
import to the Lebanese people, which is why you saw the welcome
that Kuntar and the others received back in Lebanon.
If confirmed, I will continue to make the point in Beirut
and elsewhere in Lebanon that Kuntar is not a hero. I
understand from the media that he may be looking to run for a
seat in the parliament in 2009.
Senator Kerry. Well, would it be your judgment that
Lebanon's sovereignty can gain a publicly and diplomatically
arrived at agreement as to sovereignty without our resolution
with respect to Iran and Syria's resolution with respect to the
Golan and the Shebaa Farms, or are they integrated, all three?
Ambassador Sison. Mr. Chairman, Senator Coleman, Lebanon is
a relatively small country in a very complex and complicated
region. So these regional issues that you cite obviously have
great impact on Lebanon.
Senator Kerry. And the Hariri tribunal?
Ambassador Sison. The special tribunal--of course, we at
the embassy in Beirut and, of course, the Washington watchers
as well were struck when President Sleiman on May 25 took his
oath of office in the parliament the day he was elected
President. He specifically mentioned his intention to pursue
those investigations through the special tribunal on the
assassination of former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri and the
others who had been assassinated because there is a long list,
sadly, of those whose lives have been taken.
During her June 16 visit to Beirut, Secretary Rice stated
that the time had come to resolve the Shebaa Farms issue in the
context of U.N. Security Council resolution 1701, which also
calls, of course, for disarmament of the militias such as
Hezbollah. So we do believe that a diplomatic resolution to the
Shebaa dispute would have the effect of undermining Hezbollah's
so-called credentials, so-called resistance credentials and
complicate Hezbollah's efforts to maintain an armed state
within a state. Ideally that Shebaa Farms dispute would be
resolved by a bilateral border delineation between Syria and
Lebanon.
Senator Kerry. Well, I will wrap up here by saying to you
that I have served now on this committee for 24 years, and this
is the first administration that spent almost two-thirds of its
administration with an arm's distance policy with respect to
the Middle East, and I think we have paid a very high price for
it.
I was in the West Bank the day that Mahmoud Abbas was
elected President. I was the first person to meet with him the
next morning, and I will never forget his question to me with a
statement saying, I know what you expect of me. I have to
disarm Hamas. Now, you tell me how I am supposed to do it. And
he pointed to the absence of police, of radios, of cars, of
capacity. And for years we have neglected to build capacity,
and Hamas, as well as Hezbollah, practiced politics far more
effectively than we have empowered our allies to do it.
I think it has been a tragedy that we have been selectively
choosing to spend $12 billion a month to develop a democracy
where there was not one and, frankly, not doing more to help a
democracy where there is one, struggling to hold on, in
Lebanon. So I think we really need to think seriously about how
we apply these priorities in what we do.
I am convinced that with the right attention and the right
set of priorities and particularly putting the Mideast peace
process on the table front and center, that we can begin to
change our relationships in the region for the better. And I
think the rest of those things can conceivably come together.
And what is clear to me, in my discussions in Israel--the
efforts by Prime Minister Ohlmert now to find some sort of a
pathway and President Abbas, given the difficulties of Gaza,
are seriously complicated by that absence of united States
presence and engagement over a period of time.
So we all hope we can move forward. It is in everybody's
interests to do so. And I wish each of you well in these
endeavors which are, obviously, made very complicated by the
macro policies that spill downward which affect the choices
that you have as ambassadors. It really is important what you
are able to do on the ground and the messages that you can
convey.
I do need to just ask a pro forma question of each of you,
and it takes a yes or a no. Does anyone among you have any
potential conflict of interest that would prevent you from
doing your jobs? Ms. Sison.
Ambassador Sison. No, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. Mr. Pearce.
Mr. Pearce. No.
Senator Kerry. Mr. Olson.
Mr. Olson. No, but Mr. Chairman, for the record, I should
say, as you kindly noted at the beginning, my wife is the
United States Ambassador to Kuwait, but of course, we have
completely separate chains of command and we share no
responsibility for supervision of employees or resources.
Senator Kerry. Thank you.
Ms. Gfoeller-Volkoff.
Ms. Gfoeller-Volkoff. No, Mr. Chairman, but just like my
colleague, I would like to say for the record my husband is
deputy chief of mission in Riyadh, but we do not share a chain
of command.
Senator Kerry. What is going on here? We have got this
nepotistic Foreign Service now. [Laughter.]
Senator Kerry. A family-friendly Foreign Service. We like
it.
And the final question, does anybody have a conflict of
interest that would require them to recuse themselves from any
particular issue that might appear before you? Ms. Sison.
Ambassador Sison. No, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. Mr. Pearce.
Mr. Pearce. No.
Senator Kerry. Mr. Olson.
Mr. Olson. No, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. And Ms. Gfoeller-Volkoff.
Ms. Gfoeller-Volkoff. No, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. Thank you all very much. We are going to
leave the record open for a 48-hour period until Thursday. We
want to move forward rapidly, and hopefully get all of you
approved at the first business meeting and by the Senate next
week before we go away so you can all be on your way and get
going with the future. So we thank you again for your service
and thank you for being here today.
We stand adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 2:57 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Response of Richard G. Olson, Jr., to Question Submitted
by Senator John F. Kerry
Question. Within OPEC what is the UAE attitude with respect to oil
pricing? Do you understand that the UAE plans to expand production?
Answer. UAE officials have said they are concerned about the impact
of rising prices. The UAE currently does not export large volumes of
oil to the United States; however United States firms are active in
bringing Emirati oil to market. UAE officials have said they want to
increase production capacity from the current level of 2.48 million
barrels per day (b/d) to about to 4 million b/d in the next 2-4 years.
______
Responses of Richard Olson to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. In June 2007, the Senate confirmed J. Adam Ereli to be
the Ambassador to Bahrain. After serving there less than a year,
Ambassador Ereli is now in Baghdad, serving for a year as the Public
Affairs Officer at the United States Embassy. He apparently intends to
return to Bahrain to resume his post next summer. In the meantime,
there is no United States Ambassador in Bahrain.
When the committee acts on your nomination, it expects that you
will serve the usual 3-year tour, unless there are personal or other
compelling circumstances that require you to return to Washington. We
don't expect that ambassadors will abandon their jobs for a year to
take another position.
Recognizing that you serve at the pleasure of the President, will
you commit to stay at your position, and not depart your post for any
extended assignment, whether in Baghdad or elsewhere? If you do take
such an assignment, will you resign your ambassadorial post?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, it is my intention to serve a 3-year
tour at Embassy Abu Dhabi, subject to the pleasure of the President and
at the discretion of the Secretary of State.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career, to date, to promote human rights and democracy? What was
the impact of your actions?
Answer. Support for human rights and democracy has been a strong
element throughout my career.
In 198586, I was the human rights officer at Embassy Kampala, and
reported extensively on mass killings in the Luwero triangle during the
Ugandan civil war. This reporting was instrumental in supporting the
State Department's criticism of the Obote regime for its human rights
record.
In 1992-94, as political-economic section chief at Embassy Addis
Ababa, I worked intensively with the Transitional Government of
Ethiopia, the opposition, and NGOs to promote civil society and a
culture of democracy in the aftermath of the Mengistu regime. While not
entirely successful, these efforts helped to create a space for the
political opposition in Ethiopian politics.
As political director of the Iraq office in 2004-2005, I provided
Washington support for the first Iraqi national elections, a milestone
in Iraq's democratization.
As director of the office of Iraq in 2006, I led the Near East
Bureau's support for the development of an Iraqi Constitution, a
document that significantly advanced the rights of women and preserved
the principle of religious freedom.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in the
United Arab Emirates? What are the most important steps you expect to
take, if confirmed, to promote human rights and democracy in the UAE?
What do you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. The most pressing human rights issues in the United Arab
Emirates involve constraints on civil liberties--including freedom of
assembly and association--as well as limited public participation in
decision-making. A limited group of electors participated in the 2006
elections for the Federal National Council. While the UAE has seen
rapid social changes in the past decade, inequality in treatment of
woman and noncitizens remains a concern.
If confirmed, I will continue U.S. Government efforts to underscore
the importance of human rights and democracy. For example, the recent
decision of the UAE Prime Minister to forbid the imprisonment of
legitimate journalists for what they write is a major step forward. If
confirmed, I plan to encourage further domestic reform efforts such as
the development of independent civil society organizations and the
empowerment of the Federal National Council to take on a more
responsive role in dealing with citizens and residents alike. In so
doing, I hope to foster an environment in which a dialog on these
issues can flourish. Through such collaborative efforts and engagement,
I believe that we can strengthen our bilateral relationship, while
improving the quality of life for all living in the UAE.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in the UAE in
advancing human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. While the UAEG has welcomed constructive feedback and
engagement from the United States on the significant human rights
concern of trafficking in persons, the UAE has been slower in
developing competitive elections and representational government. With
no democratically elected legislative institutions or political
parties, and no general elections, citizens do not have the right or
ability to change their government via democratic means. In addition,
the vast majority of UAE residents are not citizens, and thus remain
largely outside the political process.
Further progress on human rights and democracy must involve sincere
backing by the UAE leadership. To ensure that the current Federal
National Council (FNC), an advisory body, is more responsive to the
needs of citizens, government ministries need to be charged with
listening to and supporting the FNC, increasing its capabilities, and
increasing public awareness of the importance of participation in
decision making.
Question. In your new position, what steps will you take to ensure
that promotion of human rights objectives will be an integral part of
post/bureau activities? If confirmed, what steps will you take to
ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage in human rights
activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded for superior
service?
Answer. In addition to robust annual reporting on important issues
such as trafficking in persons, human rights, and religious freedom, I
will also actively engage the Emirati leadership throughout the year.
If confirmed, I will ensure that human rights reporting and advocacy
have a prominent place in the Mission Strategic Plan and other planning
documents. I will also encourage my locally employed staff, none of
whom currently are Emirati citizens, to share openly with me any issues
of concern.
If confirmed, I will ensure that Foreign Service officers working
on human rights issues, especially advocacy for human rights, receive
appropriate credit for such activities in their annual evaluation
reports and by special awards, as appropriate.
Question. Will you commit to meeting regularly with nongovernmental
organizations in the United States and in the UAE who are working to
promote human rights?
Answer. Yes, I believe that in order to achieve progress on human
rights issues, the U.S. Government must engage both government
officials and nongovernmental organizations. If confirmed, I would seek
to create dialog between the efforts of citizens groups and the Emirati
government. I would also welcome to the embassy, groups from the UAE or
abroad who have specific issues they want the U.S. Government to be
aware of and to facilitate contact with Emirati institutions.
______
Responses of David Pearce to Questions Submitted
by Senator Russell D. Feingold
Question. Over the past year the security situation in Algeria has
deteriorated significantly with the emergence of al-Qaeda in the
Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). If confirmed, how would you work with the
Algerian Government to address this problem? What tools does the
embassy have and what tools would you like to see strengthened?
Answer. The Algerian Government is committed to the struggle
against terrorism, and we want to support them in that fight to the
best of our ability. We maintain a strong and fruitful intelligence
relationship, and the United States has significantly increased our
capacity-building assistance to the Algerian Government on countering
terrorism finance. We would like to see a wider relationship between
United States and Algerian law enforcement, and we opened a legal
attache office to that end in 2007. We would also like to see the
relationship between our militaries continue to expand, as both the
United States and Algerian militaries have hard-won counterinsurgency
experience and could mutually benefit from sharing expertise. The
United States and Algerian militaries are working together to build
Algerian counterterrorism capabilities through training and education
programs such as International Military Education and Training (IMET)
and the Counterterrorism Fellowship Program (CTFP). We also support
commercial and Foreign Military Sales (FMS) of equipment for border and
coastal security initiatives.
While these counterterrorism activities are important, the long-
term struggle against terrorism must address the underlying issues of
economic and political marginalization that feed extremism. It is in
this area that I would most like to see a strengthening of the tools
available to the United States mission in Algeria. Through the Middle
East Partnership Initiative and other associated programs, we have in
place promising programs building the capacity and independence of
Algeria's judicial system, increasing the skills and professionalism of
Algeria's media, fighting corruption, facilitating economic reforms,
and, most promisingly, helping to transform Algeria's education system
into one geared to producing graduates with the skills needed to
succeed in the modern world. The needs in this area are immense, and if
confirmed, I hope to be able to secure resources adequate to the task.
Question. Given the strategic location of Algeria--in North Africa
but closely linked to the Sahel region--please describe the
coordination on counterterrorism and security issues you'll expect to
have with your colleagues across both regions, if you are confirmed,
and what format this coordination will take. If there is no formal
mechanism for such coordination and communication, how will you go
about developing one?
Answer. Algeria is indeed in a strategic location vis-a-vis the
rest of North and West Africa, and if confirmed, I will do my best to
ensure that I maintain close contact with my colleagues across the
region to ensure our coordination against an increasingly regional
terrorist threat. The primary mechanism for such coordination is the
Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCTP), which allocates
counterterrorism resources to the Maghreb and Sahel countries in a
process that includes substantial interaction between United States
missions in the TSCTP partner nations, along with relevant agencies in
Washington and the United States Africa Command. There is constant
interface within TSCTP using twice monthly secure video
teleconferences, an annual TSCTP conference, and visits to the region
and between Washington and Europe. The Trans Sahara Regional Security
Initiative also hosts a semiannual strategic forum with United States
ambassadors and Washington; these remain valuable opportunities to
exchange views and formulate an overall counterterrorism strategy for
the region. If confirmed, I also plan to maintain more informal
contacts with my counterparts in our missions to the countries of the
Maghreb and the Sahel, to ensure that we are on the same page on cross-
cutting issues with counterterrorism implications such as the Tuareg
rebellions in northern Mali and Niger.
Question. A recent New York Times article delineated the challenges
young Algerians face from a weak educational system vulnerable to
religious extremism. What steps is the Algerian Government taking to
address this problem and what kind of support is the U.S. Embassy
providing?
Answer. While the Algerian educational system has been able to
deliver a solid basic education to virtually all Algerian citizens, the
demands of the modern world and especially of a modern economy make
assistance particularly urgent. Under the Middle East Partnership
Initiative and through other funding, we have been able to provide
badly-needed assistance to Algeria's primary and secondary education
systems in competency based curriculum and teaching instruction,
including English-language instruction, and in incorporating technology
into the classroom. A promising area we would like to develop further
is the partnering of United States and Algerian universities to target
increased job-training and instructor-training assistance to Algerian
university student populations at risk of radicalization. If confirmed,
I hope to be able to secure funding to substantially expand this pilot
program.
______
Responses of Michele Sison To Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. In light of recent attacks on United States personnel,
what security improvements have been taken to ensure the safety of
United States personnel and property in Lebanon?
Answer. For many years, based on the critical threat environment in
Beirut, the United States Embassy has operated in a heightened security
posture. We have robust countermeasures and a proactive, integrated
security program in place to protect our personnel and property. The
Emergency Action Committee regularly meets to discuss and adjust our
security posture to reflect current threat assessments. Two recent
incidents reflect the need for this constant vigilance. On January 15,
2008, one of our embassy vehicles was attacked with a roadside bomb,
resulting in injuries to two Foreign Service National employees and the
death of three Lebanese bystanders. On June 18, 2008, an incident
involving aggression directed toward my motorcade occurred in
Nabatiyeh, which slightly injured two embassy bodyguards. Following
these incidents, the security units at the embassy and the Emergency
Action Committee assessed how to best adjust existing security
practices--as we do frequently in the constantly evolving and volatile
local security environment--to better protect our people while in
vehicles.
Based on our assessments, we determined that we could implement
several procedures to augment vehicle security. These vehicle security
policies compliment and reinforce the other existing security measures
already in place at Embassy Beirut. We determined that the number of
Americans allowed in each fully armored vehicle should be lowered from
four to three, we diversified the embassy fleet by acquiring new sedans
that are not as readily identifiable as being U.S. Embassy vehicles,
and we increased manpower for chief of mission movements. We also
contracted for rental vehicles that can serve as advance vehicles for
motorcades, thus reducing the likelihood that our advance cars will be
recognized and tip-off those that might be preparing attacks. In
addition, we increased the number of routes in order to avoid using
frequently used routes and implemented a ``Zone System'' in the Greater
Beirut area in an effort to make our moves less predictable. The zones
where Americans are permitted to travel for unofficial moves change
weekly.
Question. Please provide the committee with a brief status report
on United States efforts to train and equip the Lebanese Army and
Internal Security Forces, and United States reconstruction assistance
for the Nahr el-Bared Palestinian refugee camp (which was destroyed in
fighting against the Fatah al-Islam terrorist group last year).
Answer. Since 2006, the United States has committed over $400
million in assistance to the Lebanese security forces. The assistance
includes equipping the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) with modern body
armor, helmets, over 12 million rounds of ammunition of various
calibers, front line weapons, spare parts for LAF vehicles and armor,
and over 285 all terrain vehicles (HMWWVs). Three hundred more HMWWVs
will arrive over the next year.
U.S. military personnel have provided training in Explosive
Ordnance Disposal (EOD) and, in fiscal year 2007, DOD also conducted
three Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET) courses for LAF Special
Forces units. DOD will conduct an additional six JCET courses in fiscal
year 2008. Also, starting in October 2008, the United States military
will begin its Comprehensive Training Program (CTP) in Lebanon,
designed to train the entire LAF.
Through the U.S. Government partnership with DynCorp International,
our Office of Defense Cooperation (ODC) has implemented a number of
demining programs with the LAF. Since summer 2006, these humanitarian
assistance programs have cleared 4,092,569 square meters to return
productive land for safe use by the Lebanese people. An additional
789,803 square meters have been scheduled for clearance.
Since 2006, the U.S. Government has committed over $60 million in
security assistance to the Internal Security Forces (ISF). This
assistance has equipped the ISF with 3,000 sets of civil disorder
management equipment, 360 vehicles, 14 armored personnel carriers
(APCs), duty gear for 4,000 cadets in various ISF units, and new
academy classrooms, offices, and equipment with which to provide
training.
In addition to equipment, funding has supported ISF training, which
consists of two components--basic cadet training and instructor
training. Basic training is a 10-week program taught by United States
instructors with the assistance of Lebanese police and legal
professionals that instructs recruits in the latest policing and law
enforcement techniques, modern police practices, administration,
democratic policing, human rights, criminal investigations, and other
essential law enforcement skills. Instructor training is a 1-week class
that teaches ISF instructors the essential skills to teach law
enforcement courses, which will prepare them to eventually take over
the training program from the United States.
To date, we have graduated 343 police cadets in two classes, with
an additional 190 cadets currently enrolled at the academy in Beirut.
This third class is set to graduate September 12, with the next class
starting training 1 week later. Between now and the start of the fourth
class, we plan to complete sufficient academy upgrades that will allow
us to double our training program from 200 to 400 cadets per class.
This expansion will help us reach our goal of training to 8,000 cadets
over a 5 year period. In addition, we have graduated two classes of
instructors, or a total of 66 ISF instructors. The next class for 45
instructors is scheduled for October.
Also, through the State Department's Anti-Terrorism Assistance
(ATA) program, U.S. trainers are providing specialized ISF units with
training in advanced driving tactics, SWAT tactics, and crises
management training. This advanced training for the ISF will continue
throughout 2008.
The United States announced in June 2008 a $22 million pledge for
the reconstruction of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp to assist
Palestinian refugees and Lebanese in surrounding communities. This
pledge follows the U.S. Government's $13.5 million contribution in
fiscal year 2007 to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for
Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) to provide emergency
assistance for the Palestinian refugees displaced by the fighting and a
separate $100,000 contribution to nearby Lebanese communities also
affected by the fighting.
The $22 million aid package is divided into three components.
First, $10 million will support UNRWA's reconstruction of the camp,
including housing, infrastructure, and utilities, in addition to
restoring educational and health services. Second, $6 million will
focus on revitalizing Lebanese communities surrounding the camp,
including reconstruction, job creation, improved sanitation services,
school rehabilitation, and business development. Third, $6 million in
security assistance will bolster the ISF's community policing program,
construct an ISF police station and provide equipment such as patrol
vehicles and duty gear.
Question. In June 2007, the Senate confirmed J. Adam Ereli to be
the Ambassador to Bahrain. After serving there less than a year,
Ambassador Ereli is now in Baghdad, serving for a year as the Public
Affairs officer at the United States Embassy. He apparently intends to
return to Bahrain to resume his post next summer. In the meantime,
there is no United States Ambassador in Bahrain.
When the committee acts on your nomination, it expects that you
will serve the usual 3-year tour, unless there are personal or other
compelling circumstances that require you to return to Washington. We
don't expect that ambassadors will abandon their jobs for a year to
take another position.
Recognizing that you serve at the pleasure of the President, will
you commit to stay at your position, and not depart your post for any
extended assignment, whether in Baghdad or elsewhere? If you do take
such an assignment, will you resign your ambassadorial post?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, it is my intention to serve a 3-year
tour at Embassy Beirut, subject to the pleasure of the President and at
the discretion of the Secretary of State.
______
Responses of David Pearce to Questions Submitted
by Senator Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Question. In June 2007, the Senate confirmed J. Adam Ereli to be
the Ambassador to Bahrain. After serving there less than a year,
Ambassador Ereli is now in Baghdad, serving for a year as the public
affairs officer at the United States Embassy. He apparently intends to
return to Bahrain to resume his post next summer. In the meantime,
there is no United States Ambassador in Bahrain.
When the committee acts on your nomination, it expects that you
will serve the usual 3-year tour, unless there are personal or other
compelling circumstances that require you to return to Washington. We
don't expect that ambassadors will abandon their jobs for a year to
take another position.
Recognizing that you serve at the pleasure of the President, will
you commit to stay at your position, and not depart your post for any
extended assignment, whether in Baghdad or elsewhere? If you do take
such an assignment, will you resign your ambassadorial post?
Answer. Yes, if confirmed, I am fully committed to serve a 3-year
tour at Embassy Algiers, subject to the pleasure of the President and
at the discretion of the Secretary of State.
Question. What are the most important actions you have taken in
your career, to date, to promote human rights and democracy? What was
the impact of your actions?
Answer. When Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990, I was head of the
political section in Embassy Kuwait. I was caught out of the country
with my family at the time of the invasion, and spent most of the war
in Taif, Saudi Arabia working with Ambassador Skip Gnehm and the
Kuwaiti Government in exile. We knew that there was a great deal of
anger among Kuwaitis at the pro-Saddam position of Yasser Arafat and
the PLO. Ambassador Gnehm and I repeatedly stressed in our daily
interaction with Kuwaiti leaders in Taif the strong United States
interest in restoring the rule of law and, in particular, protecting
the Palestinian population after liberation. When we returned to Kuwait
to reestablish the embassy, we found that there was indeed much anger
directed against the remaining Palestinians. We reaffirmed our strong
view to the Kuwaiti leadership on the need to protect these civilians
repeatedly. To back this up, we also organized--in addition to patrols
by U.S. Special Forces--multiple, daily trips by U.S. Embassy officers
into neighborhoods and police stations all over the city. I believe
this action, which did not get a great deal of attention at the time,
was instrumental in saving Palestinian lives.
As director of Northern Gulf Affairs 2003-2005, my office ran the
Future of Iraq project, which had more than a dozen working groups. One
important group was the Democratic Principles Working Group, which I
chaired. Some of our Iraqi colleagues dubbed it the ``mother of all
working groups.'' The work of this group brought together about 30
Iraqis from all strands of society and their discussions foreshadowed
many of the important issues that the Iraqi people are still dealing
with today. What I particularly valued about this process was that a
very heterogeneous group of Iraqis came together, identified and
discussed fundamental issues about the future of their country, and put
forward their ideas about how best to grapple with those issues. I
remember telling them that perfect consensus was not necessary in a
democratic process--there was not a Congress or a parliament in the
world that agreed on everything all the time. What was important was
that there be a representative and accepted process, and that they all
recognize each other's rights in that process. I believe the Iraqis we
worked with then demonstrated that, despite their considerable
differences, they had the will to work through those differences and
find their way to a national political accommodation. That process is
now under way in earnest in Iraq and I believe it will ultimately
succeed. Many of the people who took part in that initial Democratic
Principles Working Group are now serving in the Iraqi Government and
parliament and are deeply involved in the political process.
I was consul general in Jerusalem when Yasser Arafat died. There
was some inclination among the Palestinian leadership at the time to
throw the election for President into the parliament--which Fatah
controlled--in order to guarantee the outcome that the Palestinian
authority leadership preferred. Some Palestinians, including in
leadership positions, thought that both Israel and the United States
were also against elections. I countered this strongly, advocating with
the Palestinian leadership against any move for a simple parliamentary
vote and for a general election that would confer proper legitimacy to
any outcome. In the end, this view prevailed, and Abbas was elected
President in a vote that was seen as providing legitimacy not only to
him but to a negotiated solution to the conflict with Israel. Abbas'
principal rival for the presidency, Mustafa Barghouti, and others in
the PA, made a point of thanking me personally for my advocacy on
behalf of free and fair elections.
Question. What are the most pressing human rights issues in
Algeria? What are the most important steps you expect to take, if
confirmed, to promote human rights and democracy in Algeria? What do
you hope to accomplish through these actions?
Answer. If confirmed, I will ensure that human rights issues
continue to be an important part of our dialog with Algeria. Key
outstanding issues include the lack of accounting for many persons who
disappeared during the 1990s; restrictions on freedom of assembly and
association; a criminal sanction on defamation that leads to self-
censorship in the press; and recent limitations on freedom of worship
for religious minorities that mar the Algerian tradition of religious
tolerance. If confirmed, I will work for progress in these areas, both
in our engagements with the government and with other stakeholders in
Algeria. I would hope these engagements, together with other embassy
programs and training, would not only contribute to progress on
specific issues, but also to the public discourse, thereby making clear
the importance that the U.S. Government and people attach to
fundamental freedoms.
Question. If confirmed, what are the potential obstacles to
addressing the specific human rights issues you have identified in your
previous response? What challenges will you face in Algeria in
advancing human rights and democracy in general?
Answer. The primary obstacle that I believe that I will face in
addressing all of the primary human rights concerns that I noted in my
previous response is that the experience of Algeria's 1990s civil war
has made the Government of Algeria considerably more cautious about
attempting to open its political system and loosen its restrictions on
the activities of society, as it attempted to do in the late 1980s.
This sensitivity is understandable, but I believe it is misdirected. If
confirmed, I will work to convince my interlocutors that Algeria can
best fight extremism and the threat it poses to return Algeria to the
violence of its ``black decade'' by laying a foundation for the kind of
open, pluralistic society that can give its citizens a stake in the
health of the state and hope for the future.
Question. In your new position, what steps will you take to ensure
that promotion of human rights objectives will be an integral part of
post/bureau activities? If confirmed, what steps will you take to
ensure that Foreign Service officers who engage in human rights
activities are encouraged and professionally rewarded for superior
service?
Answer. The dialog with Algeria on human rights issues has been and
will continue to be an integral part of our mission. This will be
reflected in mission contacts, reporting, and programming, including by
our continued support for the Middle East Partnership Initiative and
other programs. Officers providing superior service in these areas will
be recognized the same way superior service in other areas is
rewarded--through awards, performance evaluations, and challenging
onward assignments.
Question. Will you commit to meeting regularly with nongovernmental
organizations in the United States and in Algeria who are working to
promote human rights?
Answer. Yes. If confirmed, I anticipate that meetings with
nongovernmental organizations will be a regular feature of the
mission's engagement on human rights issues.
