[House Hearing, 109 Congress] [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office] HEARING ON THE CONDUCT OF ELECTIONS AND PROPOSALS FOR REFORM ======================================================================= HEARING before the COMMITTEE ON HOUSE ADMINISTRATION HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED NINTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION __________ HEARING HELD IN MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN, OCTOBER 24, 2005 __________ Printed for the Use of the Committee on House Administration _____ U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 26-272 WASHINGTON : 2006 _________________________________________________________________ For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512-1800; DC area (202) 512-1800 Fax: (202) 512-2250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402-0001 COMMITTEE ON HOUSE ADMINISTRATION BOB NEY, Ohio, Chairman VERNON J. EHLERS, Michigan JUANITA MILLENDER-McDONALD, JOHN L. MICA, Florida California CANDICE MILLER, Michigan Ranking Minority Member JOHN T. DOOLITTLE, California ROBERT A. BRADY, Pennsylvania THOMAS M. REYNOLDS, New York ZOE LOFGREN, California Professional Staff Paul Vinovich, Staff Director George Shevlin, Minority Staff Director WISCONSIN: CONDUCT OF ELECTIONS AND PROPOSALS FOR REFORM ---------- MONDAY, OCTOBER 24, 2005 House of Representatives, Committee on House Administration, Washington, DC. The committee met, pursuant to call, at 9 a.m., in the Milwaukee Federal Building and Courthouse, 517 East Wisconsin Avenue, Room 225, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Hon. Robert W. Ney [chairman of the committee] Presiding. Present: Representatives Ney, Ehlers, and Moore. Also Present: Representative Green. Staff Present: For Representative Ney: Paul Vinovich, Karen Christian, Audrey Perry, Donald Zelaya, and Patrick Sweeney. For Representative Ehlers: Ben Gielow. For Representative Millender-McDonald: George Shevlin and Thomas Hicks. For Representative Moore: Winfield A. Boerckel, Jr., Kathleen Mulligan-Hansel, and Shirley Ellis. Mr. Ney. The Committee will come to order and I would ask that the first panelists, we have two members for the first panel, please feel free to come up and join us. The Committee is meeting here today in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, to take a look back at how the 2004 election was conducted in Wisconsin and hear about proposals for the reform. Today's hearing follows previous hearings this Committee has held in both Washington, DC and in my home state of Ohio, Columbus, Ohio, on election issues. With the January 1, 2006, deadline for compliance with the Help America Vote Act, of which I was the main author along with Carson and Steny Hoyer, who authored on the Democrat side along with quite a lot of members to pass the Help America Vote Act known as HAVA, we are working with different groups from across the country to complete that act. The last phase of it in 2006 will be kicking in on January 1. While some in the media and others have brought a lot of attention to the 2004 election cycle in my home state of Ohio, as you know, Ohio was basically the most scrutinized state in the nation. We went there to look at some of the discussions of whether the Help America Vote Act worked correctly, what happened in Ohio, and we found some other things applied to the act and some didn't. Frankly, some are local issues and state issues. But a lot of attention was brought in the 2004 election in my home state. There is substantial evidence of some voting irregularities in Wisconsin in 2004 that were brought to our attention. The attention given to Ohio's problems was curious given the margin of victory was 10 times what it was in the state of Wisconsin. While some may not want to admit it, election problems are not limited only to the states won by Republicans. They can also occur in states won by Democrats. So, although Ohio is a focus, we have several states across the nation that we can look at and learn from. During the course of this hearing, we hope to learn more about what went wrong during the most recent election cycle and how elections can be improved in Wisconsin and the United States. By gaining a greater understanding of what happened, we will be able to ensure the effective administration and successful operation of Wisconsin elections and the United States elections in the future. Issues debated in Wisconsin are also being debated at the national level, and it will be particularly constructive for this Committee to learn what is happening here. Today we have with us members of our Committee, the House Administration Committee, and I would note and we will turn our attention to a statement by our ranking member, Juanita Millender-McDonald of California, and she passes her regrets today that she could not be here due to a commitment that she has. But she has a great interest in this issue as we are responding and working with our ranking member, Congresswoman Juanita Millender-McDonald. Also a regular member of the Committee is Congressman Vern Ehlers of Michigan to my right. Congressman Ehlers served on the Committee for the past 10 years that I have been in the House, and also, a member in her own right, Congresswoman Moore filling in our for ranking member, Juanita Millender-McDonald. Thank you for having us from your state. And also, at the far end of the table, Congressman Green, who had requested of me to have this hearing here in Wisconsin. We thank him for asking us to be here in your state and for initiating this hearing. Witnesses, I want to clarify for the record because I had a call from a newspaper out here, and there was a question about witnesses. At one point in time there were witnesses submitted to us by the minority, but then they requested witnesses, and we put the witnesses here so I just wanted to clarify you can't always believe what you read in the newspapers. But in this case, I wanted to clarify that we accepted the witnesses so there are witnesses by both the minority and majority, which is the way it should be. The two