______
Responses of Tatiana Gfoeller-Volkoff to Questions Submitted
by Senator Christopher J. Dodd
Question. Have you read the cable reference: 04 STATE 258893-Peace
Corps-State Department Relations?
Answer. Yes. I have carefully reviewed this cable.
Question. Do you understand and agree to abide by the principles
set forth in this cable?
Answer. Yes. I understand and agree to abide by the principles set
forth in 04 State 258893 regarding Peace Corps-State Department
relations.
Question. Specifically, do you understand and accept that ``the
Peace Corps must remain substantially separate from the day-to-day
conduct and concerns of our foreign policy'' and the ``the Peace
Corps's role and its need for separation from the day-to-day activities
of the mission are not comparable to those of other government
agencies''?
Answer. Yes. I understand the need to keep the Peace Corps
substantially separate from the day-to-day conduct of our foreign
policy and, if confirmed, will strongly support this policy.
Question. Do you pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the
cable, to exercise your chief of mission ``authorities so as to provide
the Peace Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies''?
Answer. I pledge, as Secretary Rice requests in 3.B of the cable,
to exercise my chief of mission authorities so as to provide the Peace
Corps with as much autonomy and flexibility in its day-to-day
operations as possible, so long as this does not conflict with U.S.
objectives and policies.
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 2008
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Kim, Sung, to be Special Envoy for the Six Party Talks
McGann, Steven, to be Republic of the Fiji Islands, the
Republic of Nauru, the Kingdoms of Tonga and Tuvalu,
and the Republic of Kiribati
Rodley, Carol Ann, to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Cambodia
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:10 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Barbara Boxer
presiding.
Present: Senators Boxer and Murkowski.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BARBARA BOXER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CALIFORNIA
Senator Boxer. We will come to order.
Senator Murkowski and I are on a very fast time frame,
which is very good for all of you because it means that we are
very happy that you are moving forward. We do not have a lot of
questions. So I will ask unanimous consent and grant it, that
my statement be put in the record.
I will just say we are meeting to consider three
distinguished nominees for ambassadorial posts.
Ms. Rodley, the President's nominee to be the Ambassador to
the Kingdom of Cambodia, has served her country as a career
member of the Foreign Service for 28 years, most recently
serving as the consultant for Afghanistan and Iraq, training at
the Foreign Service Institute. Prior to that, she served as the
Counselor for Political and Military Affairs at the United
States embassy in Kabul, Afghanistan. Ms. Rodley has experience
in Asia, having served as the Deputy Chief of Mission at the
U.S. embassy in Cambodia. She speaks Khmer, the native language
of Cambodia.
Mr. Steven McGann, a career Foreign Service member since
1992, is the President's nominee to be Ambassador to the Fiji
Islands. If confirmed, he will also serve concurrently as
Ambassador to the Republic of Nauru, the Kingdom of Tonga,
Tuvalu, and the Republic of Kiribati. Mr. McGann previously
served as the Director of Australia, New Zealand, and Pacific
Island Affairs in the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs,
and as a senior advisor to Assistant Secretary of State Chris
Hill.
And we are considering the nomination of Mr. Sung Kim, a
native of my home State of California, currently the
President's Special Envoy for the Six Party talks. In other
words, he is Assistant Secretary of State, Christopher Hill's,
right-hand man on the issue of negotiating an end to North
Korea's nuclear program. What an important assignment. And the
President has nominated Mr. Kim for the same position, but this
time he will carry the rank of Ambassador. Prior to working on
North Korean nuclear disarmament, he served in a variety of
posts throughout Asia.
Thank you all so much for service to country.
And at this time, I will put my statement in the record and
turn it over to Senator Murkowski.
[The prepared statement of Senator Boxer follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Barbara Boxer,
U.S. Senator From California
Today, the full Senate Foreign Relations Committee meets to
consider three distinguished nominees for ambassadorial posts. As chair
of the Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs, I am extremely
pleased to welcome our nominees, Ms. Carol Ann Rodley, Mr. Steven
McGann, and Mr. Sung Kim.
Ms. Rodley, the President's nominee to be the Ambassador to the
Kingdom of Cambodia, has served her country as a career member of the
Foreign Service for 28 years, most recently serving as a consultant for
Afghanistan and Iraq training at the Foreign Service Institute. Prior
to that, she served as the Counselor for Political and Military Affairs
at the U.S. Embassy in Kabul, Afghanistan. Ms. Rodley also has
experience in Asia, having served as the deputy chief of mission at the
United States Embassy in Cambodia between 1997 and 2000. She also
speaks Khmer--the native language of Cambodia.
Mr. Steven McGann, a career Foreign Service member since 1992, is
the President's nominee to be the United States Ambassador to the
Republic of the Fiji Islands. If confirmed, he will also serve
concurrently as Ambassador to the Republic of Nauru, the Kingdom of
Tonga Tuvalu, and the Republic of Kiribati.
Mr. McGann previously served as the Director for Australia, New
Zealand, and Pacific Island Affairs in the Bureau of East Asian and
Pacific Affairs and as a senior advisor to Assistant Secretary of State
Christopher Hill.
And finally, we are considering the nomination of Mr. Sung Kim, a
native of my home State of California. Mr. Kim is currently the
President's Special Envoy for the Six Party Talks. In other words, he
is Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill's right-hand man on
the issue of negotiating an end to North Korea's nuclear program.
The President has nominated Mr. Kim for the same position, but this
time he will carry the rank of Ambassador. Prior to working on North
Korean nuclear disarmament, Mr. Kim served in a variety of posts
throughout Asia.
Thank you all for your service to our country.
I would like to touch on the issues that each of you will face in
your respective regions and countries, because I think they clearly
illustrate the range of challenges that must be addressed in Asia,
including poverty, weapons proliferation, political instability,
corruption, lack of adequate foreign investment, and climate change.
These challenges affect America's interests and our values.
Cambodia, despite notable economic growth over the past decade,
remains one of the poorest countries in Asia, with over 80 percent of
the population engaged in subsistence agriculture. Corruption remains
pervasive, and the government, whose human rights record was recently
rated as ``poor'' by the United States State Department, too often uses
a heavy hand in its dealings with Cambodian citizens.
Even Cambodia's attempt to atone for one of the greatest crimes of
the 20th century, the massacre of more than 1.7 million Cambodian
citizens by Pol Pot's Khmer Rouge regime, has been plagued by
corruption. The Khmer Rouge trials set for this fall are currently at
risk as international donors have threatened to withdraw funding over
allegations of corruption.
Fiji, a relative success story in the Pacific, was rocked by a
military coup in 2006 and has yet to see democracy restored. Kiribati
and Tuvalu are facing threats to their very existence from global
warming. One day in the not too distant future, islands that are home
to tens of thousands may simply be swallowed up by the ocean.
And finally--North Korea.
I was very critical of the Bush administration's initial approach
to North Korea, one that favored tough talk and little action over
meaningful engagement.
I think the administration learned a harsh lesson with respect to
North Korea, one that demonstrated that problems in Asia cannot be
simply ignored or wished away.
Unfortunately, this administration woke up one day to learn that
North Korea's nuclear weapons program had been significantly expanded.
It was only after that realization that the administration initiated
the diplomacy we needed through the Six Party Talks.
While the process has been marred by difficulty in recent weeks, I
am hopeful that through sustained effort, our end goal can be achieved,
the complete and verifiable dismantlement of North Korea's nuclear
program.
But reports about Kim Jong-il's health raise the possibility that
North Korea's future could be uncertain, with the potential for a
jarring and unpredictable transition.
So, as I have said to many ambassadorial nominees heading to Asia
before you, it looks like you all have your work cut out for you.
I look forward to hearing your prepared remarks, which I ask that
you limit to 3 minutes. Longer statements can be submitted for the
record.
But before you give your statements, I would like to turn to the
distinguished ranking member of the committee, Sen. Lisa Murkowski, for
any comments she may have.
STATEMENT OF HON. LISA MURKOWSKI,
U.S. SENATOR FROM ALASKA
Senator Murkowski. Thank you, Madam Chair. I too will keep
my comments brief, but want to extend my welcome to the three
of you and my appreciation for your willingness to serve.
Mr. Kim, certainly the issue of the Six Party Talks is one
that has garnered a tremendous amount of attention lately. Mr.
Kim, we followed your travels to North Korea with great
interest. I thank you for your willingness to be gone from home
for such long periods of time as you work to verify North
Korea's compliance in disabling and hopefully the future
dismantlement of its nuclear program.
Mr. McGann, welcome. Now, while you may have a small
population to pay attention to in your new post, you certainly
make up for it in the distance that you will have to travel in
order to serve. It kind of reminds me of my home State. But
again, thank you for your service.
And Ms. Rodley, Cambodia is certainly making some progress
in its political reforms, but we acknowledge that it still has
a ways to go. I will be interested to hear your assessment of
whether their new-found oil and gas reserves will either help
or hinder that progress.
With that, Madam Chairman, I look forward to the statements
of each of these respected individuals and to our questions
later.
Senator Boxer. Mr. Sung Y. Kim, for the rank of Ambassador,
we would be thrilled to hear from you, sir.
STATEMENT OF SUNG Y. KIM, NOMINEE FOR THE RANK OF AMBASSADOR
DURING HIS TENURE AS SPECIAL ENVOY FOR THE SIX PARTY TALKS
Mr. Kim. Thank you very much. Madam Chairman, Senator
Murkowski, thank you very much for the opportunity to appear
before you today. It is an honor and a privilege to be here
today as President Bush's and Secretary Rice's nominee to be
Special Envoy for the Six Party Talks and, with your consent,
to receive the rank of Ambassador during my tenure. Few Asian-
Americans have had the opportunity to serve the United States
as an ambassador, and I am deeply moved and grateful to be
considered for this opportunity. If confirmed by the Senate, I
look forward to working with this distinguished committee and
other Members of Congress to advance United States interests
with regard to North Korea and the Six Party Talks.
I would like to take a moment to introduce my family
because without their support I would not be here today. My
mother and my brother traveled from California, my home State
of California, to be here today, and my wife, Jae.
Senator Boxer. Would you stand? Hello.
Mr. Kim. And my wife and our daughters, Erin and Erica, are
here today, as well.
Senator Boxer. Stand up. We are so happy to see you all
here.
Mr. Kim. I think Erin and Erica are mostly happy to be
missing school today. [Laughter.]
May I also introduce some of my distinguished colleagues
from the State Department and the NSC, some of the most
dedicated and talented young officers in the United States
Government. They also took time to be here today.
Madam Chairman, I have had a lifelong interest in Asian
affairs. In fact, as a Foreign Service officer, I have spent
much of my time advancing United States interests in Asia.
Although my direct involvement in the Six Party process started
just with my tenure as Director for Korean Affairs, in some
ways during my 19 years of diplomatic service, the challenge
posed by North Korea's nuclear program has figured prominently
and I believe has prepared me well for the important tasks I
had. In fact, in some ways, even my pre-State Department career
as a prosecutor in Los Angeles I believe has been useful to my
work in the Six Party negotiations.
As deputy of our Six Party delegation, I have had the
opportunity to lead several interagency delegations to North
Korea to try to advance implementation of all Six Party
commitments. During this time, I have had the privilege of
working closely with Assistant Secretary Hill who, as you know,
has energetically led the Six Party process, and I thank him
for his support, guidance, and trust. I am also grateful to
Secretary Rice for her leadership and support.
Madam Chairman, during the past 2 years, we have taken
significant steps in the Six Party process. Working together
with our Six Party partners, we have shut down North Korea's
nuclear complex in Yongbyon and, in fact, have moved into
disabling those facilities in Yongbyon. And our nuclear experts
have been on the ground continuously since November of 2007.
North Korea has temporarily halted disablement activities
and, in fact, appears to be reversing some steps, but we remain
committed to the Six Party process and are working closely with
our partners to make sure that the disablement process is put
back on track.
On June 26, North Korea submitted a declaration of its
nuclear programs. The Six Parties have agreed to a set of
principles to guide verification of this declaration, and we
are now focused on developing a strong, robust verification
protocol to move the verification process forward.
Madam Chairman, we remain concerned about North Korea's
possible activities with uranium enrichment and proliferation
activities. North Korea has stated categorically that it is not
now and will not in the future engage in any uranium enrichment
or proliferation activities. North Korea has also agreed to
cooperate with verification with regard to those two issues.
The Six Parties have also established a monitoring
mechanism to ensure full implementation of all Six Party
commitments, and we believe that would be an important vehicle
to check North Korea's fulfillment of its obligations.
Madam Chairman, there is still much work left. We
anticipate many challenges and ups and downs as we seek the
verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. However,
the Six Party process is working and a denuclearized North
Korea remains essential to peace and stability in the region.
With your consent, I hope to continue to serve my country in
the pursuit of this vital national interest.
Thank you very much.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Kim follows:]
Prepared Statement of Sung Y. Kim, Nominee To Have the Rank of
Ambassador During His Tenure of Service as Special Envoy for the Six-
Party Talks
Madame Chairman, Senator Murkowski, and members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. It is an
honor and a privilege to be here as President Bush's and Secretary
Rice's nominee to serve as Special Envoy for the six-party talks and,
with your consent, to receive the rank of ambassador for the duration
of my tenure. Few Asian-Americans have had the opportunity to serve the
United States as an ambassador, and I am deeply moved and grateful to
be considered for this privilege. If confirmed by the Senate, I look
forward to working closely with this distinguished committee and with
other Members of Congress to advance United States policy with regard
to North Korea and the six-party process.
I would like to take a moment to recognize my family because
without their support I would not be here today. I am joined by my
mother and brother who flew in from my home State of California, and my
wife, Jae, and our two daughters, Erin and Erica. I am also pleased
that my friends and colleagues from the Department of State, some of
the most dedicated and talented young officers in the U.S. Government,
are able to join me today.
I have had a life-long interest in Asia, and as a Foreign Service
officer, I have had the opportunity to spend much of my time working to
advance United States interests in Asia. My direct involvement in the
six-party talks began with my tenure as Director for the Office of
Korean Affairs, but in looking back at my 19 years of diplomatic
service, I realize that my experience has prepared me well for this
important assignment. As Political-Military Affairs Chief in Seoul, I
worked closely with our military colleagues to strengthen our alliance
with the Republic of Korea; as a political officer in Tokyo, I covered
Japan's relations with China, as well as North Korea; and as a desk
officer in Washington a decade ago, I focused on a key aspect of our
relations with China. The challenge posed by North Korea's nuclear
program figured prominently in all of these assignments. Even my pre-
State Department experience as a prosecutor in Los Angeles in some ways
has been useful to my work in six-party negotiations.
As Director for Korean Affairs and as deputy of our six-party
delegation for the past year, I have had the honor of leading several
interagency delegations to North Korea to advance the implementation of
various six-party commitments. These efforts included negotiating a
robust package of disablement measures for core North Korean nuclear
facilities and securing critical information on North Korea's nuclear
program. During this time, I have had the privilege of working closely
with Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill, who has
energetically led the six-party negotiations, and I thank him for the
trust, support, and the guidance he has given me. I am also grateful to
Secretary Rice for her leadership and support.
Madame Chairman, during the past 2 years, we have taken significant
steps in the six-party process. Working with our six-party partners, we
have shut down North Korea's Yongbyon nuclear complex. We have also
moved into disabling the core facilities at Yongbyon, and since
November 2007 United States personnel have maintained a presence on the
ground in Yongbyon. North Korea temporarily has halted the disablement
activities and appears to be
Prepared Statement of Sung Y. Kim, Nominee To Have the Rank of
Ambassador During His Tenure of Service as Special Envoy for the Six-
Party Talks
Madame Chairman, Senator Murkowski, and members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. It is an
honor and a privilege to be here as President Bush's and Secretary
Rice's nominee to serve as Special Envoy for the six-party talks and,
with your consent, to receive the rank of ambassador for the duration
of my tenure. Few Asian-Americans have had the opportunity to serve the
United States as an ambassador, and I am deeply moved and grateful to
be considered for this privilege. If confirmed by the Senate, I look
forward to working closely with this distinguished committee and with
other Members of Congress to advance United States policy with regard
to North Korea and the six-party process.
I would like to take a moment to recognize my family because
without their support I would not be here today. I am joined by my
mother and brother who flew in from my home State of California, and my
wife, Jae, and our two daughters, Erin and Erica. I am also pleased
that my friends and colleagues from the Department of State, some of
the most dedicated and talented young officers in the U.S. Government,
are able to join me today.
I have had a life-long interest in Asia, and as a Foreign Service
officer, I have had the opportunity to spend much of my time working to
advance United States interests in Asia. My direct involvement in the
six-party talks began with my tenure as Director for the Office of
Korean Affairs, but in looking back at my 19 years of diplomatic
service, I realize that my experience has prepared me well for this
important assignment. As Political-Military Affairs Chief in Seoul, I
worked closely with our military colleagues to strengthen our alliance
with the Republic of Korea; as a political officer in Tokyo, I covered
Japan's relations with China, as well as North Korea; and as a desk
officer in Washington a decade ago, I focused on a key aspect of our
relations with China. The challenge posed by North Korea's nuclear
program figured prominently in all of these assignments. Even my pre-
State Department experience as a prosecutor in Los Angeles in some ways
has been useful to my work in six-party negotiations.
As Director for Korean Affairs and as deputy of our six-party
delegation for the past year, I have had the honor of leading several
interagency delegations to North Korea to advance the implementation of
various six-party commitments. These efforts included negotiating a
robust package of disablement measures for core North Korean nuclear
facilities and securing critical information on North Korea's nuclear
program. During this time, I have had the privilege of working closely
with Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill, who has
energetically led the six-party negotiations, and I thank him for the
trust, support, and the guidance he has given me. I am also grateful to
Secretary Rice for her leadership and support.
Madame Chairman, during the past 2 years, we have taken significant
steps in the six-party process. Working with our six-party partners, we
have shut down North Korea's Yongbyon nuclear complex. We have also
moved into disabling the core facilities at Yongbyon, and since
November 2007 United States personnel have maintained a presence on the
ground in Yongbyon. North Korea temporarily has halted the disablement
activities and appears to be taking steps to reverse some measures, but
we remain committed to the six-party process and are working closely
with our six-party partners to ensure the disablement process is put
back on track.
On June 26, North Korea provided a declaration of its nuclear
programs. The six parties have agreed to guiding principles for
verification of this declaration, and we are now working with our
partners and the North Koreans to develop a strong verification
protocol to move the verification process forward.
We still have concerns with North Korea regarding uranium
enrichment and proliferation activities. North Korea has stated that it
is not now and will not in the future engage in any uranium enrichment
or proliferation activities. North Korea also has committed to
cooperate with verification activities related to these two issues. The
six parties have established a monitoring mechanism intended to ensure
implementation of all six-party commitments, including
nonproliferation. We believe this will be an important vehicle to
pursue any questions regarding North Korea's follow through on its
promises.
Madame Chairman, there is much work left to be done. We anticipate
many challenges and ups and downs as we pursue the verifiable
denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. However, the six-party talks
process is working, and a denuclearized North Korea remains essential
to peace and security for all the members of the six-party talks. With
your consent, I hope to continue to serve my country in pursuit of this
vital national interest. Thank you, and I am happy to respond to any
questions you have.
Prepared Statement of Sung Y. Kim, Nominee To Have the Rank of
Ambassador During His Tenure of Service as Special Envoy for the Six-
Party Talks
Madame Chairman, Senator Murkowski, and members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. It is an
honor and a privilege to be here as President Bush's and Secretary
Rice's nominee to serve as Special Envoy for the six-party talks and,
with your consent, to receive the rank of ambassador for the duration
of my tenure. Few Asian-Americans have had the opportunity to serve the
United States as an ambassador, and I am deeply moved and grateful to
be considered for this privilege. If confirmed by the Senate, I look
forward to working closely with this distinguished committee and with
other Members of Congress to advance United States policy with regard
to North Korea and the six-party process.
I would like to take a moment to recognize my family because
without their support I would not be here today. I am joined by my
mother and brother who flew in from my home State of California, and my
wife, Jae, and our two daughters, Erin and Erica. I am also pleased
that my friends and colleagues from the Department of State, some of
the most dedicated and talented young officers in the U.S. Government,
are able to join me today.
I have had a life-long interest in Asia, and as a Foreign Service
officer, I have had the opportunity to spend much of my time working to
advance United States interests in Asia. My direct involvement in the
six-party talks began with my tenure as Director for the Office of
Korean Affairs, but in looking back at my 19 years of diplomatic
service, I realize that my experience has prepared me well for this
important assignment. As Political-Military Affairs Chief in Seoul, I
worked closely with our military colleagues to strengthen our alliance
with the Republic of Korea; as a political officer in Tokyo, I covered
Japan's relations with China, as well as North Korea; and as a desk
officer in Washington a decade ago, I focused on a key aspect of our
relations with China. The challenge posed by North Korea's nuclear
program figured prominently in all of these assignments. Even my pre-
State Department experience as a prosecutor in Los Angeles in some ways
has been useful to my work in six-party negotiations.
As Director for Korean Affairs and as deputy of our six-party
delegation for the past year, I have had the honor of leading several
interagency delegations to North Korea to advance the implementation of
various six-party commitments. These efforts included negotiating a
robust package of disablement measures for core North Korean nuclear
facilities and securing critical information on North Korea's nuclear
program. During this time, I have had the privilege of working closely
with Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill, who has
energetically led the six-party negotiations, and I thank him for the
trust, support, and the guidance he has given me. I am also grateful to
Secretary Rice for her leadership and support.
Madame Chairman, during the past 2 years, we have taken significant
steps in the six-party process. Working with our six-party partners, we
have shut down North Korea's Yongbyon nuclear complex. We have also
moved into disabling the core facilities at Yongbyon, and since
November 2007 United States personnel have maintained a presence on the
ground in Yongbyon. North Korea temporarily has halted the disablement
activities and appears to be taking steps to reverse some measures, but
we remain committed to the six-party process and are working closely
with our six-party partners to ensure the disablement process is put
back on track.
On June 26, North Korea provided a declaration of its nuclear
programs. The six parties have agreed to guiding principles for
verification of this declaration, and we are now working with our
partners and the North Koreans to develop a strong verification
protocol to move the verification process forward.
We still have concerns with North Korea regarding uranium
enrichment and proliferation activities. North Korea has stated that it
is not now and will not in the future engage in any uranium enrichment
or proliferation activities. North Korea also has committed to
cooperate with verification activities related to these two issues. The
six parties have established a monitoring mechanism intended to ensure
implementation of all six-party commitments, including
nonproliferation. We believe this will be an important vehicle to
pursue any questions regarding North Korea's follow through on its
promises.
Madame Chairman, there is much work left to be done. We anticipate
many challenges and ups and downs as we pursue the verifiable
denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. However, the six-party talks
process is working, and a denuclearized North Korea remains essential
to peace and security for all the members of the six-party talks. With
your consent, I hope to continue to serve my country in pursuit of this
vital national interest. Thank you, and I am happy to respond to any
questions you have.
Prepared Statement of Sung Y. Kim, Nominee To Have the Rank of
Ambassador During His Tenure of Service as Special Envoy for the Six-
Party Talks
Madame Chairman, Senator Murkowski, and members of the committee,
thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. It is an
honor and a privilege to be here as President Bush's and Secretary
Rice's nominee to serve as Special Envoy for the six-party talks and,
with your consent, to receive the rank of ambassador for the duration
of my tenure. Few Asian-Americans have had the opportunity to serve the
United States as an ambassador, and I am deeply moved and grateful to
be considered for this privilege. If confirmed by the Senate, I look
forward to working closely with this distinguished committee and with
other Members of Congress to advance United States policy with regard
to North Korea and the six-party process.
I would like to take a moment to recognize my family because
without their support I would not be here today. I am joined by my
mother and brother who flew in from my home State of California, and my
wife, Jae, and our two daughters, Erin and Erica. I am also pleased
that my friends and colleagues from the Department of State, some of
the most dedicated and talented young officers in the U.S. Government,
are able to join me today.
I have had a life-long interest in Asia, and as a Foreign Service
officer, I have had the opportunity to spend much of my time working to
advance United States interests in Asia. My direct involvement in the
six-party talks began with my tenure as Director for the Office of
Korean Affairs, but in looking back at my 19 years of diplomatic
service, I realize that my experience has prepared me well for this
important assignment. As Political-Military Affairs Chief in Seoul, I
worked closely with our military colleagues to strengthen our alliance
with the Republic of Korea; as a political officer in Tokyo, I covered
Japan's relations with China, as well as North Korea; and as a desk
officer in Washington a decade ago, I focused on a key aspect of our
relations with China. The challenge posed by North Korea's nuclear
program figured prominently in all of these assignments. Even my pre-
State Department experience as a prosecutor in Los Angeles in some ways
has been useful to my work in six-party negotiations.
As Director for Korean Affairs and as deputy of our six-party
delegation for the past year, I have had the honor of leading several
interagency delegations to North Korea to advance the implementation of
various six-party commitments. These efforts included negotiating a
robust package of disablement measures for core North Korean nuclear
facilities and securing critical information on North Korea's nuclear
program. During this time, I have had the privilege of working closely
with Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill, who has
energetically led the six-party negotiations, and I thank him for the
trust, support, and the guidance he has given me. I am also grateful to
Secretary Rice for her leadership and support.
Madame Chairman, during the past 2 years, we have taken significant
steps in the six-party process. Working with our six-party partners, we
have shut down North Korea's Yongbyon nuclear complex. We have also
moved into disabling the core facilities at Yongbyon, and since
November 2007 United States personnel have maintained a presence on the
ground in Yongbyon. North Korea temporarily has halted the disablement
activities and appears to be taking steps to reverse some measures, but
we remain committed to the six-party process and are working closely
with our six-party partners to ensure the disablement process is put
back on track.
On June 26, North Korea provided a declaration of its nuclear
programs. The six parties have agreed to guiding principles for
verification of this declaration, and we are now working with our
partners and the North Koreans to develop a strong verification
protocol to move the verification process forward.
We still have concerns with North Korea regarding uranium
enrichment and proliferation activities. North Korea has stated that it
is not now and will not in the future engage in any uranium enrichment
or proliferation activities. North Korea also has committed to
cooperate with verification activities related to these two issues. The
six parties have established a monitoring mechanism intended to ensure
implementation of all six-party commitments, including
nonproliferation. We believe this will be an important vehicle to
pursue any questions regarding North Korea's follow through on its
promises.
Madame Chairman, there is much work left to be done. We anticipate
many challenges and ups and downs as we pursue the verifiable
denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. However, the six-party talks
process is working, and a denuclearized North Korea remains essential
to peace and security for all the members of the six-party talks. With
your consent, I hope to continue to serve my country in pursuit of this
vital national interest. Thank you, and I am happy to respond to any
questions you have.taking steps to reverse some measures, but we remain
committed to the six-party process and are working closely with our
six-party partners to ensure the disablement process is put back on
track.
On June 26, North Korea provided a declaration of its nuclear
programs. The six parties have agreed to guiding principles for
verification of this declaration, and we are now working with our
partners and the North Koreans to develop a strong verification
protocol to move the verification process forward.
We still have concerns with North Korea regarding uranium
enrichment and proliferation activities. North Korea has stated that it
is not now and will not in the future engage in any uranium enrichment
or proliferation activities. North Korea also has committed to
cooperate with verification activities related to these two issues. The
six parties have established a monitoring mechanism intended to ensure
implementation of all six-party commitments, including
nonproliferation. We believe this will be an important vehicle to
pursue any questions regarding North Korea's follow through on its
promises.