witnesses contacted by us were not able to attend. The United States Department of Justice declined our invitation citing ongoing investigations into the joint task force report, and also Janice Mueller of the Legislative Audit Bureau was invited, but respectfully declined. But we'll have other people who can testify again for results and views of the election. And again, with Congressman Green, we welcome him and thank him for having us here in your state, in your great state. This again is not the first of the hearings we have had and I predict it won't be the last. Our door is always open in Washington. Behind us are staff of House Administration, majority, minority. We are always willing as we work through HAVA and other bills to listen to the concerns across the United States and input on elections on how people think that it can be made better. Full press makes it easier to vote and harder to cheat. Everybody can agree on that. Each hearing that we have helps to advance our understanding of what problems exist in our election system and how best to solve them. I look forward to hearing from all the witnesses, and I will yield to Congresswoman Moore who is here on behalf of our ranking member. Before I do, just a technical piece of business, I would like to advise people in the audience today that cellular phones, pagers, and other electronic equipment should be silenced from interrupting the proceedings. Also, we welcome you in the audience that are here today. This will be an official meeting of the Congressional Committee of the U.S. House of Representatives House Administration Committee, and so it is governed today by the rules of House of Representatives, and these rules give the Committee Chair the power to maintain order and decorum. Pursuant to that, disruptive people in the audience who interfere with the conduct of the Committee's business will be removed. We ask that you not either boo or applaud depending on the mood that betakes you if someone says something. I don't know if I have the same type of control of members as I do the audience. And with that, without objection I would ask that both members who are not members of this Committee, Congresswoman Moore and Congressman Green without objection be allowed to participate as full members. Ms. Moore. I absolutely want to thank Chairman Ney and appreciate his courtesy for allowing me to sit with these distinguished members of the House Administration Committee. As you well know, you were one of the first members of congress that I had the opportunity to meet when I was elected to Congress and the House Administration Committee continues to be a committee that really deals with matters and mostly bipartisan manner, and I am happy to welcome you here to Wisconsin, great place and a great lake. I--I am going to ask Mr. Chairman that we submit Ranking Member Juanita Millender-McDonald Congresswoman's opening statement for the record. I will read just a small portion of it. Mr. Ney. Without objection. STATEMENT OF THE HON. JUANITA MILLENDER-McDONALD, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF CALIFORNIA, AS READ BY CONGRESSWOMAN GWEN MOORE Ms. Moore. Thank you. I would like to--this is Ranking Member Millender McDonald's opening statement in part. I would like to thank the Chairman for holding this field hearing in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. However due to a prior commitment which cannot be rescheduled, I am unable to attend today's hearing. I hope we'll continue to hear dialogue on how the conduct of elections and review how the Help America Vote Act, HAVA, is being implemented. Today the committee will hear testimony on the conduct of elections in Wisconsin and proposals for reform. And without objection, I would like to submit her testimony for the record. Mr. Ney. Without objection. [The statement of Ms. Millender-McDonald follows:]STATEMENT OF THE HON. GWEN MOORE, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF WISCONSIN Ms. Moore. Mr. Chairman, I would like to take this opportunity to read my own opening statements, and I want to thank you again for that privilege. Being a freshman I never expected to be in the position of the Ranking Member, but you know, just can't hold a good woman down. Mr. Ney. Ranking Member from California wanted me to tell you just don't get too comfortable. Ms. Moore. That feels good. Since the 2004 elections, a number of task forces and special committees here in my state have reviewed how the election was conducted around the state and in Milwaukee. These bodies included the legislative counsel special committee on election law review which included county clerks, representative of Milwaukee County election commission, municipal clerks, election lawyers, and the executive director of our state election board, Mr. Kevin Kennedy, who will be testifying here today as well. Again, we had the City of Milwaukee election task force which looked closely at the conduct of the elections here in Milwaukee, the chair of which Ms. Sharon Robinson who is also in the audience and will testify this morning, and as you have mentioned Chairman Ney, the legislative audit bureau evaluation of voter registration issued this September, a very credible nonpartisan body in our state. Each of these bodies found what they believed to be the problems that needed to be solved; mainly administrative errors by poll workers and rules that need updating. So they have made a host of recommendations which include better training of poll workers, recommended changes to our current state elections procedures, rules and systems and perhaps most importantly the request for better funding for state and local elections. Agencies without--which the first two recommendations will never take place, the old mandate sort of argument, Mr. Chairman. You will find this call echoed in the written testimony of many of our witnesses here today, I would submit on both sides. After looking closely at what happened here in our state, none of these state's local bodies recommended that every voter without a government issued photo ID be turned away at the polls. Perhaps