Madame Chairman, there is much work left to be done. We anticipate
many challenges and ups and downs as we pursue the verifiable
denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. However, the six-party talks
process is working, and a denuclearized North Korea remains essential
to peace and security for all the members of the six-party talks. With
your consent, I hope to continue to serve my country in pursuit of this
vital national interest. Thank you, and I am happy to respond to any
questions you have.
Senator Murkowski [presiding]. Thank you, Mr. Kim.
Senator Boxer has had to excuse herself for just a moment.
She does anticipate being back, but we will proceed. Mr.
McGann, if you would like to give your statement.
STATEMENT OF C. STEVEN McGANN, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE
REPUBLIC OF THE FIJI ISLANDS, AND TO SERVE CONCURRENTLY AND
WITHOUT ADDITIONAL COMPENSATION AS AMBASSADOR TO THE REPUBLIC
OF NAURU, THE KINGDOM OF TONGA, TUVALU, AND THE REPUBLIC OF
KIRIBATI
Mr. McGann. Madam Chairman, Senator Murkowski, members of
the committee, I am deeply honored that President Bush has
nominated me to be United States Ambassador to the Republic of
the Fiji Islands, the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of
Nauru, and the Kingdoms of Tonga and Tuvalu. I want to thank
President Bush and Secretary Rice for their trust in nominating
me for this position.
Madam Chairman, I want to thank you and the members of this
committee for your efforts to address a burgeoning array of
challenges confronting these countries and for giving me this
opportunity to appear before you today. If confirmed, I will
work closely with the Members of Congress to maintain strong
bipartisan support for United States goals and priorities in
the Pacific.
Madam Chairman, Senator Murkowski, I would like to
acknowledge the support of my wife, Bertra McGann, the
dedication of my mother, Evangeline Hutson, who hopefully is
watching in Los Angeles today, and the enthusiasm of my
children, Leyland, Steven, Bethany, Bradford, and Benjamin, my
family, friends, and colleagues, particularly Barbara Benson,
my secretary, that led to my being before the committee today.
If confirmed, I plan to build upon my work over the past 2
years leading the Office of Australian, New Zealand, and
Pacific Island Affairs to build United States relationships in
the Pacific. During my tenure, I will focus on four important
areas: promoting democracy, increasing economic growth,
strengthening environmental stewardship, and enhancing maritime
security.
The Pacific's balmy weather, welcoming people, and natural
wonders attract over 150,000 Americans to Embassy Suva's
consular district each year. My responsibility is to provide
services to these Americans will remain a high priority of our
embassy.
Addressing environmental issues will be an essential part
of my portfolio. Environmental degradation poses an especially
critical challenge for these countries. Many are low-lying
atolls that are increasingly vulnerable to the effects of
climate change. Over-fishing threatens marine sources and hits
hard in the Pacific because these island states depend on fish
stocks not only for sustenance but as a major source of
government revenue. We will continue our work with Pacific
countries to help save coral reefs and protect the marine
environment from invasive species. If confirmed, I will work
with Pacific nations to help make them green economies based on
environmentally sustainable policies and adopting renewable
energies, including solar, wind, and wave, to advance our
common interests.
I would like to take a few moments to address a number of
pressing bilateral issues the United States faces in the
Pacific, beginning with Fiji.
In December 2006, the Fiji military, led by Commodore
Voreqe Bainimarama, overthrew the country's lawfully elected
government. This was Fiji's fourth coup in 19 years. In
accordance with the Foreign Operations Assistance Act, the
United States suspended military and some foreign assistance
programs in Fiji because of the coup, and those restrictions
will not be relaxed until Fiji returns to democracy. We have
also imposed visa sanctions and taken other measures directed
against coup leaders and their supporters. We have taken these
steps in close coordination with our allies and partners in the
region to underline the urgency to restore democracy and to
bolster the efforts of the Pacific Islands Forum. If confirmed,
I will work with all elements of Fijian society and regional
partners to quickly restore the rule of law, strengthen civil
society, and rebuild democratic institutions in Fiji.
Nauru's once bountiful phosphate mines are almost
exhausted. Per capita income in that country has plummeted from
among the world's highest to near subsistence levels. Tuvalu
has expressed concern that any rise in seal level may
completely engulf Tuvalu's nine atolls, precipitating the
relocation of its entire population. Kiribati generally manages
its affairs responsibly but has severely limited prospects for
economic development. This year's legislative elections showed
that Tongans have a strong desire for democratic reform, and
Tongan King George Tupou V has agreed that democratic reforms
are needed in the country. If confirmed as ambassador, I would
work closely with our longstanding friends to address these
economic, political, and social issues.
Finally, I will do my best to promote excellent relations
between the United States and each of these five countries and
the territories within my consular district. Working together,
we can achieve our common goals for a more peaceful and
prosperous Pacific region.
Again, I applaud the committee's efforts to address
challenges confronting the Pacific region, and at this time I
would be pleased to respond to any questions you may have.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. McGann follows:]
Prepared Statement of C. Stephen McGann, Nominee to be Ambassador-
Designate to the Republic of the Fiji Islands, the Republic of
Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru, the Kingdom of Tonga, and Tuvalu
Madam Chairman, Senator Murkowski, members of the committee, I am
deeply honored that President Bush has nominated me to be United States
Ambassador to the Republic of the Fiji Islands, the Republic of
Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru, the Kingdom of Tonga, and Tuvalu. I
want to thank President Bush and Secretary Rice for their trust in
nominating me for this position. Madam Chairman, I want to thank you
and the members of this committee for your efforts to address a
burgeoning array of challenges confronting these countries and for
giving me this opportunity to appear before you today. If confirmed, I
will work closely with Members of Congress to maintain strong
bipartisan support for U.S. goals and priorities in the Pacific.
Madame Chairman, I would like to acknowledge the support of my
wife, Bertra McGann, the dedication of my mother, Evangeline Hutson,
and the enthusiasm of my children, Leyland, Steven, Bethany, Bradford,
and Benjamin, my family, friends, and colleagues that led to my being
before the committee today.
Prior to being nominated, I served as in the State Department's
Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs as the Director of the Office
of Australia, New Zealand, and Pacific Island Affairs, as well as the
Maritime Security Coordinator. I also served as the Director for Asia
and Near East in the Bureau for Population, Refugees, and Migration, as
well as in other positions during my 29 year career in the U.S. Foreign
Service.
If confirmed, I plan to build upon my work over the past 2 years
leading the Office of Australia, New Zealand, and Pacific Island
Affairs to build United States relationships in the Pacific. During my
tenure, I focused on four important areas--promoting democracy,
increasing economic growth, strengthening environmental stewardship,
and enhancing maritime security. As ambassador, I will be building upon
the United States historically friendly relations with Fiji, Kiribati,
Nauru, Tonga, and Tuvalu. Those relations began with 19th century
mariners and missionaries and grew stronger during the Second World
War. Some of the bloodiest fighting in the Pacific theater took place
on Tarawa atoll in Kiribati, and United States forces set up bases at
several locations in Fiji, Tonga, and Tuvalu.
If confirmed as the United States Ambassador, resident in Suva,
Fiji, I would be responsible for our bilateral relationships with five
independent nations. Suva also is the headquarters of the Pacific
Islands Forum, the preeminent multilateral organization in the region
and home to offices of the Secretariat of the Pacific Community, which
manages technical and development assistance programs in the region.
Fiji's place in the Pacific, as host to numerous diplomatic missions
and international organizations, including the United Nations, and as a
transportation center, makes it a key focal point for our larger
regional engagement.
Embassy Suva is a busy hub of American activity in the Pacific. If
confirmed, I will lead an embassy team of professional, highly
dedicated public servants. They manage relations with five sovereign
countries and collaborate with multilateral organizations. The embassy
serves as a center for regional public diplomacy activities,
environmental programs and policies, and defense-related relationships.
The embassy also has consular and commercial responsibilities for
French Polynesia, New Caledonia, and Wallis and Futuna, making it the
largest geographic consular district in the world. The Pacific's balmy
weather, welcoming people, and natural wonders attract over 150,000
American visitors to Embassy Suva's consular district annually. Provide
services to these Americans would remain a high priority of our embassy
during my tenure.
If confirmed as ambassador, fostering regional stability and
eliciting support for the war on terror would remain priorities of the
embassy. Tonga and Tuvalu became early members of the coalition to
liberate Iraq. Tongan troops currently provide security for coalition
forces at Camp Victory. Fiji's troops are doing the same for the United
Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq in Baghdad.
Pacific Island nations face many of the same ``global issues''
threats and challenges that the United States and other countries
face--but in the case of the Pacific Islands the repercussions can be
more acute.
Protecting the environment, fighting HIV/AIDS, stemming the flow of
illicit drugs, and combating human trafficking are growing concerns in
the region. Environmental degradation poses an especially critical
challenge for these countries. Many are low-lying atolls that are
increasingly vulnerable to the effects of rising sea levels.
Overfishing threatens marine resources and hits hard in the Pacific,
because these island states depend on fish stocks not only for the
sustenance, but as a major source of government revenue. We are also
working with Pacific countries to help save coral reefs and protect the
marine environment from invasive species. If confirmed, I will work
with Pacific nations to help make them green economies based on
environmentally sustainable policies and adopting renewable energies,
including solar, wind, and wave, to advance our common interests.
A key partner in this effort is the Secretariat of the Pacific
Community (SPC). I have had the pleasure of working with several SPC
leaders, and if confirmed, I would look forward to our continued
collaboration in such areas as maritime security; the fight against
diabetes and other public-health concerns; women's issues; biosecurity;
natural resource conservation; and economic development. In addition,
if confirmed, I will implement initiatives to spread to the Pacific
community the economic and employment opportunities related to the
multibillion dollar relocation of United States forces from Okinawa to
Guam.
As in other parts of the world, Peace Corps volunteers in the
Pacific make a tremendous difference in so many lives. Simply put, they
are among America's most effective ambassadors. The Peace Corps plays
an essential role in enhancing our people-to-people relations in the
region. I have worked closely with Peace Corps staff and volunteers
during the past 2 years and in my previous posts. If confirmed, I will
build on these close relationships to ensure the health and safety of
volunteers, and consult with key stakeholders on the possibility of
expanding the Peace Corps' presence in the region.
I would like to take a few moments to address a number of pressing
bilateral issues the United States faces in the region, beginning with
Fiji. This list is by no means exhaustive. In December 2006 the Fiji
military, led by Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama, overthrew the country's
lawfully elected government. This was the Fiji's fourth coup in 19
years. The coup has created a prolonged political and economic crisis
in Fiji. In accordance with the Foreign Operations Assistance Act, the
United States suspended military and some foreign assistance programs
in Fiji because of the coup, and those restrictions will not be relaxed
until Fiji returns to democracy. We have also imposed visa sanctions
and taken other measures directed against coup leaders and their
supporters. We have taken these steps in close coordination with our
allies and partners in the region to underline the urgency to restore
democracy and to bolster the efforts of the Pacific Islands Forum.
Recently, Fiji's interim government withdrew its pledge to Pacific
leaders to hold free and fair elections no later than March 2009. If
confirmed, I will work with all elements of Fijian society and regional
partners to quickly restore the rule of law, strengthen civil society,
and rebuild democratic institutions in Fiji.
Nauru's once bountiful phosphate mines are almost exhausted. Per
capita income in that country has plummeted from among the world's
highest to near subsistence levels. Tuvalu, one of the world's smallest
nations, has 9 atolls only a few feet above sea level. The Government
of Tuvalu has expressed concern that any rise in sea level associated
with climate change may completely engulf Tuvalu and necessitate the
relocation of its entire population. Kiribati generally manages its
affairs responsibly but has severely limited prospects for economic
development. This year's legislative elections showed that Tongans have
a strong desire for democratic reform, and Tongan King George Tupou V
has agreed that democratic reforms are needed in the country. If
confirmed as ambassador, I would work closely with our long-standing
friends of the United States to address these economic, political, and
social issues.
Many nations have significant interests in the South Pacific.
Australia and New Zealand have strong cultural, political, historical,
and security ties with the region, and the United States works most
closely with these two countries in coordinating policies and programs
throughout the area of Embassy Suva's responsibility. If confirmed, I
will work with my counterparts in Australia and New Zealand to achieve
our common objectives.
China is rapidly expanding ties throughout the Pacific in its
pursuit of seeking resources and commercial opportunities. China's
competition with Taiwan for diplomatic recognition and influence plays
out directly in Embassy Suva's area of responsibility: Kiribati, Nauru,
and Tuvalu recognize Taiwan, while Fiji and Tonga recognize China. If
confirmed, I will engage with both China and Taiwan to press for
responsibility, accountability, and transparency in development
programs to ensure that their assistance supports good governance and
the rule of law.
Fiji, Kiribati, Nauru, Tonga, and Tuvalu occupy a strategically
important place in the Pacific. As our partners in addressing critical
global and regional issues, it is in the United States interest to
remain fully engaged with these countries. If confirmed, I will do my
best to promote excellent relations between the United States and each
of these five countries and the territories within my consular
district. Working together we can achieve our common goals for a more
peaceful and prosperous Pacific region.
Again, I applaud the committee's efforts to address challenges
confronting the Pacific region. At this time I would be pleased to
respond to any questions you may have.
Senator Murkowski. Thank you, Mr. McGann.
And finally, we will turn to Carol Rodley for your
statement. Thank you.
STATEMENT OF CAROL ANN RODLEY, NOMINEE TO BE AMBASSADOR TO THE
KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA
Ms. Rodley. Madam Chairman, Senator Murkowski, members of
the committee, I am honored to appear before you today as
President Bush's nominee to be the Ambassador of the United
States to the Kingdom of Cambodia, and am grateful to the
President and to Secretary of State Rice for their trust and
confidence in sending my name forward for your consideration.
If confirmed, I look forward to working closely with you and
other interested Members of Congress to advance United States
interests in Cambodia.
I would like to introduce my husband, David Newhall, and my
son, Niles Lashway, who are in the audience. Two other children
of mine are tied up with the demands of law school and organic
chemistry and are unable to join us today, but are rooting for
me from afar. The career I have had in public service has been
a great privilege, but it has demanded sacrifices of my family
and I would like to acknowledge their great partnership and
unfailing support and thank them for that.
Senator Murkowski. We thank them.
Ms. Rodley. The United States reestablished relations with
Cambodia in 1993, following one of the largest U.N.
peacekeeping operations ever mounted. Although the effects of
Khmer Rouge rule still linger and Cambodia's road to democracy
has been a difficult one, today the country is at peace. Its
economy is growing rapidly, and Cambodians express more
confidence in their future than they have in the past.
Throughout this transition, the United States has been a proud
beacon of support for democracy and human rights in Cambodia. A
vibrant Cambodian NGO community today flourishes with our moral
and financial support and has taken the lead in advancing the
causes of political freedom, democratic governance, justice,
and respect for human rights. This year, the Khmer Rouge
Tribunal is scheduled to hold its first trial for crimes
against humanity, a significant milestone on the path to
justice and reconciliation. Cambodia, once the beneficiary of
U.N. peacekeeping, today has troops deployed in southern Sudan
and its demining experts have served honorably in Afghanistan.
While much work remains to be done to strengthen the rule
of law, democratic institutions, and respect for human rights,
Cambodia and Cambodians have come a very long way from the dark
days of Pol Pot's evil reign. If confirmed, I look forward to
advancing United States interests in Cambodia by promoting
freedom and greater openness, pressing for justice, standing up
for and speaking out for human rights and the rule of law
whenever possible, safeguarding United States citizens, 150,000
of whom live in or travel to Cambodia every year, advocating
for United States business interests, and working hard to
achieve the fullest possible accounting for United States
personnel still missing from the Vietnam War.
Thank you, Madam Chairman, Senator Murkowski. I am happy to
answer any questions you might have.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Rodley follows:]
Prepared Statement of Carol Ann Rodley, Nominee
to be Ambassador to the Kingdom of Cambodia
Madam Chairman, Senator Murkowski, members of the committee, I am
honored to appear before you today as President Bush's nominee to be
the Ambassador of the United States to Cambodia. I am grateful to
President Bush and Secretary of State Rice for their confidence and
trust in sending my name to the Senate for your consideration. If
confirmed, I look forward to working with the committee and other
interested Members of Congress to advance United States interests in
Cambodia.
I would like to introduce my husband, David Newhall, and two of my
children, Alice and Steven, who are in the audience. Another son,
Niles, is away at school in West Virginia. The career I have had in
public service has been an enormous privilege, but it has demanded
sacrifices from my family and I want them to know how much I appreciate
their partnership and unfailing support.
In my 28 years in the Foreign Service, I have served in a number of
countries, including Cambodia and Afghanistan, which have suffered from
political strife, ethnic conflict, post-conflict challenges, and
insurgencies. It has been an honor and a privilege to serve and
represent my country and I have always sought challenging assignments,
both abroad and at home, where I believed I could make a difference. I
am recently back from a year in Afghanistan, where I worked on
coordination of civilian and military counterinsurgency efforts and
reform of Afghan security forces. That experience reinforced for me the
importance of an integrated approach to the complex problems that face
us and our foreign partners.
The United States reestablished relations with Cambodia in 1993,
following one of the largest U.N. peacekeeping operations ever.
Although the effects of Khmer Rouge rule still linger and Cambodia's
road to democracy has been a difficult one, the country is at peace and
its economy is growing. National Assembly elections in July took place
peacefully and with a significant voter turnout, and Cambodians
themselves are more confident of their future than they have been in
the past. Throughout this time, the United States has been a beacon of
support for democratic development and protection of human rights in
Cambodia. A vibrant Cambodian NGO community flourishes with our
financial and moral support and has taken the lead in advancing the
causes of political freedom, democratic governance, justice, and
respect for human dignity. This year, the Khmer Rouge Tribunal,
established to bring the senior leaders of the Khmer Rouge to justice,
and which I worked to establish during my previous service in Cambodia,
is scheduled to hold its first trial--a significant milestone on the
path to reconciliation and justice. Cambodia, once the beneficiary of a
U.N. peacekeeping operation, today has deminers deployed in southern
Sudan, and other Cambodian demining experts have shared their expertise
on mine action coordination and victim assistance in Afghanistan.
While much work still needs to be done to strengthen rule of law,
democratic institutions and respect for human rights, Cambodia and
Cambodians have come a long way from the dark days of Pol Pot's evil
reign. If confirmed, I would continue to emphasize that support for
democracy, human rights, and the rule of law remain cornerstones of
United States policy in Cambodia.
The United States and Cambodia share many common interests and our
bilateral relationship is also growing closer. Cambodia has cooperated
with us for years in helping achieve the fullest possible accounting of
Americans missing from the Vietnam War. More recently, law enforcement
and counterterrorism cooperation between our two nations has increased,
as has our military-to-military engagement. Cambodia has also made
significant progress in combating trafficking in persons and deserves
praise for its support of religious freedom. Cambodia continues to
improve its business and foreign investment climate, and its economy is
growing. However it remains one of the poorest countries in Asia and is
wracked with corruption that both inhibits development and threatens
much of the progress that has been made. As I alluded to earlier,
Cambodia's democratic institutions are still fragile and need our
support.
If confirmed, I look forward to advancing our interests in
Cambodia, promoting freedom, pressing for justice, standing up for
human rights and the rule of law, safeguarding the 150,000 Americans
who live in or travel to that country each year, and advocating for
American business interests.
I would like to mention the progress Cambodia has made in the area
of child welfare, which I know is of interest to many members of this
committee. Intercountry adoption from Cambodia has been suspended since
2001, when widespread corruption and trafficking in children was
discovered. Since then, Cambodia has ratified the Hague Convention on
Intercountry Adoption and is working to establish the capability to
meet its Convention obligations. If confirmed, I will work closely with
Cambodian counterparts to develop a system that respects both Cambodian
and United States law and provides safeguards for vulnerable children,
birth parents, and adoptive parents.
I believe my 28 years in the Foreign Service, including my recent
service in Afghanistan as Counselor for Political/Military Affairs, my
years as Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence
and Research, and my previous service as Deputy Chief of Mission in
Cambodia have prepared me well for this assignment. I would certainly
draw on this experience to ensure that our embassy uses its resources
wisely, that we intensify our engagement on important issues that
affect U.S. national security, and that the safety and security of
American citizens remains a top priority.
Thank you, Madam Chairman, Senator Murkowski, and members of the
committee. I will be happy to answer any questions you may have.
Senator Boxer [presiding]. Thanks. I have asked Senator
Murkowski to run the hearing, and I am going to ask my
questions first. I just have three things happening all at the
same moment in my life, which is what happens in the Senate.
I wanted to talk to you, Mr. Kim, about where we are today.
I do not want to assume anything and I do not want to ask you
some question that you really cannot answer, given the
instability there. Do you feel that the Six Party Talks process
will move forward regardless of who is at the helm in North
Korea?
Mr. Kim. Thank you very much, Madam Chairman.
We, of course, have no information to confirm the press
reports.
Senator Boxer.. Yes.
Mr. Kim. But we are continuing to monitor the situation
very closely. We are also in close contact with all of our Six
Party partners about the situation in Pyongyang.
It is difficult to speculate, but in terms of the Six Party
process, we of course remain fully committed to the Six Party
process, and we hope that whatever the leadership situation is
in North Korea, that the North Koreans also realize that it is
in their interest to continue to work with us toward the goal
of the denuclearized Korean Peninsula and the Six Party
process.
Senator Boxer. It is so key.
I have some other questions, but I am going to ask you to
answer them in the next few days. There is nothing tricky for
the others.
Mr. Kim. Thank you.
Senator Boxer. So we will leave open the record.
I am just very pleased at these nominations. I just want to
make sure that Senator Murkowski knew that. She has graciously
agreed to chair the rest of the hearing and ask the questions.
And I wish you every good wish, and I am so happy that some of
the families are here to give you the support that you deserve.
And we thank you for everything you have given to your country
and will continue to give into the future.
Senator, thank you so much for taking the chair for me.
Senator Murkowski [presiding]. Thank you, Senator Boxer.
Mr. Kim, let me just continue in the same line that Senator
Boxer has mentioned. We are not quite certain the status of Kim
Jong Il. We can do a lot of speculation here in terms of how
the talks will proceed, but moving from that, we recognize that
some of the other countries in the Six Party Talks are also
looking at some changes. How will the resignation of Japan's
Prime Minister impact the Six Party Talks, or will it?
Mr. Kim. The Japanese Government has been a very good
partner in the Six Party process, and we fully expect that
their participation in the process will continue through the
transition.
They, of course, as you know, Senator have had serious
concerns about the abductions issue, and we have pressed the
North Koreans repeatedly to address Japan's concerns. And in
fact, we were cautiously encouraged when the North Koreans and
the Japanese reached an agreement on a set of modalities for
resumption of investigations into that issue. I understand that
investigation has been put on hold pending the transition in
Tokyo, and I would urge the North Koreans to proceed with the
resumption of investigations as soon as possible.
Senator Murkowski. We recognize from Japan's perspective
and from our perspective as a friend and ally of Japan that
that aspect is something that we know needs to be addressed.
What do you make about North Korea's statement that it
would consider steps to restore the operations at Yongbyon?
Mr. Kim. North Korea is known to issue unhelpful
statements, and I am afraid that is one example. Any move to
restore Yongbyon, I think, would be a serious mistake. We have
noticed that they have begun to take some steps that would
indicate restoration of Yongbyon, but these are relatively----
Senator Murkowski. Such as what?
Mr. Kim. Such as they removed some disabled equipment that
had been placed in storage. They took them out and brought them
into operational areas. But at the moment, we have not detected
any serious step to restore the operation of the Yongbyon
facilities. In fact, we have been talking to all of our Six
Party partners about the current situation, and I think all of
our partners share our deep concern that any move to reverse
disablement at Yongbyon would be a serious mistake.
Senator Murkowski. So you think at this point in time that
it is just talk by North Korea and that they do not intend--or
you have indicated that there may be some signals out there
that they could be serious about restoring the operations.
Mr. Kim. Yes, Senator. It is always difficult to figure the
North Koreans out. It remains one of the most opaque societies
and government.
What we have, of course, noticed is the statements, as you
have cited, and some movement in Yongbyon that might indicate
that they would move toward restoring Yongbyon, but these steps
have been limited. And what we would like them to do is focus
on getting a verification protocol done so that the
verification of their declaration can move forward. I think
that is the most urgent task. Any move to reverse disablement I
think detracts from the work of the Six Party process, and I
think it is something that they should not consider.
Senator Murkowski. Are you seeing good cooperation then by
our partners in the Six Party Talks on the issue of
verification?
Mr. Kim. Yes, Senator, we have. We have continued to work
very closely with the Chinese and all of our other Six Party
partners in developing a strong and robust verification
protocol that would help guide the verification activities on
the ground in North Korea.
Senator Murkowski. Good. Well, I thank you for your
responses. Again, for all the efforts and your good work with
regard to the Six Party Talks and all that you are doing, we
appreciate it greatly.
Mr. McGann, you had mentioned the economic issues and
associated matters and made reference to the coup in Fiji. With
the coup and the subsequent pledge by China for continued
foreign assistance and then the riot in Tonga in relation to
China's economic infrastructure there, are there any other hot
spots that we should be looking at in the Pacific islands as
the China and Taiwan economic diplomacy plays out? Anything
else you might be aware of that you could share?
Mr. McGann. Senator Murkowski, I believe that we have to
work closely with China to make sure that China's approach
toward development and assistance in the Pacific does not
undermine our own efforts to promote good governance and rule
of law. In the past few years, we have been engaged with China
to try and move them away from what we call these white
elephant projects, you know, building stadiums, building
residences, and move in a direction that we are trying to move
and that is focusing on capacity building, training, and
technical assistance to the Pacific islands. We think we are
hearing a responsive chord in China in that they are willing to
listen to us. In that regard, while we are mindful that China
has not altered its assistance to Fiji, again we are constantly
talking with them about making sure that their efforts do not
stray from our principal goal in Fiji which is the quick
restoration of democracy and the legitimate government based on
the existing constitution.
I would also like to add that we have often spoken with
Taiwan officials about their responsibility as a donor in the
Pacific region and that Taiwan should not focus on diplomatic
recognition but, in fact, continue to focus on building friends
in the Pacific. I might add that Taiwan has collaborated with
the United States in the Pacific on very good issues such as
polio eradication. Taiwan has also donated portable solar-
powered generators to some Pacific islands. We think this is
the right direction for Taiwan to take and that if we can
continue to keep the focus on the real assistance needs of the
Pacific region and move it away from this unnecessary
competition over diplomatic recognition between Beijing and
Taipei, then we can eliminate the concern about their provoking
or contributing inadvertently to creating hot spots in the
Pacific.
Senator Murkowski. Now, in the past or traditionally,
Australia and New Zealand have been the very close partners
certainly to Fiji. Is that still the case, or have China and
India overtaken them in terms of those partnerships?
Mr. McGann. No, they have not. Australia and New Zealand
are members of the Pacific Island Forum. Both Australia and New
Zealand give substantial assistance to the Pacific region, not
just Fiji alone. And we work very closely with both Canberra
and Wellington to make sure that our policies in the region are
complementary.
Although the United States is not a member of the Pacific
Island Forum's group, which Australia and New Zealand and other
Pacific island countries participate in, we are a Pacific
nation, and we have increased our engagement over the past few
years simply because we understand that there is an urgency in
the Pacific, an urgency for us to address issues such as how to
deal with noncommunicable diseases such as diabetes, how to
address the food and energy concerns of the Pacific, which is
why we are focusing on trying to direct the Pacific countries
toward renewable energies. We believe that by continuing our
engagement, the United States can work in a complementary
fashion as a Pacific nation with all of our partners in the
region to move toward our common goals which, as I said, are
good governance, sustainable development, maritime security,
and reaffirming the rule of law.
Senator Murkowski. Very good. Well, thank you. We
appreciate your statements here.
Ms. Rodley, I had mentioned in my very brief remarks about
Cambodia's recently discovered oil and gas reserves. Can you
tell me how far along they are in their development and whether
or not you believe that the opportunity for increased revenues
impact the government and whether or not they have already
spent the money before it has come to them? Just give me a
status on what is going on there, please.
Ms. Rodley. Thank you, Senator Murkowski, and I especially
appreciate the heads-up at the beginning that that question was
coming.
There are two points that I would like to make about the
oil and gas reserves.
The first one is that the most promising offshore tracts
are in the area where the territorial claims of Cambodia and
Thailand overlap, and Cambodia and Thailand have made very
little progress to date in resolving those overlapping claims
so that they can be exploited for the benefits of both
countries. That is something that needs to be paid attention to
and to be really stepped up.
The second concern that I have is that Cambodia has a lot
of work to do still to reduce corruption, official corruption
and all kinds of corruption, so that when those resources come
on line eventually, it will benefit all of the people of
Cambodia, that all of the people will benefit from those
resources rather than just a few elites.
Senator Murkowski. How about an update on adoptions? Are we
any closer to seeing adoptions from Cambodia resumed?
Ms. Rodley. The Cambodian Government has become a signatory
to the Hague Convention which is a major step in that
direction. Right now they are in the process of drafting
domestic legislation to implement the Hague Convention. Once
that legislation is passed, the next step and perhaps the
hardest will be to establish the domestic institutions that
will discharge their Hague responsibilities. And if I am
confirmed as ambassador, the U.S. embassy will stand ready to
assist them with that task.
Senator Murkowski. We appreciate that.
And then one final question just about the latest election.
What should we take away from that?
Ms. Rodley. The election was the freest election that
Cambodia has ever had. We believe the results of the election
express the will of the Cambodian people. The U.S. embassy sent
monitors freely throughout the country observing the polling
and followed carefully the proceedings of the national election
committee in resolving complaints and allegations of fraud
after the election. While there were some isolated incidents of
fraud and there may have been pockets of more systematic fraud,
we believe that the election reflects the will of the Cambodian
people.
Senator Murkowski. Well, I thank you for that.
That concludes the questions that I had of the three of
you. I appreciate your statements, and I echo Senator Boxer's
comments in recognizing the caliber and the quality of
individuals that we have before us. Your names submitted by the
President for these respective positions--truly I think you
will do great service to our country as you clearly have in the
past. And we wish you well as you move through the process.
I too want to thank and recognize your families, whether
they are here with you in person and missing school or whether
they are viewing this on TV. We truly do appreciate the support
that the families allow our public servants as they represent
our country in various capacities, and it is so very fitting
that we give them a little special thank you here this
afternoon. So with that, I thank you so very much and best
wishes to you all.
With that, we stand adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 2:45 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
NOMINATIONS
----------
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 2008
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Hook, Brian, to be Assistant Secretary of State for
International Organization Affairs
Lebedev, Gregori, to be Representative of the United States to
the United Nations for U.N. Management and Reform, and
to be Alternate Representative of the United States to
the Sessions of the General Assembly of the United
Nations
Reynolds, Matthew, to be Assistant Secretary of State for
Legislative Affairs
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:00 a.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Bill Nelson
presiding.
Present: Senators Nelson and Corker.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BILL NELSON,
U.S. SENATOR FROM FLORIDA
Senator Nelson. Good morning, everybody. If the officer at
the door would close the door for a moment, we are going to
observe a moment of silence in recognition of those who lost
their lives when we were attacked on September 11.
[A moment of silence was observed.]
Senator Nelson. Thank you.
We are going to, as the committee, consider the nomination
of three individuals for key leadership positions at the
Department. We are also joined by several distinguished
colleagues who will introduce our nominees, Senator Grassley,
Senator Robb, Congressman Dreier. I want to welcome you all.
Mr. Brian Hook has been nominated to be Assistant Secretary
of State for International Organization Affairs.Mr. Gregori
Lebedev has been nominated to be representative of the United
States to the United Nations for U.N. Management and Reform,
and that is with the rank of Ambassador, and to be Alternate
Representative of the United States to the Sessions of the
General Assembly of the U.N. And I will be seeing you up there
because I am going to be representing the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee.
Mr. Matthew Reynolds has been nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State for Legislative Affairs.
And so what I would like to do now--you all have been told
ahead of time that I am not going to have you read your
statements. Your written statement is going to be entered in
the record and we will just get right into questions.
[The prepared statements of Mr. Hook, Mr. Lebedev, and Mr.
Reynolds follow:]
Prepared Statement of Brian H. Hook, Nominee to be Assistant Secretary
of State for International Organization Affairs
Thank you Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the committee
for the opportunity to appear before you today as the President's
nominee to be Assistant Secretary of State for International
Organization Affairs. I am grateful to President Bush for nominating me
to this position, Secretary Rice for her support, and I thank Chairman
Nelson and Senator Vitter for convening this hearing during a very busy
time.
If confirmed, I look forward to continuing the good work of my
predecessor in advancing U.S. interests before the United Nations, its
affiliated bodies, and other international organizations to which the
United States is a party. United States leadership in multilateral
organizations has never been more important. Many of the challenges we
face today are international in scope and require action on a
multilateral level. These challenges include international terrorism,
nuclear proliferation, the protection of human rights, promotion of
democracy and good governance, poverty eradication, disease prevention
and treatment, and food security. Working constructively within the
United Nations, through the U.N. Security Council, the U.N. General
Assembly, and the many U.N. agencies, we are better able to address
constructively many of these challenges. Of course, any such success
requires not only the shared commitment of our international partners,
but also rigorous oversight of the agencies in question to ensure
effective, efficient, transparent, and accountable outcomes.
If confirmed, I will apply what I learned while serving at the U.S.
mission to the United Nations for 2 years. During that time, I was the
ambassador's lead negotiator on Security Council resolutions imposing
sanctions on Iran, Sudan, al-Qaeda, and the Taliban. I also helped to
negotiate the resolution authorizing deployment of the U.N./AU
peacekeeping mission in Darfur.
I believe it is necessary to further strengthen U.S. leadership in
the United Nations and to facilitate the necessary reforms to the
organization.
Of course we face many challenges throughout the world, but we
should also recognize progress in a number of key areas, including:
In March we adopted Security Council Resolution 1803, which
imposed legally binding Chapter VII sanctions on Iran for its
failure to comply with its prior U.N. Security Council
obligations. This is the third time that the council acted to
impose Chapter VII sanctions on Iran since the IAEA reported
Iran's noncompliance to the council in February 2006, and
Secretary Rice has expressed her commitment to a fourth
resolution should Iran continue to act in defiance of council's
directives.
Last fall the U.N. General Assembly adopted a resolution on
the elimination of rape and other forms of sexual violence in
conflict situations, as well as a resolution on women, peace,
and security during our Council Presidency in June. Both these
resolutions call attention to states that condone the use of
rape by their own forces or surrogate militias as a weapon of
war.
The last General Assembly also adopted United States
cosponsored resolutions condemning the human rights records of
Iran, Belarus, the DPRK, and Burma, communicating to these
regimes and to their victims that the international community
will not countenance such blatant disregard for the fundamental
rights and freedoms of their people.
The World Food Program delivered 3.3 million metric tons of
food aid to more than 86.1 million people in 80 countries last
year. The United States provided approximately $1 billion, or
roughly 40 percent of the resources needed to accomplish this.
The World Food Program continues to reach those in need quickly
and effectively, despite physical and political obstacles. A
recent example of this was its response to Cyclone Nargis in
Burma.
U.N. peacekeeping operations continue to successfully
facilitate the difficult transitions to stability and
democratic governance underway in Haiti, Liberia, the Congo,
and Timor-Leste.
While we can point to such notable achievements, we must be frank
in acknowledging failures and the continuing challenges the U.N. faces.
Russia's recent military actions in Georgia and recognition of the
Georgian regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent states
are inconsistent with previous Security Council resolutions reaffirming
Georgia's sovereignty and territorial integrity. We are closely engaged
with our colleagues to promote a constructive role for the council in
addressing this crisis, but that will ultimately depend on Russia's
willingness to play a constructive role in any council decisions.
At times, the U.N. has neglected to act with the moral clarity that
defined its establishment. The U.N. Human Rights Council, for example,
was established in 2006 as a replacement for the discredited former
Commission on Human Rights. The council was intended to promote
universal respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental
freedoms. Unfortunately, it has consistently failed to address grave
and ongoing human rights violations in countries such as Zimbabwe and
Iran, and has protected notorious human rights abusers from scrutiny.
In its first year the council eliminated the special rapporteurs on the
situations of human rights in Cuba and Belarus. Furthermore, it has
taken only weak and ineffective action on Sudan, while a political
agenda has led to the passage of 20 unbalanced resolutions and other
actions against a single country--Israel. Regrettably, in its first 2
years the Human Rights Council has proved to be even worse that its
predecessor, and we are now focused on ways to correct the council's
deficiencies, including its membership structure, when its mandate and
functions are renewed by the UNGA no later than 2011.
We are also disappointed that the U.N. plans to hold a second World
Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia, and
Related Intolerance in Geneva in April 2009. The United States withdrew
from the first antiracism conference in Durban, South Africa, in 2001
due to the pervasive anti-Semitism that characterized the conference
itself, as well as the inclusion of anti-Israeli language in the Draft
Declaration and the Program of Action. We have no confidence that the
second conference will avoid the anti-Semitic undertones that plagued
the conference in Durban. Accordingly, and in compliance with section
695 of the 2008 Foreign Operations Act, we will withhold from our
regular U.N. budget assessment an amount equivalent to the U.S. share
of funding for the Human Rights Council and the Durban review
conference.
The work of the U.N. has also been hampered in some cases by
systemic weaknesses in the organization. Many U.N. programs are
outdated, irrelevant, or ineffective. As we have pressed the U.N. for
greater oversight, accountability, and transparency, serious problems
have come to light that need greater attention by U.N. management,
including cases of sexual misconduct by U.N. peacekeepers and
management failures in the United Nations Development Program.
Such failures underscore the need for continued efforts to reform
the U.N. to ensure the organization is prepared to confront directly
and effectively the great problems of our time. There is widespread
recognition that the U.N. is not living up to its full potential.
If confirmed, my central focus will be to advance reform and
facilitate substantive progress in the following areas:
management and administration
We will continue to work for a United Nations that meets the
highest standards of integrity. The United States has launched the U.N.
Transparency and Accountability Initiative (UNTAI) to encourage action
to improve oversight, transparency, and accountability at the U.N.
specialized agencies, funds, and programs. We will continue to
reinforce this initiative. Within the U.N. Secretariat, we are working
to strengthen the independence of the Office of Internal Oversight
Services (OIOS) and will continue to demand responsible and effective
stewardship of limited U.N. resources.
human rights
Due to the regrettable record of the U.N. Human Rights Council and
in light of the United States longstanding commitment to the promotion
and protection of human rights, the United States has decided that it
can no longer participate as an active observer in the council. We will
further intensify our efforts in the U.N. General Assembly's Third
Committee, which has jurisdiction over human rights and related issues,
and will continue to pursue constructive interaction with the Office of
the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights and with the U.N. Special
Rapporteurs on country-specific and thematic human rights questions.
peacekeeping
We will work to achieve full troop deployment of the joint United
Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) and continue to call
on all U.N. member states to provide full support for the peacekeepers.
Simultaneously, we will support the U.N. Mission in Sudan (UNMIS)
peacekeeping operation in its efforts to facilitate the Comprehensive
Peace Agreement between North and South Sudan, as a means to promote
long-term reconciliation and an end to Sudan's suffering. We will
continue to rally international diplomatic support for U.N. operations
that are rebuilding peace and stability in transitioning countries such
as Liberia, Haiti, and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
nonproliferation
The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction remains the
preeminent threat to U.S. national security. We will work within the
U.N. Security Council, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA),
and other international organizations to strengthen the barriers
against access to WMD, associated technology, and their means of
delivery.
democracy fund
We believe the U.N. should take a more active role in promoting
democracy around the world through such mechanisms as the U.N.
Democracy Fund. The Fund is the U.N.'s only entity devoted solely to
democracy promotion primarily by supporting civil society. While other
U.N. organizations such as UNDP typically regard host governments as
their primary development partners, the Democracy Fund supports civil
society directly--making it possible for the U.N. to fund democracy
promotion regardless of whether it is a priority for the host
government. In only 2 years of programming, the fund has already made
important contributions in countries around the world, particularly for
those most in need. We anticipate that the fund will take action on its
second round of grants during the month of September. This will include
funding for projects in China, Zimbabwe, and Venezuela, among others.
development
We will work with the U.N. to help developing countries eradicate
poverty and hunger. This goal, along with the other Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs), can only be achieved and sustained through a
strategy of economic growth. The United States is proud to be the
world's largest contributor of development assistance, but our focus
and that of the U.N. must be more on the quality and effectiveness of
our efforts than on the quantity of our contributions. Development
requires national responsibility, good governance, openness to trade
and investment, and a free and robust private sector.
terrorism
The U.N. provides a unique venue for member states to take
collective action against terrorism, particularly those that may be
reluctant to cooperate openly with the United States bilaterally. We
will work with our allies to ensure that U.N. counterterrorism bodies
and programs are streamlined and that they engage with each other and
with other international bodies to ensure maximum efficiency and
systemic coherence. We will also continue to work toward ensuring that
the Global Counterterrorism Strategy and Plan of Action, adopted by the
U.N. General Assembly in September 2006 to enhance national, regional,
and international efforts to counter terrorism, is implemented
effectively.
Mr. Chairman, it is a great honor to be here today, and I hope that
I have the privilege of working with you and your colleagues in the
future. I would be happy to respond to the committee's questions.
______
Prepared Statement of Gregori Lebedev, Nominee to be Representative of
the United States to the United Nations for U.N. Management and Reform,
with the Rank of Ambassador, and to be Alternate Representative of the
United States to the Sessions of the General Assembly of the United
Nations, During His Tenure of Service
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator Vitter, and distinguished members
of the committee for the opportunity to appear before you today as the
President's nominee to be the U.S. Representative to the United Nations
for Management and Reform. I am grateful to President Bush and to
Secretary Rice for their confidence and support.
For nearly 30 years, I have worked in the foreign affairs
community--as State Department Assistant Inspector General for Foreign
Assistance, as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Security and
Consular Affairs, as Executive Vice President for International Policy
at the United States Chamber of Commerce, as a senior partner in a
global consulting firm whose clients included multilateral
organizations, and currently as chairman of the Center for
International Private Enterprise, one of the four institutes of the
National Endowment for Democracy.
During that same period, I also acquired considerable experience in
management and finance, having served as a CEO, a COO, and a CFO of
industry associations; provided consulting advice to public and private
as well as foreign and domestic organizations about management,
financial structures, and human resources; evaluated economic and
military assistance programs as a State Department Assistant Inspector
General; and have spoken frequently about public corruption and its
corrosive effects upon private enterprise. I believe these experiences
have provided me with uniquely relevant insights which will permit me
to effectively address the challenges of the position for which I have
been nominated.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed, I will focus on our shared interest in
improving the management and governance structures of the United
Nations, and thereby heighten the efficiency and effectiveness of this
important institution. The time I will spend at the U.S. mission will
measurably contribute to the continuity of attention on governance and
management reform--the linchpin to any broader institutional
initiatives that may be pursued. To be sure, without the requisite
measure of accountability, transparency, and fiscal discipline the U.N.
will forever be unable to meet the high expectations that we, and other
member states have for this critically important multilateral
organization.
Filling the currently vacant position of U.S. Representative to the
United Nations for Management and Reform is key to meeting America's
commitment to U.N. reform and fiscal stewardship. Placing a seasoned
policy and management professional in this role sends a very clear
signal to the international community that the United States, as the
U.N.'s largest contributor, has not turned away from its fiduciary duty
to advance the changes that are needed. To be sure, to leave this post
vacant--and thus dim the spotlight on reform--would weaken the ability
of the administration to continue to achieve much-needed improvements
in the U.N. system.
In his 2007 speech to the General Assembly, the President spoke to
the critical mission of the United Nations and its role in the
liberation of people from four universal enemies: tyranny and violence;
hunger and disease; the chains of illiteracy and ignorance; and poverty
and despair. Progress can be made toward the realization of these long-
term objectives, but only if the U.N. and its affiliated bodies are
effective, transparent, and accountable. Our belief in the importance
and value of the United Nations is enduring, but our commitment is not
unconditional. Reports of scandal, mismanagement, and dishonesty shake
the confidence of donors and cast doubt on the organization's ability
to deliver results to those in need. Consequently, if confirmed, I
intend to devote much of my attention and energy to the following
areas:
Transparency and Accountability Initiative--In 2007, the United
States launched a U.N. Transparency and Accountability Initiative
(UNTAI) to apply common governance standards throughout the U.N.
system, including independent internal oversight, disclosure of
internal audits, ethics protocols, whistle-blower protections, and
financial disclosures by staff. This initiative came about in the wake
of abuses by the North Korean Government while a beneficiary of U.N.
humanitarian and development activities. UNTAI draws upon
existing practices within the U.N. Secretariat, and seeks to have them
implemented in the U.N. Funds and Programs--in particular UNDP and
UNICEF in New York, as well as all the other programs and specialized
agencies throughout the U.N. system. If confirmed, I will work to
continue our progress on this important program of work.
UNDP Accountability--There have been serious concerns about U.N.
Development Program (UNDP) operations and the lack of internal controls
in several countries, most recently in North Korea where U.N. auditors
discovered that UNDP had violated U.N. rules. We have similar concerns
about UNDP as an implementing agent for the Global Fund to Combat HIV,
Malaria, and Tuberculosis in Burma.
The Department of State has been working with senior UNDP officials
in an effort to help that organization meet the standards of the U.N.
Transparency and Accountability Initiative, and to begin to more
aggressively disclose audit and programmatic information, promote
ethical behavior, and protect whistle-blowers. If confirmed, I will be
forceful but fair in working with UNDP to improve the quality of the
oversight of its programs.
Budget Issues--If confirmed, I will also be a strong advocate for
fiscal responsibility within the U.N. The General Assembly approved an
initial budget for 2008-2009 of $4.2 billion; however, this did not
include approximately $1.1 billion in budgetary add-ons identified last
fall but about which U.N. members decided to defer action rather than
face tough decisions. The United States rightly objected to the
adoption of this budget because this piecemeal approach clearly
undercuts any rational process for fiscal planning. If confirmed, I
will be actively involved in negotiations this fall to limit any
increases to only those that are most vital to U.S. goals and
interests.
While there have been a number of positive achievements in the U.N.
reform arena, we are not yet satisfied with the progress that has been
made throughout the U.N. system. Certainly, more work remains to be
done. Although, I would not suggest that the tasks that remain could be
completed over the next few months, I believe we must continue to
advance our initiatives without interruption in order to bridge the gap
between this and the next administration. I look forward to this
opportunity and challenge.
In summary, the diversity of my experience is uniquely relevant to
the challenges presented by the U.S. agenda for U.N. management and
reform, and if confirmed, I look forward to working with you, the
members of this committee and all those who are committed to making the
U.N. a more effective and efficient organization.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I will be pleased to answer any
questions you may have at this time.
______
Prepared Statement of Matthew A. Reynolds
to be Assistant Secretary of State for Legislative Affairs
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for allowing
me to appear before you today in regard to my nomination as Assistant
Secretary of State for Legislative Affairs. I would like to thank
President Bush and Secretary of State Rice for the confidence placed in
me. I am honored by this opportunity to serve.
I would also like to thank my former chairman, mentor, and friend,
Representative David Dreier, for introducing me before the committee
today. While the U.S. Senate is solely responsible for confirmations--
and I hope to achieve the Senate's approval through this hearing--the
Bureau of Legislative Affairs serves both chambers of Congress and I
value Mr. Dreier's endorsement as a representative from the House.
I have spent most of my professional career directly serving U.S.
Senators and Representatives. Over my 18 years working in Congress, I
gained a wide range of experience managing both Members' personal
offices and standing committees of Congress. One of my most rewarding
assignments was serving as a professional staff member of this
committee. Indeed, Mr. Chairman, it is good to be back, though it is a
bit more intimidating now sitting at the witness table than it was
enjoying the relative anonymity of the staff bench behind you.
For the past 5 years, I have been at the State Department in the
Bureau of Legislative Affairs gaining knowledge and appreciation of the
responsibilities and capabilities of the agency. With this firsthand
understanding of both Congress and the Department, if confirmed, it
will be my highest priority to further strengthen the already solid
relationships between the State Department and the Congress and with
this committee, in particular.
Mr. Chairman, as you know, the State Department's Bureau of
Legislative Affairs has three major responsibilities:
First, is to be responsive to your concerns and to requests for
information from you and your staff, as well as to assist your
constituents on consular and other matters. This is a customer
service bureau and this Congress is its customer.
Second, is to consult with you--as well as with other committees that
have oversight responsibilities for foreign affairs--to ensure
that your views are considered in the State Department's policy
formulation process.
Third and finally, is the responsibility to articulate, to explain, and
to defend the positions, policies, and financial requests of
the Department of State.
As this is the end of an administration, I also recognize that the
position of Assistant Secretary has another important responsibility
that arises only periodically, and this is one of those times. Namely,
the task of facilitating a smooth and seamless transition with the new,
incoming administration. If confirmed, I plan to carry out this mission
to the highest level of success and professionalism possible to ensure
the continuity of quality service.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, thank you for this
opportunity to be here today. I would be pleased to respond to any
questions that you may have.
Senator Nelson. But as a courtesy I want to get to Senator
Grassley, Senator Robb, and Congressman Dreier. We will let the
three of you go first and then you can excuse yourselves, if
you would so desire, and then we can get on with the hearing.
Okay. Senator Grassley?
STATEMENT OF HON. CHARLES GRASSLEY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM IOWA
Senator Grassley. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Senator Nelson.
I am very pleased to have an opportunity to introduce a friend
and also a fellow Iowan to this Senate Foreign Relations
Committee. Of course, I congratulate all the witnesses on their
nominations, and I thank you, Chairman Nelson, this late in the
session, for taking time to hold this hearing.
I have known Brian Hook for many years, and I strongly
support his nomination to be Assistant Secretary of State for
International Organizations. I had the opportunity to first
meet Brian way back in 1991 when, obviously--he is still young,
but very young then when he was an advisor to former Iowa
Congressman Jim Leach.
When he returned to Washington in 2000, after attending law
school at the University of Iowa, I became better acquainted
with him as he became a weekly jogging partner of mine. We
would always have breakfast afterwards, and my wife Barbara and
I have come to know Brian and his wife Amy very well.
Brian comes from an Iowa family with a tradition of public
service that goes back generations. His great, great
grandfather was a Member of Congress who represented the 3rd
District of Iowa during Teddy Roosevelt's presidency. One of
Brian's grandfathers was mayor of DeWitt in Clinton County. His
other grandfather was a civic leader in the Quad Cities, and
Brian's father was President of the Bettendorf School board. So
it is no surprise that Brian continues this tradition of public
service.
During his career, Brian has served as an advisor to a
Member of Congress, an advisor to a Governor of Iowa, an
advisor to an assistant attorney general, advisor to the U.S.
Ambassador to the United Nations, the Secretary of State, and
the President.
Brian has extensive foreign policy experience, negotiated
difficult Security Council resolutions on a range of issues at
the top of our foreign policy agenda relating to Iran, al-
Qaeda, the Taliban, North Korea, Darfur, Zimbabwe, and Georgia.
He has also worked to advance U.N. reforms, human rights, and
humanitarian relief.
The President has placed great trust in Brian by nominating
him to this position, and I know that his trust is well placed.
Brian brings great energy to his work. He has a strong work
ethic and he believes in getting results. I know that Brian
believes in building up a stronger, more effective U.N. to help
advance our foreign policy goals and the ideals of the U.N.
Charter.
So, Mr. Chairman, thank you for this opportunity to
introduce Brian to the committee. I support his nomination,
obviously, and ask that it move as quickly as possible and will
look forward then to endorsing his confirmation to the full
Senate. Thank you.
Senator Nelson. Thank you, Senator Grassley.
Senator Robb, welcome back.
STATEMENT OF HON. CHARLES ``CHUCK'' ROBB, FORMER MEMBER, UNITED
STATES SENATE
Senator Robb. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am delighted to be
able to join you and your members in absentia this morning to
introduce Mr. Greg Lebedev to be the U.S. Representative to the
United Nations for U.N. Management and Reform.
I had a little trouble finding out what exactly the job
description was for this particular post. As I understand it,
if confirmed, Ambassador Lebedev would be the lead U.S.
diplomat on U.N. management, finance, and reform. He would
represent all U.S. interests surrounding the $4.2 billion
regular U.N. budget, as well as the $7 billion for peacekeeping
missions. He would address the various integrity lapses such as
Oil for Food, and he would advance the U.S.-initiated reform
agenda, i.e., work to persuade a reluctant U.N. to embrace a
series of government principles and procedures involved in
transparency, ethics standards, whistle-blower protections, and
the like.
I have known Greg Lebedev for about 3 years, and I believe
he is about as qualified as anyone possibly could be to
undertake some of these often thankless tasks. I first got to
know him in his capacity as senior advisor to the Robertson
Foundation, a fund which is dedicated to supporting talented
men and women wishing to pursue government careers in national
security and in national affairs.
He has a very impressive background in the areas covered in
this appointment: senior advisor to Adelphi Capital; Chairman
of CIPE, the publicly funded Center for International Private
Enterprise that promotes free market institutions and emerging
economies throughout the world. He has been the President and
CEO of the American Chemistry Council, Chief Operating Officer
and Executive Vice President for International Policy and
National Security Affairs for the U.S. Chamber of Commerce;
President of the Center for Corporate Citizenship; Senior Vice
President for Management and Finance at the ATA; Senior Vice
President of IPAC where he helped direct projects in the
reconstruction of Kuwait following the first gulf war. Until
1990, he was the senior partner of the Hay Group where he
directed all business and international sector consulting
contracts with major work in South Africa and the Middle East.
President Ford appointed him Assistant IG of Foreign Assistance
at the Department of State. He served on the White House staff.
President Bush 41 nominated him to be IG of the DOD right at
the end of his term, which did not continue, so he did not have
a chance to serve in that particular post.
He is a seasoned internationalist. He has spent almost 30
years in and around the international community. He has highly
relevant experience in management, finance, and government. And
he is also a respected lawyer and an engaging
conversationalist.
Mr. Chairman, I hope it will be the pleasure of this
committee to approve his nomination quickly and get him to work
as soon as possible. Anyone who thinks the U.N. could not use a
little help in sorting through some of their daunting
challenges probably has not spent much time at the institution.
With that, Mr. Chairman, unless you have any questions for
me, in keeping with established tradition, I will asked to be
excused and leave Mr. Lebedev to the tender mercies of this
distinguished committee. And I thank you.
Senator Nelson. Thank you, Senator Robb.
Congressman Dreier, welcome back.