this is because such a proposal would not solve the difficulties we faced last November 2nd. It seems to be a solution in search of a problem. And it has the potential to disenfranchise the thousands of people, the elderly, ethnic minority, and students. Just to illustrate, I would like to submit for the record, Mr. Chairman, a study by Professor John Peroserat (phonetic) that outlines just how many people in this state and in Milwaukee do not have a driver's licenses. In this state over 177,000 of seniors, an estimated 98,247 Wisconsin residents age 35 through 64, and 47 percent of county African American adults and 43 percent of Hispanic adults in Milwaukee County do not have driver's licenses. Why focus on--why not focus on real solutions that solve our real difficulties with the elections here in Wisconsin and Milwaukee? Some recommendations like the statewide voter registration system is already in the process of being constructed as we speak, and I understand it may go a long way toward resolving a number of the discrepancies. Other recommendations by this body will require passage of laws through the state legislature. But then let's go and pass the consensus recommendations made by these experts who have looked closely at what went wrong, and then fund the recommended changes adequately and then see if it works. What we should not do is jump the gun with a proposal that does not address the problems identified by state and local experts and at the cost of disenfranchising so many elderly voters. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for the courtesy, and I would ask my testimony as well be submitted for the record. Mr. Ney. Thank you for the statement. Without objection, the testimony and the additional materials will be submitted for the record. [The statement of Ms. Moore follows:]
Mr. Ney. Mr. Ehlers. Mr. Ehlers. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. STATEMENT OF THE HON. VERNON J. EHLERS, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF MICHIGAN Mr. Ehlers. I am pleased to take a little hop across the lake to be in Milwaukee once again. I have not been here since August. And it is a beautiful downtown area, beautiful art museum. It is good to be back again. I was somewhat surprised for the reason for the visit because this has been a very well kept secret nationally that the election last year was as flawed as it was. All the attention focused on Ohio. And clearly if Ohio had gone the other way, all the attention would have focused on Wisconsin, and I think people in the state would have been very chagrinned to have all their faults exposed on national TV that occurred in Ohio and Florida five years ago. Clearly there is something wrong and I was surprised when reviewing the record. I have been involved in elections for 30 years, I have served on this committee as long as I have been in Congress, and we have had to deal with a lot of flawed elections. The pattern is the same in almost every case. What I have not heard is the word fraud, which is what everyone really worries about. There are, of course, the honest mistakes that are made by poll workers who may not be properly trained, who only do the job twice a year and may have forgotten the procedures. That certainly can be handled with checklists, and I was surprised to find that there were not sufficient written instructions available for poll workers. That may be part of the problem. But poll workers are very--in my experience, very fine people, very dedicated people who come out to work in these elections very long hours, and do a difficult job dealing with the public that sometimes gets angry about waiting in line. So I am not in any way criticizing the poll workers. But clearly some things were wrong in the last election in Wisconsin and they should be corrected. I simply don't understand the argument that it is too difficult for individuals to get an ID card. In Michigan, we have had it for years. People ask for it. Simply because if they didn't have a driver's license, they have trouble cashing checks, they have trouble doing financial transactions, etcetera, and so for years in Michigan, we have issued at request state ID cards through the secretary of state's office exactly the same process as getting the driver's license except you don't take a test and you are not qualified to drive afterwards. I just think that the argument that it is too difficult for people to do just does not hold water. And whether or not Wisconsin decides to use an ID card for election purposes is besides the point. There is certainly no reason not to have ID cards available furnished by the state through the secretary of state's office. Michigan does it. A lot of other states do it upon request, and there is no difficulty. Some states, of course, do require the picture ID and I think it is a good idea. That may not have been the problem here, I don't know. But certainly it helps reduce fraud in elections, and fraud is what you have to worry about. Honest mistakes will always occur. Fraud is deliberate and planned, and you have to take every step you can to make certain that fraud does not occur. There is certainly evidence of some fraud occurring, perhaps not enough to have overturned any election, but there is certainly enough evidence that we should be concerned about it. There has been enough so that the people of Wisconsin should be concerned about it. With that, I give back. Mr. Ney. Thank you. The gentleman from Wisconsin, Mr. Green. STATEMENT OF THE HON. MARK GREEN, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF WISCONSIN Mr. Green. Thank you for giving me the chance to testify this morning and thanks for coming to my home state. I join Representative Moore in welcoming you to Wisconsin and Milwaukee. Mr. Chairman, this area is famous for many things, we are the home of Harleys and beer and bratwurst and we are playing some pretty good basketball and baseball as well these days. Unfortunately we are also becoming known for election irregularities. These problems go back several election cycles breaking onto the national scene with the 2000 presidential