STATEMENT OF HON. DAVID DREIER,
U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FROM CALIFORNIA
Mr. Dreier. Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman,
Senator Corker. I appreciate the warmup that my friends, Chuck
Robb and Chuck Grassley, have provided, and I hope you will be
equally as kind.
I want to say that Senator Corker will some day learn what
it is like to see very, very young, diligent, hardworking staff
members emerge to prominent positions. I have heard the fact
that people have known the individuals they are introducing for
periods of time. Actually I have known Matt Reynolds for 20
years. I was just recalling that in 1988, when he was working
as a staff member for my former California colleague, Bob
Lagomarsino, who at that time was the Chairman of the National
Endowment for Democracy's International Republican Institute.
We had the chance to engage in some very, very interesting and
important travel. In fact, I recall our being the first
congressional delegation following the liberation of Kuwait in
1991 to go to that country. And Matt Reynolds was a very, very
important part of that.
When our colleague, Congressman Lagomarsino, left the
Congress, Matt continued to work on Capitol Hill, and I was
very pleased that he came to work when I had the privilege to
serve as Chairman of the House Rules Committee. And he just
reminded me that 7 years ago at this moment, we were all
together in the House Rules Committee, and what a challenging
time that was for us.
And I cannot help but think as we have all of these
potential public service individuals before you, Mr. Chairman,
how important the efforts in dealing with diplomacy are. A very
important part of that diplomacy, of course, exists between the
Department of State and the first branch of Government, that
being us. The job that Matt Reynolds is actually serving--
acting in right now and did in 2005 is such an important one
because we all know what that separation of powers consists of.
And while Matt works for the executive branch, he has had such
a distinguished career working in the legislative branch.
And I will say that while he will continue to work for the
executive branch, after you do what I certainly hope you will
do, Matt is one who does understand--and please do not tell
everyone this--that Article I happens to be the first among
equals. And so his experience here, I think, will lead him to
do the very important things that his job consists of.
His name is Matt Reynolds, but we often refer to him as
Map, M-a-p, Reynolds because of the tremendous knowledge that
he has of circumstances that exist throughout the world. And I
am convinced, Mr. Chairman, that he is going to continue to do
the superb job that he has in this very important work as we
deal with the many challenges that exist around the world and
within the United States Congress. Just as my colleagues have,
I encourage you to proceed as expeditiously as possible with
his confirmation.
And thank you very much for including me.
Senator Nelson. And we are going to proceed expeditiously.
Thank you, gentlemen.
The ranking member's opening statement will be entered in
the record, as are your written testimonies. So let us get
right to the questions.
[The prepared statement of Senator Nelson follow:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Bill Nelson,
U.S. Senator From Florida
Before we begin, I would like to take this opportunity to recognize
the significance of this day, September 11. I propose that we observe a
moment of silent reflection to commemorate the lives we lost on that
tragic day 7 years ago, as well as remember those who have made the
ultimate sacrifice in the defense of our great Nation.
Today, the committee meets to consider the nominations of three
individuals for key leadership positions at the Department of State.
Mr. Brian H. Hook has been nominated to be Assistant Secretary of
State for International Organization Affairs.
Mr. Gregori Lebedev has been nominated to be Representative of the
United States of America to the United Nations for U.N. Management and
Reform, with the rank of Ambassador, and to be Alternate Representative
of the United States of America to the Sessions of the General Assembly
of the United Nations.
Mr. Matthew A. Reynolds has been nominated to be Assistant
Secretary of State for Legislative Affairs.
I would like to recognize and welcome the nominees' family and
friends who are with them today. We are also joined by several
distinguished colleagues who will introduce our nominees--Senator
Charles Grassley, former Senator Chuck Robb, and former Congressman
David Dreier. Welcome, gentlemen.
Mr. Hook, you are currently serving as the acting Assistant
Secretary for International Organization Affairs and recently testified
as the administration witness at the subcommittee hearing I held on
U.N. peacekeeping. Since you have had a few months to settle into your
role as head of the bureau and to manage our complex relationship with
the U.N. you already know the challenges you face.
The United Nations is an imperfect body, but over 60 years after
its founding, it is still the only multilateral body in the world in
which all 192 countries can consult over the most important issues of
our time--war and peace, poverty and development issues, HIV/AIDS and
malaria, and climate change among other topics. Next week the United
Nations General Assembly will begin in New York. I look forward to
hearing the administration's priorities for this important session.
Mr. Reynolds, you are currently serving as acting Assistant
Secretary of State for Legislative Affairs. You too are well-acquainted
with your duties--to serve as the principal advisor to the Secretary of
State on legislative matters and as the Department's principal liaison
with Congress.
If confirmed, your long service as a professional staff member in
the U.S. Congress will serve you well as you manage this important
relationship.
Mr. Lebedev, you have been nominated to serve as Representative of
the United States to the U.N. for Management and Reform as well as to
serve as Alternate Representative to the General Assembly. If confirmed
you would become the point person in trying to achieve an important,
but thus far elusive, United States priority: reform at the U.N.
Thanks to all three of you for testifying today and for your
willingness to serve our country in these important positions within
the Department of State.
Mr. Hook, we have got this coming session that is going to
open up in another week. Senator Corker and I will be
representatives of this committee up there in New York. What do
you think are the top priorities for the United States at this
session?
Mr. Hook. We are very pleased that you are going to be
representing the United States as delegates for the 63rd
General Assembly. This will be President Bush's last
opportunity at the GA. It will also be Secretary Rice's last
opportunity.
So it is going to be a little bit of an opportunity to take
stock in terms of all the progress that I think we have made at
the United Nations in a range of issues. When you look at
advancing freedom and democracy, curbing nonproliferation,
humanitarian assistance, addressing threats to international
peace and security, protecting human rights, these are all
categories I think where we have made a lot of progress over
the last 7 or 8 years.
And for the 63rd General Assembly, we will be certainly
working on a number of resolutions in the General Assembly that
would speak to human rights abuses that are taking place around
the world. Some of them will be introduced by the United
States. Some will be introduced by other countries. We did do
an Iran resolution last year to shine a spotlight on the human
rights abuses that are taking place there. That only passed out
of the third committee by one vote.
One of the things that I have been working on--and I am
making it a priority for this General Assembly--is changing the
rate of voting coincidence among countries with respect to the
United States. In 2002, it was around 30 percent, and now it is
around 18. I just made a trip down to Central America and met
with a number of foreign ministers. These are countries where
we have very strong bilateral ties, and yet when we go into the
United Nations, somehow there are more disagreements than there
are agreements on some of these General Assembly votes which,
when I read it, did not make a lot of sense to me because we
agree in so many areas, the areas that I just talked about.
And so I am going to be making a focused effort on trying
to change some of the voting outcomes in the General Assembly.
It is not acceptable to me, I think, for us to have--at the
United Nations where we play a leadership role, in overall
voting in the GA, we are only at 18 percent voting coincidence
with the United States. I think that number needs to improve.
And that is something which I will looking at across the board
if we are doing resolutions on Iran or Zimbabwe. I am sure
there will be thematic resolutions. I would like to see our
voting improve in the General Assembly.
I do know that during the time that you are up there,
Burkina Faso will be doing a Security Council meeting, a
thematic debate on mediation and settlement of conflicts. That
will be on Tuesday when the President addresses the General
Assembly. It is sort of helpful for Burkina Faso because they
happen to be presiding over the Security Council at the time
when all the heads of state are in town. And so I think there
will be some focus on that issue.
But that is broadly what I am hoping to focus on in the
63rd.
Senator Nelson. Have you thought about what you ought to do
with the U.N. peacekeeping force in Haiti, given the fact that
Haiti has been racked by these recent hurricanes?
Mr. Hook. Mr. Chairman, after we had our hearing in July, I
went and visited Haiti. I was there 2 weeks ago and I met with
the head of MINUSTAH, Heddi Annabi, whom I knew when I served
up in New York at the U.S. mission. I think MINUSTAH is doing a
very good job. In the last 2 years, it had very good leadership
under Mullet, and now under Heddi Annabi who was the number two
official in DPKO, he is now heading up MINUSTAH. And I met at
length with Heddi, and he briefed me on sort of some of the
strengths and weaknesses of MINUSTAH. But I think on balance, I
think we are seeing more strengths than weaknesses.
There is no doubt in my mind, in light of the devastation
of three hurricanes and a tropical storm, that they are
stretched. I did ask them, because we have a mandate renewal
coming up for MINUSTAH, if they would like to see any change in
their mandate, and they do not want to see any change.
Now, in light of these hurricanes, which have really been
devastating, I will be getting back in touch with him. I do not
want to sort of get in the way of him doing his job, but I
think when things settle down a little bit, I will be in touch
with Mr. Annabi to ask him, in light of the hurricanes, do we
need to enhance the mandate to help it accomplish its duties a
little more effectively.
When I was in Haiti--actually I was there the day that
Hurricane Gustav hit and had to be evacuated through the
Dominican Republic. But I had said before leaving that I
thought MINUSTAH was expanding the space for political progress
and economic development. Safety in the hierarchy of human
needs is first, and it also happens to be the prerequisite for
economic development. And I think MINUSTAH is doing a good job
of that. It is then important for the government to take
advantage of this space that I think MINUSTAH is helping to
expand so that we can make some progress, I think, on economic
development.
Senator Nelson. Were you able to travel freely throughout
Cite Soleil?
Mr. Hook. Cite Soleil I was planning on visiting on
Tuesday, and that is when the hurricane hit, and so it was on
my schedule but we ended up having to cancel it. There was not
going to be any problem with traveling freely through the city.
There were no security concerns raised.
Senator Nelson. What about the vetting of the national
police? That started about 2 years ago trying to expel the
corrupt. What do you observe there?
Mr. Hook. Well, I think they are doing, I think, good work
on--you have corruption issues and you have human rights
abuses. And I believe that MINUSTAH is doing a good job of
changing both categories. And they are graduating more police
from their training programs. I saw a number of the police
while I was in Haiti. I met with the U.N. police chief, who I
think is doing a very good job. I think the head of the police
operation and then the general I met with, the general of
MINUSTAH--I was astonished at how well they worked together.
They are a great team. And I left feeling fairly inspired about
the work they are doing.
But you have been to Haiti and it just breaks your heart to
see the kind of poverty and challenges they face, but I think
we have the right people in place and I think they are doing a
good job on policing. There is a lot more to do. We are trying
to get to a goal of 14,000. That is the goal, to get to 14,000
police. You know, it is interesting in Haiti you have got a
population about the size of New York City, and New York City
has about 35,000 police. I think Haiti is somewhere around
9,000 or less. They are trying to get to a goal of about 14,000
under the U.N. training program. So I strongly encourage that
because, again, it gets to this issue of creating more sort of
safety and security so that then we can make progress in other
places.
Senator Nelson. Senator Corker.
Senator Corker. I will follow on and welcome both of you.
Thank you for your service.
And I would agree with you. The general who is heading up
MINUSTAH in Haiti is most impressive. So we are speaking of
something that I think in that particular specific regard is
going well from the standpoint of the United Nations.
In general, though, as you look--and I realize I have no
idea how long you guys will be in these positions, you know, 4
months, 5 months, maybe a long, long time. Who knows? So some
of these questions may be fair and some unfair.
But as you look at what the U.N. does well and you look at
what the U.N. does not so well, give me sort of an outline of
those areas that you think they do an exceptionally good job
and those that you think really are gross failings or need
improvement.
Mr. Hook. Thanks for your question, Senator.
I would probably break it down by agency. We often refer to
it as ``the U.N.,'' this monolith, but it is, in fact, this
organization. The org chart is really something to behold for
the United Nations. But I think in some programs, especially
the ones where our funding is voluntary, you see, I think,
pretty effective work being done.
The World Food Program. We are the biggest donor to the
World Food Program. They do a fantastic job of getting aid out
the door and into the hands of people who need it.
The Food and Agriculture Organization does not have--I
think they have had a lot of management problems. We think this
food security--the crisis we are going through is a real chance
for them to reform. We have been leading reform in the Food and
Agriculture Organization.
On human rights, the Human Rights Council, deeply
disappointing. We certainly did everything we could to create a
body that would be worthy of its name. Now we have a body that
is, in fact, curtailing I think its focus on a lot of human
rights abuses that are occurring around the world, particularly
in Cuba and Belarus.
The U.N. Security Council. I think the end of the cold war
allowed for a great deal more cooperation on peacekeeping
operations. We now have 20 around the world. At the end of the
cold war, we did not have nearly that number. There is a 75
percent coupon people talk about when we have U.N. peacekeeping
operations go out because we are able to do it--you know, if we
send the military out, it is 75 percent sort of more expensive
than if you would send a U.N. peacekeeping--because you are
sharing the burden. And I think some peacekeeping operations
have been successful. Others, as the chairman knows from our
hearing, talking about the 60th anniversary of peacekeeping
operations, some have been there for a very long time. But I
think there have been successes in peacekeeping.
Today we have challenges in the Security Council. We think
it is very important for the credibility of the Security
Council to effectively address threats to peace and security.
And I think that has been a mixed record.
Senator Corker. I get the feeling in dealings with the
United Nations, either being there or being in front of
testimony here, that it is a really--it is more than a feeling.
I think a fact. I mean, it is a place where change is very
difficult to occur. I mean, the issues of transparency, of
ethics.
I know that you have been there for a while in an assistant
position. But what are the real obstacles there to causing the
organization to handle itself in a way that is appropriate for
all the donors and for those involved in the organization?
Mr. Hook. We certainly use our contribution--we are the
leading funder of the U.N., as you know. We try to leverage our
financial support to effect the reforms that are necessary. I
remember at the end of Oil for Food, Chairman Volcker's report
talked in the U.N. about a culture of inaction, which is what
you just sort of were referencing in the beginning of your
remarks. It is a body of 192 member states, and progress can be
grindingly slow.
I think the U.N., because of our leadership over the last 7
or 8 years, is improving on transparency and accountability.
Our UNTAI initiative, which we launched just a couple of years
ago, I think is helping. On a lot of these funds and programs,
especially with UNDP, we need to see internal audit reports.
There ought to be whistle-blower protection. There ought to be
accounting standards which hew to sort of the highest possible
standard.
Senator Corker. So you ought to. And there are probably not
many people who would disagree. So why is that not the case?
Why is that not just the case tomorrow?
Mr. Hook. Well, I have often said to some folks I have been
discussing at the U.N. that we should not be having an argument
about transparency and accountability. But the U.N. is a system
that is very resistant to change, and we certainly do
everything we can. I raise it at every opportunity in my
meetings with U.N. officials.
But as I said, we are one member of 192. We are its leading
funder. We leverage that as best we can, but much of it depends
on the will of the body to change itself. And we cannot make it
change itself. We can only sort of make the best arguments why
it should, and when there is corruption in violation of U.N.
rules, we shine a spotlight on it.
Senator Corker. Is there any sense with this resistance to
change? Let me go back and say that certainly we as an
institution, just the way we operate here in Congress and just
in our Federal Government, have not changed with the times
enough to meet the needs. And I think we all realize that. But
the U.N. seems to me to be continually, because of that lack of
change, in many ways losing relevance as it relates to solving
some of the major issues that we have. I wonder if you could
give any editorial comment.
Mr. Hook. Well, I have made exactly that point in my
conversations, that in order for the United Nations to be
credible and relevant in terms of meeting the very high
obligations that the U.N. Charter imposes on it, it needs to be
accountable and transparent to its member states. And some of
the problems we have are with member states themselves who do
not share our vision for reform.
I think Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon has got a commitment
to reform. I think he is doing the very best he can. It is a
very hard job pleasing 192 different member states.
Senator Corker. Does the Secretary-General really have a
position of power, or is it more of an anarchical kind of
organization?
Mr. Hook. Well, the funds and programs do report to the
Secretary-General, but they have a certain independence which
they protect robustly. And some of the challenges that we face
are that the Secretary-General can agree with us, but then we
also had to have that same conversation with funds and programs
who may be in a different place than the Secretary-General. And
in some cases, like I said, like the World Food Program,
UNICEF, they are I think doing a very good job.
We have other organizations which we think have had enough
of a history in terms of either not following the kinds of
ethical standards that are necessary to maintain its
credibility. It is very hard to get it to move. It is like
sometimes it feels like turning a battleship, but I am
committed to it.
Senator Corker. I will let the chairman resume and I may
resume after, or he may adjourn. I do not know what he is
planning.
Senator Nelson. China and Russia are fueling the arms going
into the Sudan, and I am getting ready to introduce a
resolution to strengthen that arms embargo. What is going to be
the action that the United States is going to take in the U.N.
Security Council on the Sudan?
Mr. Hook. Mr. Chairman, we are willing to pursue additional
sanctions against Sudan not just sort of against the
government, but against all the parties to the conflict.
When I was in New York advising a U.S. Ambassador, I had
negotiated the Security Council resolution that imposed
targeted sanctions against some individuals who are responsible
for committing genocide or promoting hostilities.
The arms embargo is something which--you know, expanding
the arms embargo could be a very effective tool. We also face a
circumstance where some on the P5 engage in robust military
trade with Sudan. So we need nine votes and no vetoes to pass a
resolution that would impose an arms embargo.
We have an arms embargo on Sudan but it is not complete. It
is partial. We all know that arms are getting into Darfur, so
the U.N. arms embargo, the existing one, could very well be
strengthened. Doing it in the Security Council I think will be
a challenge in light of the military trade that some members of
the council are engaging in.
Senator Nelson. Some of that P5 you are talking about is
Russia and China.
Mr. Hook. Yes.
Senator Nelson. What has been the impact of the
International Criminal Court deciding to charge Bashir?
Mr. Hook. The indictment referral, or at least the referral
from Ocampo to the ICC, has actually had a very positive effect
in terms of improving President Bashir's behavior. Right after
the referral was made to the judges, suggesting an indictment,
we saw enhanced cooperation in a number of areas.
We are not a party to the ICC, but many members of the
council are. We think that from what I have heard from folks on
the ground, that it is having a salutary effect. The
indictments, if they are issued by the ICC judges--it may be
some time before we see them. Ocampo made the referral. He made
the recommendation, but we seen any indictments yet, only the
recommendation that he be indicted for war crimes and genocide.
But it has had a positive effect on the ground so far.
Senator Nelson. Well, that is good to hear.
The 2009 administration budget request underfunds the U.S.
contribution to the U.N. by about $600 million. So I know you
are not the head of Office of Management and Budget, but I
would like to know your opinion on how do we justify continuing
to short change the peacekeeping budget while continuing to
vote for additional peacekeeping missions in the U.N.?
Mr. Hook. Mr. Chairman, we want to continue to work with
Congress to pay our bills in full and to meet our assessed
contributions. You know, at this time last year, I do not think
we could have predicted that UNMIH would cease to exist, nor
could we have predicted that the operation in Georgia, UNOMIG,
would be in the kind of limbo that we are experiencing in terms
of the conflict in Georgia. It is a very dynamic set of
circumstances that we have to assess. We look at it. Obviously,
as you know, it is considered in the context of the overall
budget, and we do the best we can without the benefit of a
crystal ball and also trying to do this in the context of the
larger budget. But I certainly recognize the concern and we do
want to pay our bills in full, do what we can to meet our
obligations.
Senator Nelson. Well, I want to continue to work with you
on that because basically the next President is going to have
to straighten out this inconsistency.
Senator Corker. Because you brought it up and the currency
of the issue, I was just in Georgia a couple weekends ago
looking at what had happened in Gori and some of the other
places that talk about the status of what we are doing in
Abkhazia and with the U.N. and how you see that evolving with
the present conflict.
Mr. Hook. The U.N.'s role on this has been fairly limited
so far. In Georgia, we have about 130 or so monitors that are
part of the U.N. We have some police who are there, as well.
They are there to monitor the cease-fire in Abkhazia. There are
no U.N. officials in South Ossetia. And so to date the U.N.'s
role has been limited.
I know that we have been working with the OSCE. We have 28
monitors who are in Georgia. Eight of them have been able to
get into South Ossetia. We are looking to have a total of 100
OSCE monitors. The EU looks like it is going to be deploying
200 monitors into Georgia.
The real key is going to get Russia to permit the kind of
access that is necessary into South Ossetia and Abkhazia. And
Russia needs to meet its obligation to withdraw its forces
prior to their deployment on August 7, and once the Russian
forces withdraw, you then, I think, can have an opportunity for
monitors or observers or peacekeepers to be in South Ossetia
and Abkhazia. But for the time being, we actually have not even
reached that issue because of the difficulty of getting these
monitors into South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
The 130 U.N. observers that I spoke of in Abkhazia are
going to be up for renewal on October 15, and that will be, I
think, an important vote because Russia has voted in favor of
all of the UNOMIG resolutions, and all of those resolutions
affirm the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Georgia.
And it is something that we will insist on.
And so we are in discussions up in New York looking ahead
to the October 15 renewal to see whether it is possible to
renew it, to see if Russia is going to vote in favor of it. We
certainly hope they do. We would like to see, I think for now
anyway--I know circumstances are changing daily, but we would
like to see the U.N. stay in Abkhazia.
Senator Corker. Mr. Chairman, I can tell by the body
language we may be coming to a close in this hearing. I
wondered if Mr. Lebedev or Mr. Reynolds wanted to say something
since there is a microphone in front of them, and I just feel
like there may be some family members who might have joined----
Senator Nelson. Senator Corker, I have not gotten to them.
Senator Corker. Okay. [Laughter.]
I may have sensed incorrectly.
Senator Nelson. You have.
Senator Corker. All right.
Senator Nelson. Mr. Reynolds, you are the acting Assistant
Secretary now. One of the things that you ought to be preparing
for is a swift confirmation process for the upcoming high-level
appointees in the Department of State for the next President.
So tell me what you are doing to set that in motion.
Mr. Reynolds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
One of the key objectives that we are looking at,
particularly in the Bureau of Legislative Affairs, is a very
smooth and successful and professional transition, very akin to
perhaps--we have all watched the Olympics recently. It is a
relay race, and if confirmed, I hope to be the runner behind
that is passing a baton to a new runner who will run very
strong, as well. And part of that is winning that race and
getting a lot of new high-level nominees confirmed, for
example.
We have already started the process in the Bureau of
Legislative Affairs on a couple of grounds. Number one, if
confirmed, we will have a new Principal Deputy Assistant
Secretary who is actually here today, Ambassador Mike Polt, who
has served in the bureau before and has actually done quite a
few transitions, moved the embassy in Bonn to Berlin, so is
quite familiar with change and working that, as well. So we
have started that process and are part of a team in the
building at the Department as a whole that is working to make
sure that there is a smooth transition as some individuals
leave and new ones come in.
Within the bureau itself, we are also in the process of
upgrading all of our databases, both hardware and software, to
take us from the 20th century into the 21st century, which will
very much help in that process in terms of doing not only
research for the new nominees, but also perhaps answering the
inquiries and the questions from the committee a bit faster as
well.
Senator Nelson. Are you past this nonsense of partisanship
so that no matter who the next administration is, that you are
going to try to see a smooth hand-off?
Mr. Reynolds. Sir, our objective is to have a very smooth,
successful, and professional hand-off of the baton. From my own
personal experience, I have done two transitions myself here on
the Hill with Members who are not returning, and it was their
opponent who actually won. And I am proud to say that in both
cases I was publicly acknowledged for having done a good job of
making sure the constituents of those offices were not left
behind and that projects and so on for those districts were
handed over in a way that kept that success going, and if
confirmed, I would intend to do the very same here at the
Department.
Senator Nelson. Well, generally State and Defense are
pretty good in the hand-off. It has been the nonsense in the
White House that we have seen in going from one administration
to the next that needs to stop. And that is why I asked the
question.
Tell me, as you look back on lessons learned from the
passport debacle in 2007, particularly with regard to the lack
of communication between the Congress and the State
Department--and that lack of information was coming from the
State Department to the Congress because we were here crying
for action in this debacle--what are the lessons learned?
Mr. Reynolds. Well, Mr. Chairman, there were a number of
internal lessons learned by the Bureau of Consular Affairs, and
I would have to defer to my colleagues there to describe to you
some of the technical parts of----
Senator Nelson. I am talking about the congressional
relations, your bailiwick.
Mr. Reynolds. But in terms of communications, we learned
very quickly, sir, being at the front lines of the interaction
with Congress to try and get more information to the Hill much
faster and in a much more comprehensive way. While the bureau
is small, we could have deployed and should and will in the
future deploy more individuals in that process.
One of the things that would be very helpful that helped us
very much in the House of Representatives and we would like to
have here in the Senate is a liaison office right here. A lot
of the work that is done, particularly with passports and
consular issues, is done by our liaison office for the Hill
which resides presently in the Rayburn Building. While the
workload has gone up considerably--and I think that has really
helped the communications--unfortunately, we have seen the
percentages of Senate inquiries go way down. So 80 percent of
the workload is now with the House.
We have already engaged in some very positive discussions
with the Senate Rules Committee about trying to get space here.
We appreciate that it is a cyclical process, so we kind of have
to wait until the end of the Senate when you have the movements
happening to be able to get a facility here in the Dirksen or
in the Russell Building or in the Hart Building. But we think
that would also be a very, very, very helpful way to keep in
touch, not only with the Senators but with your staff, on a
daily--hourly basis.
Senator Nelson. Why has there been one in the House and not
in the Senate in the past?
Mr. Reynolds. When it was originally established, if I
recall from my predecessors, both chambers were approached. At
the time, there just physically was not space available in the
Senate. In the House, the House Administration Committee
actually carved out and put some new walls in part what was the
VA liaison office. So we have a very small space in the Rayburn
Building that was literally carved out of a liaison office.
Since that time, we have been approaching the Senate and,
as I said, I personally had very good conversations with
Chairwoman Feinstein's staff director about the need and the
importance of having an office space here. And they have agreed
with that need, and we hope when the Senate does its changes of
office space and so on, that we will be accommodated.
Senator Nelson. When Congressman Dreier introduced you, he
was talking about your role in the past where you served as
part of the staff to the Congress. Is that correct?
Mr. Reynolds. Correct, sir. I spent 18 years here in the
House and the Senate.
Senator Nelson. And what was that last position that you
served in?
Mr. Reynolds. The last position was staff director of the
House Committee on Rules.
Senator Nelson. Well, then you understand. You ought to be
sensitive to the fact that we need to have this communication,
and one of you all mentioned--I think it was Dreier--about what
is Article I of the Constitution. At times, I do not think we
have had that in the past. And we need to change that. So it
sounds like that you are someone very suitable by your
background to understand the sensitivities for keeping the
communication going between these two branches of Government.
Mr. Reynolds. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. If confirmed, I
would intend to very much do that. Having been one of the back-
benchers, actually right behind you, sir, at times with this
committee, firing some of those same questions from the Article
I perspective, I certainly appreciate that need and would like
to strengthen it and build a better relationship.
Senator Nelson. Senator Corker.
Senator Corker. I will ask one last question, and my body
language may indicate I am leaving.
Senator Nelson. I see that you are trying to hurry this
hearing up.
Senator Corker. I think we have three very, very qualified
people that we are fortunate to have going into these
positions.
Mr. Lebedev, some of the management reforms we were talking
about earlier with Mr. Hook--I understand there is sort of a
dynamic that exists between the developed countries and the
undeveloped countries as it relates to those reforms and
creates the sort of paralysis that exists regarding those.
Could you enlighten us a little bit as it relates to those?
Mr. Lebedev. Well, Senator, I think going back to your
earlier conversation with Mr. Hook on why is there inertia
within the institution, what is the reluctance to change, to
use Senator Robb's expression, I think you have hit upon it.
There is a different set of perspectives that are held by a
community of developing countries, of whom there are many, and
a community of the industrialized states, of whom there are
few.
The developing world tends to see the United Nations as a
unique opportunity for them to exert influence, to have a voice
that they do not normally have on a bilateral basis. Many are
small, poor countries who, rightly or wrongly, perceive that
they do not have standing in many courts. This is a large court
that was, in fact, designed to give them a voice. And in
exercising that voice, they see or perceive, rightly or
wrongly, any number of the initiatives under the rubric of
reform, as we call them, as steps taken by that industrialized
community to limit their influence, to possibly silence their
voice, to take away their ability to do the things that they
believe they can only do within the United Nations. So at the
root of much of this is that dynamic and is that perception or
that misperception, but regardless, it is one that, to your
earlier point, creates a context in which change is greeted
cautiously.
Senator Corker. And are there ways to bridge that so that
the voices are still heard and yet the organization itself
evolves to where it is far more relevant and being effective in
some of the issues that it deals with?
Mr. Lebedev. Well, I would argue, as I suspect this
committee would argue and has argued in the past, that the
reforms that the United States has put forward over the last
several years in the transparency area, with respect to
accountability, all of the things that we regard as relatively
conventional mechanisms of good governance, whether you are in
the public or the private sector, we believe that, if
instituted, these concepts make the institution more effective
and efficient. Very simply. And we would hope that with our own
nudging, our own promotion, the energies that we put into bring
these into a state of activity within the U.N. will ultimately
be seen as not impeding those voices, but as ultimately
strengthening the institution in which they have so much faith.
So we believe that these are not just U.S. ideas that give
us some advantage. We are the largest single shareholder in
this company, and we have, in effect, a fiduciary duty, like
any sizable shareholder, to make it the most efficient, the
most effective enterprise around. When we do that, when we
accomplish that set of objectives, I think these other nations
who might be skeptical right now will also see that the
enterprise at large is a far more effective institution for
their interests as well as ours.
Senator Corker. Mr. Chairman.
Senator Nelson. What kind of reform do you want to see in
the U.N. before inauguration day, January 20?
Mr. Lebedev. Senator, I will borrow from Mr. Reynolds'
metaphor of the relay race. Things move slowly at the U.N., but
progress can be made in increments. And what I would certainly
hope to address in the fall and for whatever period of time we
have beyond that--several initiatives to move them down that
path.
We have got a couple of things that are of serious concern
in the reform arena. OIOS, which is their inspector general,
terribly important in any institution where you are going to
have valid and credible oversight. OIOS has been in existence
since about 1994. It has, over that period of time, grown in
stature and accomplishment. It is doing pretty good work.
However, for whatever set of reasons, it is not financially
independent. It has never been given enough resources to give
it the latitude to explore every area that needs exploration,
to kick every tire that needs to be kicked, to the point that
when they will identify a target investigation, in many
instances they do not have the funding to permit them to do it,
and they must go to the institution that, in fact, they wish to
investigate to see if they will help fund this initiative. And
you and I can well imagine that on many instances, the target
of the investigation just is going to come up a little short on
that funding. We need to continue to focus on that deficiency
and see if we can create that financial independence within
that enterprise.
Also in the OIOS arena, which is in my view as an old IG,
if you will, a centerpiece of any sort of reform initiative in
any institution, is the fact that the Secretary-General last
year made a very curious proposition, and that proposition was
that the investigations function, now housed in OIOS, should be
removed and it should be decentralized so that everybody in the
various funds and programs that Mr. Hook was referring to
should have their own IG, so to speak. They do not, however,
have any of the expertise. They do not have any of the
separational procedures to maintain an integrity on a
decentralized basis.
We worry that if you take the ability to investigate away
from investigators, you have not got much left. And rather than
building the stature and credibility and effectiveness of OIOS,
those two conditions alone, the absence of an independent
financial base and the potential loss of its investigation
function, can do severe damage to its credibility and set back,
very frankly, the ability of the institution to usefully
oversee its own initiatives. So OIOS, Mr. Chairman, is one area
where we think we can incrementally move that ball down the
field.
I will also take some time to address the matter of ethics
reform. As this committee knows, the U.N. Ethics Committee has
been--the ethics initiatives have been decentralized so that
there are ethics offices throughout the U.N., throughout the
funds and programs. One of the things that is going on right
now is the initiative by the U.N. Ethics Committee or the
Ethics Office to create a set of uniform standards for all of
these ethics operations. I think it is in our interest to
continue to promote a very, very rigorous set of standards that
should be commonly applied throughout the institution. Again, I
see this as a short-term initiative. I see it as something that
we can accomplish during the fall session.
Those are three things that are top of mind, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Nelson. You said that the Secretary-General wants
to decentralize. Do I understand your answer that you do not
think that that would be a good move?
Mr. Lebedev. That is correct, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Nelson. So what do we need to do to get the
Secretary-General to support the increased funding, which was
your first suggestion?
Mr. Lebedev. I think we have to continue to build those
coalitions of like-minded member states to bring the point home
that the world watches this institution every day, and over
recent years, they have had some bad moments in terms of public
standing and credibility by the events that this committee is
well aware.
To take steps like this, sends a very bad signal to the
other members and to the public and to large investors like us
that we are not taking this institution in the right direction.
And that is of concern to us because we value the institution.
This is an institution in which we place great faith and great
hope, and we ask it to do many, many things. And we know that
because we fund it at a very severe level. So we think that we
will continue to rally a community of interested parties to
make the point that this is not in the long-term interests of
this institution.
Senator Nelson. Do you plan personally to go talk to the
staff of the Secretary-General about this?
Mr. Lebedev. Yes, Mr. Chairman, I do.
Senator Nelson. I want to visit with you up there.
Tell me what you think about transparency in the
peacekeeping operations.
Mr. Lebedev. Well, I think we have made, over the last
couple of years since Secretary-General Annan in, I think, 2003
brought into the open the issues of the sexual abuse and
exploitation problems that have plagued the peacekeeping
apparatus--I think over time that, followed by Prince Zaid's
call for reform, and the fact that the members, in fact,
embraced many, many reforms, I think those sets of steps that
have brought us down to today have created a transparency
within and around the peacekeeping operations. As this
committee knows, we have now a number of action steps that are
open and are well known with respect to the training of
peacekeepers, whether it is things called conduct and
discipline teams and also train peacekeepers once in country
and do a very good job of informing local populations of the
rules and the expectations with respect to those peacekeepers.
So I think at some level, we can say that there is clearly
greater transparency, and we are pleased with the progress to
date under the rubric of prevention of that continuing problem
of sexual abuse and exploitation. I think it is a longer
conversation, Mr. Chairman, that we might have about the open
question of punishment and what happens when you do have an
event and what are the appropriate follow-ons that occur.
Senator Nelson. Are you a chemist?
Mr. Lebedev. I am not. My father was a chemist, and when I
assumed the position to lead the Chemistry Council, he was both
pleased and appalled. [Laughter.]
Senator Nelson. And what had you done before that?
Mr. Lebedev. Early in my career when I came to Washington,
I worked at AID. I worked at the White House. Then I had the
good fortune to be the youngest Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State under Dr. Kissinger. I also served as the Assistant
Inspector General for Foreign Assistance at the State
Department, a post that no longer exists but had an oversight
function of foreign military assistance, aid, that sort of
thing. And I went into the private sector for 10 years,
Senator, was a senior partner in a management consulting firm,
but had a very large international portfolio and worked with a
variety of multilateral institutions and the State Department
as well, and then went into the trade association world where I
was a COO of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, also headed up
international policy in that institution, CFO as the chief
financial officer at the American Trucking Association, and the
CEO at the American Chemistry Council. I currently am the
chairman of the Center for International Private Enterprise,
which is one of the four institutes of the National Endowment
for Democracy.
Senator Nelson. Senator Corker.
Senator Corker. I think we have had a great hearing, and I
think we have some folks that I look forward to working with
when both of you and I begin our work at the United Nations
this year. I hope that not only will you continue to focus on
the things that you have talked about today in these hearings,
and I hope that that is for a long enough time for you all to
have the kind of impact you want to have. At the same time, I
ask you that as we come and as we become more involved in the
United Nations, that you also help us in ways that you see fit
and help us to have the kind of impact I think each us want to
have.
But we thank you and we thank your families. I do not know,
Mr. Chairman, if they would like to introduce their families,
if they are here. It typically occurs. If not, I want to thank
you for your service, for offering yourself, and certainly look
forward to working with you.
Senator Nelson. The record will duly note that the family
members that I have already met are here.
And if there are no other questions, the meeting is
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 10:00 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
NOMINATIONS
----------
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, 2008
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Cretz, Gene A., to be Ambassador to Libya
Jeffrey, James F., to be Ambassador to the Republic of Turkey
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:38 p.m. in Room
SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. John Kerry,
presiding.
Present: Senators Kerry [presiding] and Menendez.
Also Present: Senator Warner.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN KERRY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
Senator Kerry. Good afternoon. I apologize for being a few
moments late. Welcome to this hearing on two very important
nominations. We're delighted always to welcome a senior and
unfortunately departing colleague, Senator Warner. Let me just
make a few statements if I can and then, since there are only
two of us here, I'll turn to Senator Menendez, and then we'll
invite our colleague to make his introductory comments.
We particularly join in welcoming any family members who
are here. We are grateful that you can join us, and
particularly so in the case of two distinguished career foreign
service officers. Ambassador James Jeffrey, the nominee to be
Ambassador to Turkey, I'm pleased to say is a native of
Melrose, Massachusetts, a graduate of Northeastern and Boston
University. So we're happy to welcome a fellow Bay Stater here.
You start way ahead of the game. In fact, let's just pass you
out right now. [Laughter.]
Senator Kerry. You've had a very distinguished career in
the foreign service, currently serving as Assistant to the
President and Deputy National Security Adviser, with previous
postings in Iraq, Kuwait, Bosnia, Germany, Bulgaria, Tunisia,
as well as serving as our ambassador to Albania. He's also
served previously in Turkey three times, most recently as the
chief of mission from 1999 to 2002. So he obviously brings a
great deal of experience which would serve very well in this
important post.
Gene Cretz, the nominee to be our Ambassador to Libya, has
also had an equally impressive career, spanning over 25 years
in the foreign service. Mr. Cretz knows the Middle East well,
currently serving as Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau
of Near Eastern Affairs, and has previously served as the
deputy chief of mission in Israel, the charge d'affaires and
deputy chief of mission to Syria, and minister-counselor in
Egypt.
One important note that I am compelled to address right up
front with respect to Ambassador-nominee Cretz--and he's well
aware of this--we're holding this hearing despite the fact that
as of now Libya has yet to make full payment to the
Humanitarian Settlement Fund which was set up under the recent
bilateral agreement to resolve terrorism-related claims, legal
claims.
It's essential that Libya ensure that these payments are
made right away. The committee cannot discharge Mr. Cretz, as
much as we might like to on his credentials, and the Senate
will not be confirming him, as much as it would on his
credentials, until those payments have been made in full.
Mr. Cretz, I know you know this has absolutely nothing to
do with you personally and we look forward to Libya fulfilling
that component of the agreement so that your qualifications can
be put to use and we can move forward with this important shift
in our relationship.
At this point I need to read a brief portion of a statement
of Senator Lautenberg, who particularly wanted this brought to
ours and your attention. He has long fought for the rights of
American terrorism victims and been particularly active on this
issue. The balance of his remarks will be placed in the record,
but this much I would like to quote from his record: ``Libya
has not yet satisfied its obligations to U.S. victims of its
terrorist acts and I''--Senator Lautenberg--``will object to
this nomination moving forward until those victims receive
justice. I know many of these families and I know the long
journey they have taken to find answers and closure. While I
welcome the recent progress on settling these claims, process
is not complete. We cannot let Libya off the hook and leave
U.S. victims with no assurance that they will achieve justice.
``I hope that today's hearing will be an opportunity to
seek answers on when we can expect Libya to live up to its
responsibilities under the settlement agreement.''
[The prepared statement of Senator Lautenberg follows:]
Prepared Statement of Senator Frank R. Lautenberg,
U.S. Senator From New Jersey
Mr. Chairman, Thank you for the opportunity to present my statement
before this Committee. I would like to express my strong opposition to
the President's nomination of a U.S. Ambassador to Libya. But I want to
make clear that my opposition is not personal or based on this
particular nominee's qualifications. Rather, it is based on my deeply
held belief that we cannot legitimize our future with nations that have
committed terrorist acts against Americans until and unless they
fulfill their obligations to our citizens. Libya has not yet satisfied
its obligations to U.S. victims of its terrorist acts and I will object
to this nomination's moving forward until those victims receive
justice.
In 1988, 270 people perished in the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103
over Lockerbie, Scotland. Thirty-eight New Jersey families lost a loved
one that day. I know many of these families and I know the long journey
they have taken to find answers and closure. They weren't the only
ones. In 1986, the bombing of the Labelle Discotheque in Berlin,
Germany killed two American service members and left many more injured.
These heinous attacks and others like them, which were sponsored by the
Libyan government exemplify why Libya was forced into a two-decade long
isolation by the international community.
In 2003, Libya accepted responsibility for the Pan Am bombing,
renounced terrorism and agreed to dismantle its weapons of mass
destruction. This put the country on the path to normalizing its
relationship with the U.S. Unfortunately, although the U.S. lived up to
its end of the bargain in 2006 by removing Libya from the State
Department's list of State Sponsors of Terrorism, Libya failed to
complete the payments it owes to the families of the Pan Am victims.
Libya also went back on its word with the Labelle Discotheque victims,
backing out of a negotiated settlement. It was up to Congress to hold
up the normalization process and hold Libya accountable.
For the past two years, we have been pressing for these cases to be
resolved in order to provide justice for U.S. victims and families.
Earlier this year, my legislation for victims of terrorism was signed
into law as part of the Fiscal Year 2008 National Defense Authorization
Act. This law reaffirmed the rights of plaintiffs to sue state sponsors
of terrorism; allowed the seizure of hidden commercial assets belonging
to terrorist states; and limited the number of appeals that a terrorist
state can pursue in U.S. courts, among other provisions. Congress also
prohibited U.S. government assistance to Libya, and the Senate has
continued to delay the confirmation of a U.S. Ambassador to Libya.
Over the past few months there have been significant developments
on our effort to bring the justice victims have been seeking for
decades. The first was passage of the Libyan Claims Resolution Act.
This legislation contributed to the creation of a comprehensive claims
settlement agreement for Libya to compensate U.S. victims of Libyan
terrorism, including the victims of the 1988 Pan Am 103 bombing,
victims of the 1986 bombing of the Labelle discotheque, and other cases
involving U.S. victims of Libyan-sponsored acts of terrorism. The next
development was the signing of the U.S. Libyan claims agreement on
August 14th in Tripoli and the establishment of a compensation fund
that suggested that Libya is serious about moving ahead with the U.S.-
Libya relationship.
While I welcome the recent progress on settling these claims, the
process is not complete. The compensation fund must now be paid in full
by the Libyans. We cannot let Libya off the hook and leave U.S. victims
with no assurance that they will achieve justice. I hope that today's
hearing will be an opportunity to seek answers on when we can expect
Libya to live up to its responsibilities under the settlement
agreement.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice recently traveled to Libya. She
was the first high-level diplomat to visit Libya in 50 years. I was
disappointed that this visit came before the Libyans paid the full
settlement amount they owe, and accordingly Senator Carl Levin and I
sent Secretary Rice a letter urging her to make the victims'
compensation a priority of her discussions.
No U.S. ambassador will make that same trip to Tripoli until these
claims are settled. For this reason, I will continue to block
consideration of this nomination in the full Senate and I would ask
this committee to withhold any further action as well. Our bilateral
relationship can truly move ahead only when U.S. victims of Libyan
terrorism are fully compensated. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. Mr. Cretz, if we're able to confirm you, you
will be the first U.S. ambassador to serve in Tripoli in over
35 years. This would represent a very important milestone in
the gradual process of normalizing U.S.-Libyan diplomatic
relations that has been taking place since 2003. The Libyan
government then renounced its weapons of mass destruction and
agreed to stop supporting terrorist groups, and we all hope
that Libya can serve as a model for a potential rapprochement
with other states with similar histories.
The recent visit of Secretary Rice to Tripoli seems to have
brought us to the bring of a long-awaited new era in our
relationship, in which we could realize the potential for
greater cooperation and counterterrorism, military, and
economic matters. It's my expectation that Libya will soon make
these payments so that we can truly move ahead with this new
chapter.
At the same time, we must note that Libya's human rights
practices remain an area of deep concern. Libya's political
system remains authoritarian and undemocratic. Opposition
groups are marginalized or in exile and the regime is generally
suspicious of dissidents. Torture and arbitrary arrest
reportedly rank among continuing abuses. Freedoms of speech,
press, assembly, and association are curtailed, and several
prominent political prisoners, including Fathi El-Jahmi, have
yet to be freed by the government of Muammar Qadhafi. These are
important issues that must be addressed as we go forward.
Turkey is, we all know, a key NATO ally, playing an
increasingly important role in attempting to resolve some of
the world's most critical issues. I was recently in Turkey this
February at meetings with President Gul, Prime Minister
Erdogan, Foreign Minister Babajan and I was deeply impressed
with Turkey's commitment to advancing our mutual interests. One
couldn't help but be impressed by the level of activity,
economic and otherwise, and outreach that Turkey is making
within the region. They've taken the lead in efforts to improve
relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan. They've served as
host to an international summit on Iraq and most recently
mediated dialogue between Israel and Syria.
They're also playing a critical role as our partner in
Afghanistan, where they've been a very significant contributor
to NATO efforts, and in supporting our troops in Iraq, where
Turkey serves as the conduit for some 70 percent of the air
cargo supplying our forces.
I was in Turkey the day they sent troops across the border
into Iraq to deal with the PKK and I believe strongly that we
need to continue to work closely with Turkey to address this
threat in an appropriate manner.
Turkey also does have some important issues that still need
to be resolved, starting with Armenia. I was a co-sponsor along
with many of my colleagues and with Senator Bob Dole of
legislation introduced over 20 years ago that recognized the
events of 1915 as genocide. I know this remains a sensitive and
very difficult issue. It is an emotional issue as well.
But almost a century later, it's in the best interests of
the modern states of Turkey and Armenia to resolve this issue
as part of a process of normalizing diplomatic relations. It's
encouraging that both sides recently took important steps
toward improving relations when Armenian President Serzh
Sargsian and Turkish President Gul attended a soccer match
together in Armenia. In addition, there are currently bilateral
meetings between Turkey and Armenia and trilateral talks with
Azerbaijan going on in New York. The United States should be
prepared to do whatever we can to help move these important
efforts at reconciliation forward.
We also hope to see further progress in the coming months
in resolving the dispute with Greece over Cyprus. The leaders
of the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities in Cyprus are
currently engaged in direct talks, with a goal of ending the
division and reunifying the island and its people. I understand
it's the policy of the United States to support the current
process under the auspices of the United Nations to find a
Cyprus settlement that would lead to a bizonal, bicommunal
federation. I'd be interested to hear from Mr. Jeffrey about
the role the United States could play in moving that forward.
So with that, let me turn to Senator Menendez for any
opening comments he has, and then I'd turn to Senator Warner.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT MENENDEZ,
U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW JERSEY
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I'll be brief
because I'd like to have a little flexibility on the questions.
So I'll keep this time very short.
Let me congratulate both of you on your nominations and
thank you for the service you have provided to our country to
date. I want to echo the chairman's comments, Mr. Cretz, about
our position on Libya. My colleague from New Jersey Senator
Lautenberg has been at the forefront of this issue and neither
he nor I will yield on it until Libya does the right thing and
meets its obligations to Americans who were victims of the Pan
Am bombing.
That has nothing to do with your background, but it is a
reality of the process. It's our only way to get the Libyans to
pay final attention and make the payments that they need to
make under the agreement that we agreed to in fact and
expedited with an understanding. Yet that understanding remains
void.
Secondly, with reference to Ambassador Jeffrey, I have a
series of questions about our U.S. relations with Turkey. It is
a very important NATO ally, but I don't believe that gives us
carte blanche--or I should say, gives Turkey carte blanche.
That means I have serious questions about Armenia-Turkey
relations. I have serious questions about issues of genocide. I
have serious questions about religious freedom, and of course
the continued occupation of northern Cyprus, to mention a few.
And I look forward to hearing your answers to those questions.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. Senator Warner, thank you, sir. You honor us
and the nominees by being here and we appreciate your presence
enormously. Thank you.
STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN WARNER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM VIRGINIA
Senator Warner. Chairman Kerry, Senator Menendez, I thank
you very much for this opportunity. It's one I looked forward
to. I have been in this room many, many times over my 30 years
and this represents my last appearance. I just calculated that,
probably 100 times.
But it ends with the nomination of someone I've come to
know through the years and have enormous admiration for and
think the President has chosen very wisely, this eminent public
servant and career diplomat to take responsibilities
representing the United States in Turkey. As was mentioned by
you, Senator Menendez, it's a NATO country, both of you. And I
enjoyed your dissertation and your historic background on the
region, Senator.
I too have visited Turkey a number of times, and
particularly in the context that we have our NATO air
headquarters in that nation. You're fully aware of that, and
that's pivotal to our operations.
I wonder if it's time that the nominee could be invited by
the chair to introduce his family.
Senator Kerry. Absolutely, it's a great time for that.
Ambassador Jeffrey. Senator, I'd like to introduce my wife
Gudrun, daughter Julia, son Jahn, and daughter-in-law Darbana
Kruka.
Senator Kerry. Thank you. We welcome you all. I was a
foreign service brat for about 10 years, so I'm always admiring
what the families put up with in the process, and we thank you.
Senator Warner. I thank the chair.
You have given a very important observation here with
regard to his distinguished career of some 31 years as a public
servant. I first met him while he was deputy chief of mission
and charge d'affaires to Iraq in trips that I made there during
2004 and 2005. That was my first impression of this
distinguished gentleman.
During our CODEL visit I remember to Baghdad on one
occasion, we had the opportunity to discuss the situation in
Iraq and the U.S. role there in great detail, and you briefed
the delegation that I was heading at that time. I was indeed
deeply impressed, as I am today, with your professional grasp
of knowledge.
You've covered a good deal of his background, having spent
time in Turkey as deputy chief of mission '83-'87 and 1999 to
2002. Currently, however, he is serving in a very key position
with the National Security Council and working closely with
Steve Hadley, the Assistant to the President. As a matter of
fact, in Mr. Hadley's absence he is often the stand-in acting
chief of that section.
He served in the Army from 1969 to '76, with posts in
Germany and Vietnam, and his academic credentials are equally
impressive. You have covered those.
I mentioned the importance of Turkey as a NATO ally and an
ally in many other ways in that region. I'd like to thank
Ambassador Ross Wilson, whom I've also known, the current U.S.
Ambassador to Turkey, and his family for their service and we
wish them well as he continues his legacy of public service.
Following in the footsteps of Ross Wilson, I can think of no
one better qualified or suited than Jim Jeffrey.
I'm pleased to be the one who's given him whatever value a
Senator contributes. Each of the times that I've been here I've
said the same thing as I conclude: You're on your own.
Senator Kerry. Well, Senator, before you get up and leave,
which we know you have to do, and respect the schedules around
here, if Senator Biden were here I know he would want this
committee to be on record and I'm going to take the liberty of
just putting it on the record how unbelievably grateful we are
for your service. You have been just an extraordinary
colleague. We have a bad habit sometimes around here of blowing
smoke at each other, but I'll tell you, our relationship goes
way back to 1970-whatever, but here in the Senate since '85.
And there is nobody whose word is more reliable, nobody who
more calmly and thoughtfully reaches out across the aisle,
nobody who consistently puts country's interests ahead of
party's interests and works to secure our Nation.
It's been just an extraordinary pleasure to have you as a
colleague.
Senator Menendez. Mr. Chairman, I just want to join you in
those sentiments. I am privileged that I got to the Senate in
time to serve with John Warner. I really do not believe that
this will be the last time that we will see you in this hearing
room. You may be a nominee, and we will be judging on whether
or not--I think it will be an easy confirmation. But
nonetheless, I have no doubt that somehow your service to this
country is not just finished.
But we are honored by the time we have had here to serve
with you.
Senator Warner. Well, I thank you. Give my very best to
Senator Lautenberg. He's an old crony. There are five of us
left in the Senate who served in World War II. He served with
far greater distinction. But the chairman is too remiss--not
remiss, but too modest to say that we served together during
the Vietnam period. He was on the front line serving with
distinction with the Navy and I was back as Secretary in my
swivel chair. But I did visit your region on a number of
occasions.
I wish you both well. And I'd like to thank the staff of
this committee, particularly that gentleman in the back room
whose hair is about the same color as mine. He has always
greeted me, as well as other members of the staff of this
committee. This committee has served the Senate magnificently,
and really the eyes of the world have focused here so often on
the issues that come before this committee to be resolved.
I thank you.
Senator Kerry. Thank you so much, Senator Warner. We
appreciate it. Thank you.
Senator Warner. Oh, by the way, by pure coincidence, I
brought my wife with me today and I'm glad she heard what you
had to say. [Laughter.]
Senator Kerry. There you go.
Gentlemen, thanks so much. Ambassador Cretz, why don't you
begin. Do you want to lead off, and then we'll go to Ambassador
Jeffrey. Thanks.
STATEMENT OF GENE A. CRETZ, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR TO LIBYA
Mr. Cretz. Mr. Chairman and Senator Menendez: I am deeply
honored to appear before you today as President Bush's nominee
to be Ambassador to Libya, the first in 36 years. I want to
express my profound gratitude to the President and Secretary of
State Rice for the trust and confidence they have shown in
nominating me for this challenging position.
With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like to
introduce my wife Annette, a registered nurse from Union City,
New Jersey, Senator, who has helped manage the health care of
several of our embassy communities overseas. My daughter
Gabrielle is a graduate of James Madison University and works
in the private sector. My son Jeffrey, a captain in the United
States Air Force Reserves who has honorably served his country
in two combat deployments to Afghanistan.
Senator Kerry. Thank you very much for that.
Mr. Cretz. Without my family's love, support, sacrifice,
and spirit of adventure, shown through our 27 years in foreign
service, I would not be here today.
Mr. Chairman, Secretary Rice's just completed historic
visit to Libya marks a milestone in our relationship. She is
the first sitting Secretary of State to visit Libya since 1953.
Most importantly, her visit included the most senior and only
cabinet-level meeting with Libyan leader Colonel Muammar
Qadhafi since he took power in 1969.
Libya is in the midst of an historic process of reengaging
with the broader world after nearly 30 years of isolation. It
is in our national interest to do all we can to help Libya and
its people transition back into the international community.
Over the past 5 years our bilateral relationship, as well as
Libya's place in the international community, has drastically
changed. Libya is now a vital partner in the common effort
against terrorism. It is a leader on the African continent and
a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council.
We had an extremely contentious relationship with Libya for
several decades owing to its past acts, namely its involvement
in acts of terrorism that took the lives of hundreds of
Americans and others, which led to the imposition of U.S. and
UN sanctions and its designation as a state sponsor of
terrorism. As Libya has turned away from terrorism and the
pursuit of WMD, we have worked hard over the past 5 years to
turn a new page in our bilateral relationship.
The comprehensive claims agreement provides a process
through which outstanding claims pending against Libya for past
acts of terror can be resolved and bring a measure of justice
for the many American families who have been waiting for this
outcome for over 20 years. It will constitute a milestone event
in our relationship and will provide a clear signal of this
administration's commitment to fulfill its pledge to our
citizens.
Together, the Secretary's visit, the claims settlement, and
Libya's historic 2003 decisions to voluntarily rid itself of
its WMD program and foreswear terrorism facilitated the
country's reintegration into the international community and
have opened the door to broader and deeper engagement with
Libya and its people.
All of these efforts were taken to advance Libya's
interests. We continue our important and significant
cooperation on counterterrorism, further strengthening regional
efforts to combat al Qaeda's presence in North Africa. We are
beginning a defense relationship so that we can work toward a
more stable and peaceful African continent. We will continue to
work closely with the international community to ensure that
Libya complies with its WMD obligations and are providing
technical assistance to help it do so.
In Libya today there are calls for political reform. We
will closely observe how calls for the opening of further
political space and greater respect for human rights will be
implemented and how they will affect the Libyan people. We
believe a strong civil society and greater political space
would also contribute to these efforts to strengthen Libya.
As we do with all nations, the United States will maintain
an open and honest dialogue with Libya to discuss human rights
and good governance. This dialogue will be a necessary element
of our future relations with Libya. We continue to call for the
immediate release of all political prisoners, including the
unconditional release of Fathi El-Jahmi and the group of self-
described regime critics led by Dr. Idriss Boufayed, as it
constituted an important part of the Secretary's visit.
Libya is in the midst of a major infrastructure development
initiative and has undertaken economic reforms. We have begun
technical assistance programs in the banking sector and are
committed to helping Libya grow its economy for the wellbeing
of its people and the region.
Our commercial ties are growing and the majority of U.S.
exports to Libya are outside the hydrocarbon sector. U.S.
companies have won sizeable contracts for infrastructure and
construction projects and are competing for contracts in other
sectors, such as communications and aviation.
As our relationship deteriorated in the 1980s, our ties
with the Libyan people were all but severed. Rebuilding these
links is an integral part of our re-engagement with Libya,
whether through USG-sponsored public diplomacy program or
promoting private initiatives between our two peoples.
Since 2003, the breadth and depth of our bilateral
relationship with Libya have expanded greatly, but the
resources we have committed to support those efforts have,
frankly, not kept pace. I commend the women and men serving at
Embassy Tripoli. One of my key priorities as ambassador if
confirmed will be to oversee efforts to build a new and secure
embassy and to identify the appropriate human and material
resources to meet our critical mission goals.
Mr. Chairman, we have come a long way in this relationship
with a former adversary. Acting in accordance with its own
national interests, Libya has in fact said yes to the United
States on the critical issues of abandoning its WMD
aspirations, renouncing terrorism, and implementing the claims
agreement. In that regard, Libya affords a potentially positive
model for other countries that might make similar choices. If
confirmed as ambassador, I look forward to the challenge of
setting a firm foundation for future relations with this
important country. We have a Libyan government and populace
that are eager to engage with the United States and we should
immediately seize on that opportunity. It is in the interest of
both sides to do so.
Thank you very much.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Cretz follows:]
Prepared Statement of Gene A. Cretz, Nominee To Be Ambassador to Libya
Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee, I am deeply honored to
appear before you today as President Bush's nominee to be Ambassador to
Libya, the first in 36 years. I want to express my profound gratitude
to the President and Secretary of State Rice for the trust and
confidence they have shown in nominating me for this challenging
position.
With your permission, Mr. Chairman, I would like to introduce my
wife, Annette, a registered nurse, who has helped manage the health
care of several of our embassy communities overseas. My daughter,
Gabrielle, is a graduate of James Madison University and works in the
private sector. My son, Jeffrey, a captain in the United States Air
Force Reserves, has honorably served his country in two combat
deployments to Afghanistan. Without my family's love, support,
sacrifice, and spirit of adventure shown throughout 27 years in the
Foreign Service, I would not be here today.
Secretary Rice's just-concluded historic visit to Libya marks a
milestone in our relationship. She is the first sitting Secretary of
State to visit Libya since 1953. Most importantly, her visit included
the most senior and only cabinet-level meeting with Libyan Leader
Colonel Muammar Qadhafi since he took power in 1969.
Mr. Chairman, Libya is in the midst of a historic process of
reengaging with the broader world after nearly 30 years of isolation.
It is in our national interest to do all we can to help Libya and its
people transition back into the international community.
Over the past 5 years, our bilateral relationship, as well as
Libya's place in the international community, has drastically changed.
We started with no relationship, and now we are well on the way to
normal diplomatic relations. We had no presence in Libya, and now we
have an embassy that is creating new ties with the Libyan Government
and its people while advancing critical American interests. Libya is
now a vital partner in the common effort against terrorism. It is a
leader on the African continent and a nonpermanent member of the U.N.
Security Council.
We had an extremely contentious relationship with Libya for several
decades owing to its past acts--namely, its involvement in acts of
terrorism that took the lives of hundreds of Americans and others--
which led to the imposition of United States and U.N. sanctions and its
designation as a state sponsor of terrorism. As Libya has turned away
from terrorism, and the pursuit of WMD, we have worked hard over the
past 5 years to turn a new page in our bilateral relationship. The
comprehensive claims agreement provides a process through which
outstanding claims pending against Libya for past acts of terror can be
resolved and bring a measure of justice for the many American families
who have been waiting for this outcome for over 20 years. It will
constitute a milestone event in our relationship and will provide a
clear signal of this administration's commitment to fulfill its pledge
to our citizens. Together, the Secretary's visit, the claims settlement
and Libya's historic 2003 decisions to voluntarily rid itself of its
WMD program and forswear terrorism facilitated the country's
reintegration into the international community and have opened the door
to broader and deeper engagement with Libya and its people.
All of these efforts were taken to advance United States interests,
and they have cemented Libya's important and significant cooperation on
counterterrorism, further strengthening regional efforts to combat al-
Qaida's presence in North Africa. We also anticipate beginning to
develop military-military lines of communication and expect to conclude
a Defense Contacts and Cooperation Memorandum of Understanding for that
purpose soon so that we can discuss how to work toward a more stable
and peaceful African continent.
We will continue to work closely with the international community
to ensure that Libya complies with its WMD obligations, and are
providing technical assistance to help it do so. We are cooperating
with Libya to engage its former WMD scientists into peaceful and
economically viable pursuits such as water management and desalination,
to convert its former chemical weapons factory into a pharmaceutical
plant and to transform nuclear reactor facilities previously fueled
with weapons-grade uranium into centers for scientific research with no
such proliferation risk. Additionally, we are partnering with Libya to
establish a regional nuclear medical center. The center is a tangible
example of the type of cooperation that would not have been possible
before Libya's historic 2003 decision.
In Libya today, there are calls for political reform. We will
closely observe how calls for the opening of further political space
and greater respect for human rights will be implemented and how they
will affect the Libyan people. We note that Libya has identified prison
reform and relaxing of press restrictions as focus areas for political
reform. We will work cooperatively with the Libyan Government and
people to support these initiatives. We believe a strong civil society
and greater political space would also contribute to these efforts to
strengthen Libya. As we do with all nations, the United States will
maintain an open and honest dialog with Libya to discuss human rights
and good governance. This dialog will be a necessary element of our
future relations with Libya. We continue to call for the immediate
release of all political prisoners, including the unconditional release
of Fathi El-Jahmi and the group of self-described regime critics led by
Dr. Idriss Boufayed, as it constituted an important part of the
Secretary's visit.
Libya is in the midst of a major infrastructure development
initiative and has undertaken economic reforms. We have begun technical
assistance programs in the banking sector, and are committed to helping
Libya grow its economy for the well-being of its people and the region.
Our commercial ties are growing, including those outside the
hydrocarbon sector. United States-Libyan trade in 2007 grew over 17
percent from the previous year and the majority of United States
exports to Libya are outside the hydrocarbon sector. U.S. companies
have won sizable contracts for infrastructure and construction
projects, and are competing for contracts in other sectors, such as
communications and aviation. With respect to the oil sector, Libya,
which has the largest proven oil reserves on the continent of Africa,
hopes to increase its daily production from 1.7 million barrels per day
to 3 million barrels per day with the help of United States expertise.
Our relationship with Libya is as old as our republic. With the
Barbary States, during Italian colonization, through the travails of
World War II, the subsequent period of cooperation and in the cold war
era we engaged with Libya on important issues of security and commerce
while building bridges of understanding with the Libyan people. At one
time during the 1970s, there were over 4,000 Libyan students studying
at American universities, many of whom are now senior Libyan Government
officials and business leaders. However, as our relationship
deteriorated in the 1980s, these ties were all but severed. Rebuilding
these links is an integral part of our reengagement with Libya whether
through USG-sponsored public diplomacy programming or promoting private
initiatives between our two peoples. Today, over 1,000 Libyan students
are studying at United States universities, and that number continues
to grow. To promote greater engagement between the American and Libyan
people, our two countries have been working on a Protocol on
Educational and Cultural Cooperating to facilitate the exchange of
individuals and ideas. This is one way we are reconnecting with the
Libyan people after a 24-year hiatus that was previously characterized
by animosity, mistrust, and misinformation.
Since 2003, the breadth and depth of our bilateral relations with
Libya have expanded greatly, but the resources we have committed to
support those efforts have frankly not kept pace. I commend the men and
women serving at Embassy Tripoli. Their hard work, dedication, and
sacrifice have made our relationship what it is today and they have
done so in trying circumstances. The embassy, initially established in
a hotel, has only recently moved into a collection of houses that
serves as an interim embassy site. One of my key priorities as
ambassador, if confirmed, will be to oversee efforts to build a new and
secure embassy and to identify the appropriate human and material
resources to meet our critical mission goals.
Mr. Chairman, we have come a long way in this relationship with a
former adversary. Acting in accordance with its own national interests,
Libya has in fact said ``yes'' to the United States on the critical
issues of abandoning its WMD aspirations, renouncing terrorism, and
implementing the claims agreement. In that regard, Libya affords a
potentially positive model for other countries that might make similar
choices. If confirmed as ambassador, I look forward to the challenge of
setting a firm foundation for future relations with this important
country. We have a Libyan Government and populace that are eager to
engage with the United States, and we should immediately seize on that
opportunity--it is in the interests of both sides to do so.
Senator Kerry. Thank you very much, Mr. Cretz.
Mr. Jeffrey?
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES F. JEFFREY, NOMINATED TO BE AMBASSADOR
TO THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY
Ambassador Jeffrey. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman,
Senator. I am honored to appear before you today as President
Bush's nominee to serve as ambassador to the Republic of
Turkey. I am grateful to both President Bush and Secretary Rice
for their trust and confidence in me. I have submitted a
statement for the record and what I would like to do with your
permission now is to summarize briefly my points.
Sir, let me begin with Turkey's role in relation to our
foreign policy priorities. Turkey was very quick to respond to
the crisis in Georgia, for example, and was vocal in its
support for Georgia's territorial integrity. As was mentioned,
Turkey is our close partner in working for success in Iraq.
Turkey understands that success or failure there will have an
immediate impact on its security.
As you mentioned, Mr. Chairman, Turkey along with Iraq and
the United States are engaged in joint efforts against the PKK
terrorist organization, which has cost the lives of some 30,000
Turks since the 1984 outbreak.
Our military ties with NATO ally Turkey, as was mentioned,
remain very strong and very important. I want to thank the
Turkish people for the hospitality that they have shown entire
generations of American military men and women.
In Afghanistan, Turkey has sent large contingents from the
very beginning of the International Security Assistance Force
and has been a leader in both the civilian and the military
side of that mission, and has also been a major assistance
contributor.
Turkey is concerned as well as we are with the situation in
Iran, particularly Iran's pursuit of nuclear enrichment, and it
supports the IAEA's efforts to investigate this nuclear
program. We support Turkey's efforts to normalize its relations
with its neighbors and thus have been encouraged new
developments in Cyprus and Armenia. As you have mentioned, Mr.
Chairman, we were very, very pleased to see the courageous
invitation by President Sargsian of Armenia to President Gul to
travel to Armenia and we were very pleased with his courageous
decision to accept that.
The election of a new president in Cyprus has given a new
impetus to the discussions between the two sides there and we
are hopeful to contribute to that. You asked what we're doing.
We're working with both sides, and this would be one of my most
important priorities, sir, were I confirmed.
We strongly urge Turkey to work with Armenia to establish
diplomatic relations, to open the border, and to have an open
and honest dialogue concerning the tragic events at the end of
the Ottoman Empire.
The United States also supports Turkey's aspirations to
join the European Union. We think this is very important also
for our own relations, although it's a decision for the two in
the end to take themselves. To its great credit, the current
ruling Justice and Development Party is implementing the
reforms necessary for eventual EU membership. We encourage
Turkey, in doing so, to protect the civil rights of all
religious and ethnic groups, such as by opening the Ecumenical
Patriarchate's Halki Seminary.
Our economic cooperation with Turkey would be a key
priority were I confirmed, Mr. Chairman. In particular, the
United States and Turkey are working closely together on oil
and gas pipeline projects that will help both Europe and Turkey
respond to the very significant energy shortages and energy
dependency that we see in the future if we don't develop new
sources.
Mr. Chairman, Senator, many Americans, including my family
and me, have had wonderful experiences living and working in
Turkey, and in the case of our daughter graduating from a
Turkish high school. It would be an honor to return to Ankara
to represent our Nation.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Jeffrey follows:]
Prepared Statement of James Jeffrey, Nominee To Be
Ambassador to the Republic of Turkey
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today as President Bush's nominee to serve as ambassador to
the Republic of Turkey. I am grateful to Secretary Rice and President
Bush for their trust and confidence in me. With me today are my wife,
Gudrun, daughter, Julia, son, Jahn, and daughter-in-law, Dardana Rruka.
During my 31-year career in the Foreign Service, my family and I have
had the pleasure of serving in Turkey three times previously, most
recently as the deputy chief of mission from 1999 to 2002. I have seen
firsthand the remarkable transformations in Turkey over the last few
decades as it has become more democratic, more open, and more
economically vibrant. If confirmed, I look forward to working with you
and your colleagues on how best to advance the many shared interests of
the United States and Turkey in the years ahead. In doing so, I would
keep constantly in mind the heavy responsibility I would assume as
ambassador responsible for this critically important and very complex
relationship.
Throughout my career, during the times I was not working in Turkey,
I was often working with Turkey--on Iraq, Iran, Greece, Bulgaria, and
Albania. Turkey is a key friend and strategic partner of the United
States in the Middle East, the Caucasus, the Balkans, Central Asia, and
beyond, and a crucially important member of our NATO alliance. For
decades, Turkey has worked with the United States on issues such as
regional stability, trade, democracy promotion, energy security, and
counterterrorism cooperation. The events over the past 2 months in
Georgia underscore Turkey's importance as a democratic bulwark, a
military partner, and a strategic ally in a dynamic and challenging
region.
Even among close allies, however, there are occasional differences.
While Turkey and the United States have shared values and goals, our
tactics and methods are not always the same and have caused some
misunderstandings. Our diplomatic and military exchanges were strained
when the Turkish parliament failed to approve, in March 2003, the
United States request to use Turkey to launch operations into Iraq.
Starting in 2004, after several years of a cease-fire, the Kurdistan
Workers Party (PKK) terrorists once again began attacking Turkish
soldiers and civilians, both from its safe haven in northern Iraq and
from inside Turkey. Turkey was frustrated by what it perceived as
American hesitation concerning its plight in a struggle that has cost
more than 30,000 Turkish lives over the last few decades. The
unfortunate result of these differences was that the Turkish public,
according to the 2007 and 2008 Pew Global Attitudes Surveys, had the
lowest favorable opinion of the United States out of all the countries
that were surveyed.
Thankfully, we started to see important improvements in our
bilateral relations in 2007. First, Turkey's democracy was tested when
challenges to its Presidential election led to early parliamentary
elections. These elections ultimately led to a strengthened mandate for
Prime Minister Erdogan's ruling Justice and Development Party. Second,
the United States responded to the growing PKK threat to the region
when President Bush pledged last November to provide assistance to help
Turkey defend itself against this terrorist organization, a common
enemy of Turkey, Iraq, and the United States. Now Turkey, Iraq, and the
United States are working together more closely than ever before to
root out the PKK. Turkish public opinion of the United States is also
now improving. If I am confirmed as ambassador, I will do everything
possible to maintain and enhance this momentum and build stronger ties
with this strategic partner.
Let me describe Turkey's role in relation to our foreign policy
priorities. Turkey has been quick to respond to the crisis in Georgia
and vocal in its support for Georgia's territorial integrity,
independence, and sovereignty. Prime Minister Erdogan carried that
message to both Moscow and Tbilisi and has been working to garner
regional support for Georgia. The Turkish Red Crescent provided needed
humanitarian assistance with tents, food, and water, and the Turkish
Government has assisted the United States in approving the transit of
our naval vessels that have delivered assistance to alleviate the
suffering of the Georgian people. We are looking to Ankara for its
thoughts on how its Caucasus stability initiative can integrate with
efforts by the Euro-Atlantic community to advance peace, prosperity,
and freedom in Georgia.
Turkey recognizes that our success or failure in Iraq will directly
impact Turkey's domestic and economic security. Turkey is helping to
ensure Iraq's progress, including by hosting the second Enlarged
Ministerial Neighboring Countries Meeting in Istanbul November 2-3,
2007. Turkey, in fact, was instrumental in starting the Neighbors
Process. Turkey also provides political party and military training,
assists with reconstruction, and is helping to develop Iraqi oil and
electricity infrastructure. We have seen increasing dialog between
leaders in Ankara and Baghdad, including critically important visits of
PM Erdogan to Baghdad and Iraqi President Talibani to Turkey in 2008,
opening the way to further regional contacts with Iraqi democratic
leaders. We are seeing, as well, growing contacts between Ankara and
officials in the Kurdistan Regional Government. Finally, over 70
percent of the air cargo for our mission in Iraq transits Incirlik Air
Base, which is also the primary refueling stop for flights to
Afghanistan. Our military ties with Turkey remain vital to both
countries, and I thank Turkey for its long tradition of hospitality to
our military men and women. In short, Turkey is setting an example for
the region.
Turkey's soldiers have been in Afghanistan since the beginning of
the International Security Assistance Force. Turkey currently retains
about 800 troops there, has a provincial reconstruction team in Wardak,
and just upped its original $100 million humanitarian assistance during
the Paris Conference, for a total now of $200 million in aid. Turkish
firms have invested $1.5 billion in projects in Afghanistan since 2002,
including schools and mosques, hospitals and health clinics, bridges
and water wells. Turkey has also worked to facilitate talks between the
leaders of Afghanistan and Pakistan and to press for greater
cooperation in rooting out terrorism emanating from the Federally
Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan.
Turkey has been a partner in the search for a comprehensive peace
in the Middle East. Ankara hosted Israeli President Peres and
Palestinian Authority President Abbas for an historic joint address to
the Turkish Parliament just before the Annapolis Conference, which
Turkey also attended and actively supports. Turkey followed up at the
Paris Conference with a $150 million pledge for Palestinian institution
building to be used in 2008-2010. Most recently, Turkey began
facilitating peace talks between Israel and Syria. We welcome Turkey's
constructive engagement and hope the talks bear fruit.
Turkey is concerned, as well, about Iran's efforts to develop
nuclear enrichment capabilities in direct violation of Iran's
obligations in three Chapter VII U.N. Security Council resolutions, and
Turkey supports the IAEA's ongoing investigation of Iran's nuclear
program. While we understand Turkey's desire to maintain good relations
with its neighbor, we work with Turkey to ensure full enforcement of
all of U.N. Security Council resolutions, and to pressure Tehran to
comply with international obligations. Turkey implements all relevant
UNSCRs (1737, 1747, and 1803), which help stem Iran's nuclear and
missile proliferation efforts. One concern I will emphasize in Ankara,
if I am confirmed, is Iran's hydrocarbon sector, and our legislative
obligations to oppose foreign investment of over $20 million in it.
The United States strongly supports Turkey's aspirations to join
the European Union. To its great credit, the ruling Justice and
Development Party is implementing political and economic reforms
necessary for EU membership, and we hope that process continues. We,
like the EU, want to see Ankara expand further its democratic and human
rights reforms. We welcomed recent changes to Article 301, the
provision of the Turkish penal code that criminalized ``insulting
Turkishness,'' and amendments to expand non-Turkish broadcasting,
including in Kurdish. We encourage Turkey to protect civil rights of
all religious and ethnic groups, such as by reopening the Ecumenical
Patriarchate's Halki Seminary as a vocational school. Turkey and the
United States share the values of democracy and the rights of
individuals, and we continue to see that reflected in the reforms that
Turkey is undertaking.
We support Turkey's efforts to normalize relations with its
neighbors and have been encouraged by new developments concerning both
Cyprus and Armenia. The election of the new Cypriot President has led
to talks between the two sides and a willingness to renew efforts with
the U.N. on a bizonal, bicommunal federation. Turkish leaders welcomed
their new counterparts after the Armenian elections, and President Gul
just made a historic visit to Yerevan at Armenian President Sargsian's
invitation. We strongly urge Turkey to work with Armenia to reestablish
diplomatic relations and to have an open and honest dialog about the
tragic events at the end of the Ottoman Empire.
Our economic cooperation with Turkey would be a key priority, were
I confirmed, with emphasis on supporting United States firms and
investment. The United States recently ratified a Peaceful Uses of
Nuclear Energy agreement with Turkey, which should provide new
opportunities for United States businesses to invest in Turkey. The
United States and Turkey are also working together on oil and natural
gas pipelines, including the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan, Turkey-Greece-Italy
Interconnector, and the Nabucco pipelines, to develop a new generation
of infrastructure that will help both Turkey and Europe secure and
diversify their energy supplies. One of my proudest accomplishments on
my last tour in Turkey was to help move the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil
pipeline forward, paving the way for these further efforts benefiting
both Turkey and global consumers.
Many Americans, including my family and me, have had wonderful
experiences living and working in Turkey and, in the case of our
daughter, graduating from a Turkish high school. It would be an honor
to return to Ankara to represent our Nation, promote U.S. interests,
and ensure that we are providing needed services for American citizens
in Turkey. If confirmed for this post, I will ensure all members of
United States mission Turkey work effectively to advance United States
goals in Turkey and the region, do our utmost to support our private
American community, and remain safe in the face of terrorist threats.
Mr. Chairman, if confirmed as ambassador, these are only a few of
the many items that would be on my agenda in Turkey. If confirmed, I
hope I can count on the help and advice of you and your colleagues. I
look forward to working with you and urge you to travel to this
beautiful and fascinating country.
Thank you.
Senator Kerry. Well, thank you, both of you, very, very
much. I appreciate it.
We'll just run--Bob, is 10 minutes okay? We'll do 10-minute
rounds and sort of bounce back and forth here.
Let me begin by asking just a couple pro forma questions.
Do either of you have any conflicts of interest which have
required you to divest of anything that we should be aware of
in the performance of the responsibilities in either of your
assigned countries? Ambassador Cretz?
Mr. Cretz. No, I don't, sir.
Senator Kerry. Ambassador Jeffrey?
Ambassador Jeffrey. No, sir.
Senator Kerry. Is there any issue on which either of you
would have to recuse yourself because of any potential conflict
of interest?
Ambassador Jeffrey. No.
Mr. Cretz. No, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. Thank you. Thank you both.
Mr. Jeffrey, with respect to the PKK, what would you--how
would you characterize the current state of relations between
Turkey and the Kurdish regional government?
Ambassador Jeffrey. The Kurdish regional government and the
Iraqi government both acknowledge the PKK is a terrorist
organization and they're working with both us and the Turks to
deal with that. There have been some strains and tensions, as
you mentioned, at the beginning of the cross-border operation.
There were some concerns from the Iraqi side, including from
the side of the Kurdistan regional government. The Turks have
been working both with the folks in Irbil in the Kurdistan
regional government and in Baghdad to smooth over these
concerns and I think that they have made considerable progress,
particularly with Prime Minister Erdogan's recent visit to
Baghdad and President Talabani's visit earlier this year to
Ankara.
It requires constant exchanges, but we are seeing progress,
sir, and I think that the two sides understand better now what
the purpose of these operations are and the limits of these
operations.
Senator Kerry. Where do you understand the Turkish
government's influence and position with respect to any Kurdish
independence issues?
Ambassador Jeffrey. The Turkish government, sir, like we
and like the Iraqi government, supports the territorial
integrity of Iraq as laid out in UN Resolution 1546 and
subsequent ones. We're very strong on this, as are the Turks.
Senator Kerry. So you would see the problem as really one
of self-defense and legitimate national security concern with
respect to the PKK trans-boundary initiatives?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Yes, sir, very much so. President Bush
met with Prime Minister Erdogan in November of last year and
agreed to provide a variety of intelligence and other support
for the Turkish operations and we do so fully cognizant that
this is a self-defense operation, it is not designed for
anything else, and the Turks have lived up to that, sir.
Senator Kerry. Fair enough.
With respect to the Turkish initiative regarding Syria and
Israel, there have been no direct talks yet between Syria and
Israel. President Assad is pushing those off pending, needless
to say, U.S. engagement in some more direct way. How would you
characterize the state, sort of what the accomplishment to date
would be of that initiative, and where do you see it playing
out?
Ambassador Jeffrey. First of all, sir, the United States,
this administration, supports this effort. We encourage Turkey
to continue what it's doing. The talks, as you said, have been
at some distance, with the Turks functioning as an
intermediary. The subjects are borders, security, water, and
overall political-diplomatic relations between the two.
We think that this is a very important step in an overall
comprehensive solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict and we hope
that this effort continues. We are encouraging both the
Israelis and the Turks to continue.
Senator Kerry. Do you see a role that we could play more
proactively?
Ambassador Jeffrey. We review this from time to time,
Senator. We are--at this point we're comfortable where we are
in terms of reaching out to Syria.
Senator Kerry. Well, I'm not going to push you on that
because I know that's a policy being made at a higher level,
but one that the committee has had some concerns about, as I
think you know.
Many of us on this committee are deeply concerned about how
we move Turkey and Armenia to resolve the outstanding issues,
including the opening of the border, the Nagorno-Karabakh,
obviously the events of 1915, and so forth. How would you
assess the progress made in the recent diplomatic initiatives,
beyond the soccer initiative? How would you assess that?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Sir, looking back at where I was I was
last in Turkey from 1999 to 2002, we've seen considerable,
albeit not yet sufficient, progress. For example, a few years
ago the Turks began issuing essentially immediate 90-day visas
for Armenians traveling to Turkey. There are some 70,000
Armenians living and working in Turkey today. There are weekly
commercial flights between Erevan and Istanbul. There are
contract flights between Erevan and Antalya during the summer.
During the Georgian crisis the Turks opened up the air space
between the two countries, and there's about 60 to $120 million
in annual trade between the two.
There are also, beyond the fairly dramatic events of last
month, sir, with President Gul's trip, there are also
diplomatic exchanges at various levels. The Armenians have a
diplomat in the Black Sea Cooperation Council in Istanbul and
there have been a variety of talks at other levels. However, we
have not achieved yet what we need, which is, as I said, the
establishment of diplomatic relations and the opening of the
border.
Senator Kerry. Let me go to one of the sort of tricky
questions here. I'm not trying to, literally not trying to trip
you up or anything. I'm just trying to get the record as clear
as we can going forward. At a House Foreign Affairs Committee
hearing on June 18, 2008, Assistant Secretary of State Dan
Freid stated, quote, that the brutality against the Armenians
starting in 1915 was, quote, ``extraordinarily well
documented,'' and that the assessment of former Ambassador to
the Ottoman Empire Henry Morgenthau, who documented the
Armenian genocide, was, quote, ''accurate, that is there is no
question the intent was not to remove people in a peaceful
way.``
In a letter dated this year, July 29, Assistant Secretary
of Leg Affairs Matt Reynolds wrote to Chairman Biden saying,
quote: ``Our goal in bringing archivists from Turkey and
Armenia to the United States for training is not to open a
debate on whether the Ottomans committed these horrendous acts.
It's to help preserve the documentation that supports the truth
of those events.''
Reynolds further added, quote: ``The administration
recognizes that the mass killings, ethnic cleansing, and forced
deportation of over 1.5 million Armenians were conducted by the
Ottoman Empire. We indeed hold Ottoman officials responsible
for those crimes.''
That is the administration's position. Based on those
statement--I'm not going to go into the historical details, but
based on those statements can you assure the committee that the
administration is not supporting rhetorically, financially, or
otherwise an effort to convene a commission to settle an
historical debate that in effect is not a debate?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Mr. Chairman, as you've indicated, the
administration recognizes and mourns and is very, very, very
concerned about the historical facts, which include, as you
said, the mass killing and the forced exile of up to 1.5
million Armenians at the end of the Ottoman Empire. We support,
as President Bush made clear in his recent statement on March
24, the open effort by both sides to get to the bottom of the
historical facts and to move forward as part of a
reconciliation process both to establish closer and eventually
full relations and to work out these dark chapters in the past.
Senator Kerry. So do I interpret that as, are you in fact
going farther than Assistant Secretary for Legislative Affairs
Reynolds did? Are you in effect saying that we are supportive
of the historical commission itself and its goal, or are we
supportive of simply maintaining the historical record?
Ambassador Jeffrey. We are supportive of anything that the
two sides mutually agree on, sir. And as part of any process,
we think that there should be a full and open review of the
events of that time.
Senator Kerry. Providing its mutually agreed on?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Providing its mutually agreed on.
Senator Kerry. Senator Menendez?
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me first say to Mr. Cretz, now that I know your wife is
a Union City native and as a Union City native, we've just got
to get the Libyans to put their money up really quick so you
can go there.
I mentioned the Pan Am bombing victims, of course. There's
the LaBelle victims and others as well. So we look forward to
the Libyans meeting their responsibility and hopefully your
opportunity once you're there after they meet their
responsibility to continue to engage in that respect.
Ambassador Jeffrey, I'm dismayed as I heard your answer to
Senator Kerry because that puts us before where we were when we
had the ambassador-designee to Armenia being interviewed, and
the statements that Senator Kerry read to you are the response
to this committee and to Chairman Biden from the State
Department because of great angst that was created as a result
of her testimony. Now you've taken us back to where we were
before, when you say we support whatever the commission does to
get to the bottom of the historical facts.
Well, that's not what the administration has said to us.
The administration in their letter--unless we're not to believe
letters sent to this committee now. The administration in their
letter said: ''Our goal is not to open a debate on whether the
Ottomans committed these horrendous acts. It is to help
preserve the documentation that supports the truth of those
events.``
That letter by Assistant Secretary of Legislative Affairs
Mr. Reynolds further went on: ``The administration recognizes
that the mass killings, ethnic cleansing, forced deportation of
over 1.5 million Armenians were conducted by the Ottoman
Empire. We indeed hold Ottoman officials responsible for those
crimes.''
Now, what I heard you respond to the question is quite
different. So do you want to clear it up for me or are you
sticking with your statement that we support whatever it is to
get to the bottom of the facts? The historical facts as I see
it have now been admitted to by the State Department and
clearly stated as such. And I don't get a sense that's what
you're telling us, so that puts a complication in this process.
Maybe you can help us.
Ambassador Jeffrey. I'll try, Senator. Certainly everything
that Assistant Secretary Reynolds wrote is U.S. Government
policy and we stand by it. What I was trying to communicate was
it's also important for Turks and Armenians to move forward on
a joint effort to work on these issues and to come to some kind
of, to the extent they can, common view of the historical
facts.
Senator Menendez. Well, if in fact we already have come to
the conclusion that the historical facts as outlined by Mr.
Reynolds on behalf of the State Department in July of this year
are that we indeed hold Ottoman officials responsible for those
crimes, why would we support an initiative that ultimately
doubts whether those are the historical facts? If the Turks
seek to do it that's one thing, but why would we be supportive
of an effort that ultimately undermines the very position that
our State Department has?
Ambassador Jeffrey. In conflicts such as this, Senator, we
believe that as a general rule--and we apply this across the
board in the many conflicts that I've been involved in--we
have--and it's our obligation to our own citizens and to the
historical record to have--our own views, but it's also
important to try to encourage the various sides on a dispute,
be it this one, be it others, to try to come to some sort of
joint understanding of the past and a joint way forward for the
future.
Senator Menendez. Let me ask you one last question on this.
Would you then as the ambassador be someone who would advocate
rhetorically, financially, or otherwise that the commission
should be constituted and move forward?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Senator, every effort that can be taken
for people to review openly the facts of that period would be
supported by me.
Senator Menendez. Let me ask you, do you believe that--
despite some painful legacy of the Armenian genocide, continued
illegal Turkish blockade, Armenia has repeatedly offered to
open diplomatic relationships with Turkey without
preconditions. Do you believe that Turkey should accept
Armenia's offer to establish full diplomatic and economic
relations without any precondition?
Ambassador Jeffrey. We believe that Turkey should establish
relations with Armenia, sir, that is correct.
Senator Menendez. Without any preconditions?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Without any preconditions.
Senator Menendez. Thank you. Let me ask you with reference
to the State Department's international religious freedom
report. One of my concerns reading from the report is minority
religious groups, particularly the Greek and the Armenian
Orthodox communities, have lost numerous properties to the
state in the past and continued ongoing efforts from the state
to expropriate properties.
Most particularly, the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the
spiritual leader of 6 million Christians here in the United
States and 300 million in the world, finds themselves
constrained, having his church's properties confiscated--you
mentioned the Halki school--not being able to have new
ordinations of priests at that location, and most recently U.S.
citizens who are affiliated with the church, the Greek Orthodox
Archbishop of America Demetrius, Metropolitan Isaiah of Denver,
Metropolitan Nikitas from San Francisco, and others who
attended the holy synod in Istanbul, were ultimately treated in
a way in which we would want no United States citizen to be
treated.
What is it that you would intend to do as our ambassador to
Turkey to get Turkey to understand the importance of religious
freedom and the respect of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, which
represents the spiritual leader of millions of Americans here
at home?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Senator, we would continue the progress
and continue the pressing that we have done in the past. This
was one of the biggest issues when I was there last time. It's
something that I know that Ambassador Wilson and his
predecessors have put a lot of time and effort into. We have
seen some success. In 2002 the Turks changed the property law
to allow the foundations for the Greeks, the Armenians, and the
Jewish groups in Turkey to purchase property. That was a step
forward, but not an adequate one. They changed the law again in
2006. Unfortunately, it was found unconstitutional and it is
back being reviewed.
We need to move forward on that law consistent with the
Turkish constitutional system and we need to take further
steps. This is something that I will, if confirmed, put a great
deal of effort into because I believe that it is absolutely
essential for the kind of relationship that we want to continue
to have.
In the case of the synod, we were pleased that non-Greek
members of the synod were appointed in 2004 and we hope that
they can exercise their full rights as members of the synod.
Senator Menendez. Are you aware of the European Court of
Justice's unanimous determination last July----
Ambassador Jeffrey. Yes, sir.
Senator Menendez:--which condemns Turkey's confiscation of
the orphanage of the Ecumenical Patriarchate? Are you aware of
that?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Yes, sir. This is the Kachuk Adaf
Orphanage. It is another of the lines of operation, if I will,
if I can, that we are pursuing. One of the reasons that we urge
Turkey to establish closer relations with the European Union is
to help folks resolve these sorts of problems that complicate
both our relationship, as you pointed out, with Turkey, but
also the European Union's.
Senator Menendez. Let me ask you this. On Cyprus there are
currently more than 40,000 Turkish troops in Northern Cyprus
occupying that part of the country. Since 2003 when I was one
of the first people to cross from the Greek Cypriot side into
the occupied side, there have been more than 13 million free
crossings from the occupied area to the Cypriot government and
vice versa.
Is that not a clear repudiation of the Turkish position
that you need to have 40,000, the most militarily--in terms of
square footage, the most militarily occupied part of any part
of the world?
Ambassador Jeffrey. We would be delighted to see any step
towards reconciliation, any step to further defuse that
situation, Senator, including withdrawals of troops. The
previous effort in 2004 had a very significant withdrawal of
foreign troops from the island as part of the Annan plan. We
fully support a comprehensive solution and we think that any
comprehensive solution would deal successfully and effectively
with the troop issue.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. Thank you, Senator Menendez.
Mr. Cretz, what's your understanding at the moment of the
Libyan contributions to the fund?
Mr. Cretz. Currently, Mr. Chairman--first I would point out
that the agreement was signed on August 15 between the United
States and the government of Libya. On September 3 the fund
that will receive the contributions was established.
Right now my understanding is that contributions to the
fund are being solicited and that we expect that the fund will
be capitalized in the near future.
Senator Kerry. Do you have any expectation on the time
frame?
Mr. Cretz. I can't give you a definite date, Mr. Chairman,
but we believe that it will be in the very near future.
Senator Kerry. When you say funds are being solicited, do
you know where they're being solicited from
Mr. Cretz. This is a humanitarian fund which is open to
anyone who wants to contribute. I do not know myself what the
actual sources of the funds will be.
Senator Kerry. Do you--is there any expectation that
American businesses anxious to secure contracts or do business
may contribute to the fund?
Mr. Cretz. Mr. Chairman, we have had three clear red lines
with respect to the solicitation or the capitalization of the
fund: number one, that there will be no United States taxpayer
dollars involved; number two, that we will not pressure U.S.
companies to contribute to the fund; and number three, that we
will not tolerate any pressure being brought to bear on any
U.S. companies to contribute to the fund.
Senator Kerry. Pressure is to be distinguished from an
invitation?
Mr. Cretz. Since the fund is----
Senator Kerry. Or request?
Mr. Cretz. Yes, I would say that it is. If U.S. companies
wish to make a contribution, just as any other companies,
Libyan companies, European companies wish to make a
contribution to that, it's certainly up to them. We have
offered that, if asked, we would facilitate any contact with
them about contribution with the Department of Justice with
respect to any regulations and laws that might apply.
Senator Kerry. Have you been briefed on or do you have any
concerns yourself as an incipient ambassador with respect to
the arms sales and potential nuclear agreements between France
and Libya?
Mr. Cretz. I have not, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. And you have no opinion with respect to
them? You don't have to. I'm just curious.
Mr. Cretz. I don't have an opinion on that.
Senator Kerry. What abut potential natural gas cooperation
between Libya and Russia?
Mr. Cretz. I think as we--if we are able in fact to expand
our relationship with the Libyans, we would hope that as part
of that there would be more investment in the exploitation of
Libyan oil as well as Libyan natural gas, not only for the
benefit of the United States Government and people at some
point, because it offers perhaps more stability in the oil
markets, but also because it would--as we look at the situation
with respect to Europe and the need to diversify sources of oil
and gas, I think we would look on that as--we would look on the
contacts between the Europeans and Libya as positive, as a way
to diversify from any one source of oil and gas which they have
now, and perhaps the Russians is a good example of that.
Senator Kerry. Do you expect the United States to try to--
is there any discussion that you're aware of of our offering
similar kinds of deal opportunities or engaging in discussions,
regarding either arms sales or energy production?
Mr. Cretz. With respect to energy production, we know that
our companies are involved in that. We know that several
American companies would like to gain further business with
Libya, especially with respect to oil recovery techniques. We
know that the Libyans would welcome further American investment
in this area.
With respect to arms, with respect to our own potential
arms sales to Libya, I would say that we hope that once we
overcome--once the problem with respect to the claims is
overcome fully and satisfactorily, that we will be able to
begin a defense relationship with Libya at some point. This
would be a relationship that would be based on--as we begin to
see the prospects of whether or not we would be able to sell
arms to Libya, it would be done on a case by case basis and in
response to positive Libyan behavior, as we have seen in the
past in what it's done with respect to WMD, renunciation of
terrorism, and we hope with the fulfillment of the claims
agreement.
Senator Kerry. To what degree does Libya's opposition to
the presence of non-African military forces, i.e., AFRICOM,
presence complicate that? And how do we anticipate their being
cooperative in those efforts that we obviously face on the
continent with respect to counterterrorism, and yet they're
opposed to the AFRICOM presence?
Mr. Cretz. When the Secretary was in Libya for her historic
visit a few weeks ago, she actually did engage in a discussion
with the Libyans with respect to AFRICOM. I think that we
discovered in that discussion that what they thought our intent
was with respect to AFRICOM was really quite mistaken. I think
the Secretary told the Libyans that we needed to do more work
with respect to explaining to them that this was not only a
security-based United States effort in Africa, but in fact it
was an effort to help Africans help themselves, especially with
respect to countering terrorism on the continent, and also to
helping Africans help themselves with respect to maintaining
and fostering political stability.
So we have work to do in that area, but I think the
Secretary's visit went at least some measure in terms of
dispelling what we thought--what appears to be a misconception
on the Libyans on the part of AFRICOM.
Senator Kerry. Does that play out in some positive way with
respect to conflicts in Chad or Darfur, Niger, and-or the other
regional sort of concerns that we have?
Mr. Cretz. Mr. Chairman, I think that we in the past, where
we might have seen elements of adventurism with respect to
Libya's actions in Africa, I think we've had a pretty good
indication over the past few years of a willingness by the
Libyan government to play a very favorable and positive role in
the conflicts in Africa, specifically in Darfur and most
recently as a participant, Libya's participant as a member of
the Dakar Accords with respect to the conflict between Sudan
and Chad.
While we may have had a difference of opinion at times with
Libya with respect to tactics in bringing these conflicts to
resolution, I think that the overall goal that we share with
the Libyans is similar in those cases. So I think that Libya--
one of the reasons I think that we want to settle the claims
agreement fully and satisfactorily is that we see a lot of
areas of potential cooperation with Libya in the future,
specifically with respect to counterterrorism and certainly
with respect to conflicts on the continent.
I would note also that Libya has been helpful in
establishing a humanitarian corridor to allow goods to Darfur,
and my understanding is that they have also opened up routes to
help refugees in the Sahel as well.
Senator Kerry. Those efforts, obviously we appreciate them
and they're important, but how do you square those--what
leverage do we have to address some of the internal abuses that
I cited, the human rights issues internally? Obviously, we
always have to try to prioritize some of these things, but we
never turn away from that no matter what our priorities. How do
we leverage that?
Mr. Cretz. Mr. Chairman, I think that first of all we
recognize, we should recognize, that we have not had a high
level dialogue or any dialogue basically with the Libyans for
almost 25 years. So I think that we need to--as we move forward
with the Libyans, I think we have made it clear that the--and
they have in fact expressed a willingness to engage in a human
rights dialogue with us.
When the Secretary was in Tripoli she specifically raised
the case of Fathi El-Jahmi and she also told the Libyans that
we would be eager to engage on a human rights dialogue on the
basis of mutual respect. I think that if confirmed as
ambassador I certainly would take a lead from what the
Secretary did. I think that we have an opportunity to start a
human rights dialogue on a high level.
Also I would note that Colonel Qadhafi's son himself, Seif
al-Islam, has also publicly spoken about the need to reform
parts of Libyan society. I think it will be an evolutionary
process, but I think that it's one that could yield fruit in
the future if we engage at with the proper means, the proper
attitude, and the proper time.
Senator Kerry. Thank you, Mr. Cretz.
Senator Menendez?
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Ambassador Jeffrey, I focused on--you have a big charge.
It's a big country. It's very important to us, and there's a
whole host of issues. So that's why I'm focused on getting a
good sense of what your thinking is on some of these.
If Turkey were to recognize the Armenian genocide, would
the United States be willing to do so?
Ambassador Jeffrey. We would have to see at that time,
Senator. I can't commit the administration to any future
action.
Senator Menendez. No, I realize you can't. But would you as
the U.S. Ambassador to Turkey say to the administration,
whoever that is in the next administration, that in fact we
should recognize it as well?
Ambassador Jeffrey. We constantly review. We constantly
review many things in our foreign policy processes. This one,
because of the great interest in the American public and
Congress, is one that gets reviewed all of the time. That would
certainly be a very major factor in any review if the two sides
could come to an agreement on that particular term or other
issues related to the past, sir.
Senator Menendez. Well, if Turkey on its own came to the
evolution that in fact it made a decision that, yes, a
previous, not even Turkey as we know it today but the Ottoman
Empire, did what the State Department says it has and said,
yes, there was a genocide, would it not be in the interests of
the United States to recognize what Turkey itself has
recognized?
Ambassador Jeffrey. It would be, as I said, Senator, a very
important factor. But aside from being concerned about
committing this or the future administration to a specific
course of action or predicting it, there would be other factors
that would have to be weighed, such as our general approach to
other conflicts and taking positions.
The relationship between Turkey and Armenia is a major
factor in the policies we take, the words we use. But there are
other factors as well, sir.
Senator Menendez. When you take the oath, should you be
confirmed by the Senate as the Ambassador of the United States
to Turkey, do you know what that oath says?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Yes, sir.
Senator Menendez. Does that oath speak to an administration
or does it speak to the country?
Ambassador Jeffrey. It speaks to the country, Senator.
Senator Menendez. In that respect, one of the things that I
look when we have nominees here is that when we have our--
understanding fully that the State Department to a large degree
is going to, and whatever administration you work for is going
to, define your parameters. But when I have an ambassador here
I want to be able to get straight talk so that in fact I know
and can make judgments as one member of the United States
Senate and of this committee, and I can't get that straight
talk if I hear a constant constrainment of what is the truth or
the realities and the opinions you might have in a country as
it relates to questions being posed to you by members of this
committee.
So I hope that we recognize that the oath is to the country
and this is an institution of the country at the end of the
day.
So let me ask you this question. There are a series of
media accounts--I won't take them all here--that reported that
Under Secretary of State Edelman and Assistant Secretary of
State Dan Fried traveled to Turkey in October of 2007 to,
quote, ``express regret'' over the adoption of the Armenian
genocide resolution by the U.S. House Foreign Affairs
Committee, one that I sat in at one time.
Is it your view, should you ultimately be approved by the
Senate as an ambassador, to express regret of what an
institution of the United States Congress does?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Senator, I never have and I never will
express regret. This is an independent and equal organ of the
United States Government. It deserves the respect of everyone
in the world.
Senator Menendez. I appreciate that answer.
Let me ask you one last, two last questions, and I may
submit some for the record, but not to belabor your appearance
here today. You know, I have spent a lot of time on the
question of Cyprus and Turkey and reunification of the island.
Many New Jerseyans are of descent from that country, American
citizens now.
Overwhelmingly in the years that I have spent focused on
this, probably the better part of 16 years in the Congress,
there is a very deep belief that the solution is not between
Greek and Turkish Cypriots, although that's what we would
desire it to be, but that a lot of this has to do with what
goes on in Ankara, and particularly the military in Ankara. How
do you see your role as the United States Ambassador in trying
to help what is clearly an interest of the United States to
have a country that is now part of the European Union, the
unoccupied part, but also that accepted our citizens when we
were finding the difficulties that were taking place when our
citizens had to be evacuated from Beirut in Lebanon, and
accepted them with open arms and helped us--how do you see
playing a role to try to move that in the right direction?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Certainly, sir. As one who was working
that evacuation, I do want for the record to thank again the
people of Cyprus for taking on thousands of Americans. It was a
magnificent and immediately crucial effort.
Sir, on the issue of Turkey, Turkey is a major player
obviously in this. Both Turkey and Greece are technically
guarantor powers under the 1960 set of accords. But far more
importantly, they're both political players in this. In the
case of Turkey, which is where if confirmed I would focus my
efforts, it would be my job, as it has been the job of my
predecessors in various positions there, to convince the Turks
that it is in their own interest to find a solution to that,
that their own relations, not just with us, importantly with
us, but also with Greece, not with Cyprus, of course, but with
the European Union, and with the region would be helped.
The more the Turks move closer to their neighbors, the
better their relations, the better their trade. We see this
with Greece, where, while there are still some issues, they've
recently had very high-level exchanges. They have now a gas
pipeline between Turkey and Greece. They have possibilities of
joint military units. This is exactly what we want to see
happening with Cyprus, with Armenia as well, Senator.
Senator Menendez. A final question if I may. I read your
statement, your full statement, and your 5-page statement, 14
paragraphs, has 2 that talk about all these challenges combined
together, particularly in the context of Turkey's desire to
enter the European Union and how there are obstacles to that.
If you were to receive the support of the Senate and be
confirmed, can you give me a sense, within the myriad of issues
that you will be facing, as to what type of import, attention
of your time and calibration will you give to the issues that
I've raised with you
Ambassador Jeffrey. Senator, in my last job in Turkey the
issues you raised occupied a very large part of my, if you
will, policy time, the time we spend into diplomatic contacts
with the Turks, certainly on the order of 20, 30, 40 percent.
The crisis of the day--as you pointed out, it's a large
country; it borders on a lot of problem areas--sometimes push
the press of business to the side. But this has been and if
confirmed it will be very important elements of our policy,
sir.
Senator Menendez. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Kerry. Thank you for a set of important, good
questions, Senator.
Just a couple more if I can. How would you characterize,
Mr. Jeffrey, the relationship right now between the AK Party
and the military establishment that's so important in Turkey?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Senator, I know enough about Turkey to
say that a question of that detail requires on-the-ground
talking with all of the people. If confirmed, that would be one
of my priorities, and I wouldn't want to go into it in detail
now. I would simply like to sketch out a few guideposts, if you
will.
First of all, there was the recent constitutional court
decision concerning the AK Party and the concerns that many in
Turkey had about whether it was going too far in challenging
the secular basis of the Turkish constitution and state. The
outcome was to fine the party but not challenge the party's
rule. I think that that is--the European Union has greeted that
decision and, while we don't get into constitutional decisions
in any real detail, I think that that portends well for stable
relations between the various key elements of Turkish society,
including between the military and this party.
Senator Kerry. Do you think that that relation--is that
relationship tricky with respect to the ability of the Cyprus
issue to be resolved?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Senator, my bias is almost everything
involving Turkey is tricky to one or another degree. But I
would have to say that it is a--that has always been in the
past when I was involved in this an issue of some concern. As
in many other cases of countries with important national
security demands, challenges, and issues, the Turkish military
has a say in political decisions, and that's something that we
have to work with all of the actors.
Senator Kerry. Is it your judgment that Turkey would accept
the withdrawal of its forces in exchange for the unification of
the island?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Turkey supported in----
Senator Kerry. In a bizonal, bicommunal, federated concept?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Turkey accepted in 2004, sir, the Annan
plan, which called for the withdrawal of most of the forces. I
think they would go down to roughly 6,000 on each side. I think
that if you could find a, as you said, bizonal, bicommunal
federal solution that both sides could agree to, I think that
Turkey as a whole would go along with it, as it was ready to do
in 2004.
Senator Kerry. And UE accession? What's your sense of the
status of that?
Ambassador Jeffrey. Sir, I didn't catch the beginning?
Senator Kerry. The EU accession.
Ambassador Jeffrey. Right now--there are 35 chapters that a
country has to work its way through, and it often takes 10 or
15 years. Turkey has eight chapters opened. They have eight
chapters closed. Again, as in many other cases, because of the
Cyprus situation the Turks do not open their ports to Cypriot
trade. They have their own arguments on why, based upon what
they have explained is EU commitments before the Annan
referendum on the island in 2004 concerning the Turkish
Cypriots.
But in any case, the EU has decided to freeze those eight
chapters. The EU is also very concerned about the
constitutional court case. Because of the way that that case
came out, I think, and because of the new movement on Cyprus,
we would hope and expect that there would be a new impetus to
moving forward on the EU.
Senator Kerry. Mr. Cretz, are you satisfied with the
current state of the consular relationship between us and
Libya, both the rate of travel, rate of visas, etcetera?
Mr. Cretz. Mr. Chairman, I think there needs to be an
improvement on both sides with respect to the consular issues.
Because of lack of facilities, we've only been able to offer
official visas in Libya, and in fact Libyans have to travel to
Tunis to get their U.S. visas adjudicated. We hope that as our
facility is able to that we can offer that at some point to the
Libyans.
At the same time, I would hope, and certainly if confirmed
as ambassador, to convince the Libyans to open up with respect
to the issuance of visas for Americans and to facilitate
certainly in a more productive way our official people who are
going there to do certain kinds of work, and also with respect
to tourism.
Senator Kerry. Are there any--have there been any closings
with respect to any deals, either cultural or science or
otherwise?
Mr. Cretz. Mr. Chairman, in February I believe we signed a
science and technology agreement. But as of right now we have
several agreements pending, including cultural exchange
agreement, a defense relationship framework agreement, a
potential trade and investment framework agreement. So all
these agreements in effect are in certain stages of being
resolved, and I expect that if confirmed as ambassador I would
hopefully oversee the conclusion of these agreements in the
next several months, pending of course the----
Senator Kerry. We want you obviously to do that, and I
think that progress in those areas could be awfully important.
So that could be helpful to the rest of the process.
Let me just take one minute on process here. I want to
check on something. [Pause.]
Senator Kerry. I'm just trying to work through, because
obviously there's a good chance we're going to finish this deal
on the economic deal and be out of here in a few days.
Obviously, we're concerned with the notion of being able to try
to move the nominations, though yours, Mr. Cretz, depends on
Libya, if Libya can move rapidly.
If we're in a pro forma session here, which we may well be,
then it would be possible to try to do this in an expedited
fashion. I think, Mr. Jeffrey, our plan is to try to discharge
you almost immediately, and then see how we can pull the pieces
together in the following days.
Therefore, what I will do is I think I'll leave the record
open for 24 hours only and we'll close the record out tomorrow.
If there are any additional questions in writing, it'll have to
be done in that time. Then I hope Libya is listening and can
write a big check quickly and transfer money by wire and get an
ambassador.
But we're very grateful, we're very grateful to both of
you. Again, I regret, Mr. Cretz, but obviously it's beyond our
control.
Let me thank you both again and your families. This is a
tough time to be abroad for anyone in the foreign service at
any level, may I add. This committee is particularly sensitive
to that and has a lot of respect for everything that people
have to put up with in that effort. We are trying--yesterday we
passed out of the committee an effort to try to equalize the
pay for foreign service officers, particularly in those areas
where families don't follow them because their families are
back here and they're paying Washington prices at lower scale.
We need to address those kinds of inequities of we're going to
continue to ask people to serve in these kinds of complicated
places and times.
But the committee is deeply grateful to you and obviously I
think the committee, both bipartisanly, has expressed deep
concerns about a number of policies that have made life more
complicated for the members of our foreign service and we're
very hopeful that over the course of the next months, either
way, that that's going to change. We look forward to continuing
to work at that.
So we thank you for your presence. We thank you for your
willingness to serve, and I am confident in the willingness of
the Senate to confirm both of you. It's really a matter of
scheduling.
We stand adjourned. Thank you.
[Whereupon, at 3:58 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]