election and the widely reported cigarettes for votes program and it carried over into the elections last fall. Out-of-date voter lists, fake names, invalid addresses, double, sometimes triple voting, ballots cast by convicted felons whose rights have not yet been legally restored. Unfortunately, the laundry list goes on and on. Mr. Chairman, that's one reason why I made the request some months ago that you came here today and I am so grateful that you have. In May, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel reported an investigation that found almost 300 cases of felons voting illegally, at least 100 cases of double voting, 1200 votes from invalid addresses, and thousands more ballots cast than people reported as voting. A mutual friend and former colleague of all of ours, Mayor Tom Barrett, even reported that the folks he bought his house from six years ago were still on the voter rolls registered at that home address. Of course, these cases of irregularity are by no means exclusive to Milwaukee or Wisconsin. We all know unfortunately that they plague our election system in a number of places. But even if Milwaukee or Wisconsin were the only place with problems, it would still potentially hurt our democracy and people's faith in our system. When presidential elections come down to the outcome of one or two states as we have experienced for two presidential elections in a row, election problems don't just affect one state, they can affect the entire country and the future course of our country. Wisconsin as you noted was very nearly the deciding state last fall and even four years ago. Last year on a percentage basis, the outcome was closer in Wisconsin than any other state. Now, of course, there is no silver bullet to fixing our election problems, but there are measures that can make the process better, more reliable, and less subject to the fraud that we have seen far too often. Mr. Chairman, as this committee looks at ways to election challenges and restore people's faith in our system, I would ask that you consider legislation I offered some months ago and introduced, the Vote Act. I believe it is a broadly written response to many of the issues that you will hear about this morning. The Vote Act requires training for all poll workers and establishes a federal grant program to help states meet those training requirements. My bill also proposes changes to the registration system, increasing accountability and setting clear standards in all facets of voter registration. During voter registration drives, my bill enhances in our system by prohibiting felons from canvassing voters, and requiring that paid canvassers disclose the source of their pay. The Vote Act also ensures that investigations on voting complaints happens fast because we should not have to wait for a long drawn out process. In some ways the heart of the Vote Act is a photo ID requiring all voters to present a valid photo ID before casting a ballot. This requirement is one of the principal recommendations of the bipartisan Carter-Baker Commission. Requiring voters to show a government approved photo ID is the best way for us to protect the fundamental American principle of one man one vote. Every American has the sacred right to cast their vote, but only once. You have to show an ID to rent a movie at your local video store. In Wisconsin you even need one to buy certain cold medicines. With so much at stake in our elections, I don't think it is too much to require one for voting. I have listened carefully to concerns that a few have raised that some folks might have trouble paying for or obtaining an ID. The Vote Act specifically includes provisions to try to address those concerns. It authorizes, for example, states like Wisconsin to form a photo ID requirement for those who can't obtain one because of a disability or a physical incapacity. Of course, voters are not the only folks affected by a photo ID requirement. Those great folks that my colleague Vern Ehlers referred to sit on the other side of the table during the election, the poll workers, they will be affected, and my bill makes their job easier because it establishes a simple rule, voters must present a photograph ID. The photograph ID requirement is by no means the answer to all of our election problems--not by a long shot and I think that's something we can all agree on. For example, a key problem reported by the Milwaukee task force was a lack of sufficient training among poll workers. The Vote Act requires training for all poll workers, and again, it establishes a grant program that helps states meet those requirements. The task force also found problems with voter registration. 20,000 registration cards were not processed in time by November. My bill also proposes changes to the registration system, increasing accountability, and setting clear standards in all facets of voter registration. The Vote Act contains provisions, that combat these and allows us to go after organizations that do not follow the standards originally outlined by HAVA which, as you noted, you were the lead author of. If someone recognizes fraud during say, a voter registration drive, my bill ensures that investigations into voting complaints start right away. Every American deserves speedy and thorough investigation into the problems arising from any election. In summary, Mr. Chairman, our democracy can withstand a lot of things, a loss of faith in our elections is not one of them. We have to believe that whoever wins, Republican, Democrat, conservative, liberal, your guy, my guy, he or she has won fair and square. It is the only way that our leaders have the democratic mandate they need to take on our nation's most heated challenges. That's why the work of this committee is so crucial to our future. And I appreciate the committee's willingness in traveling so far to look into the problems and all that has happened here in Wisconsin. If problems can arise in a state as great as Wisconsin and a community as great as Milwaukee, they can happen anywhere. I applaud your commitment to this issue. The American voter and I appreciate the chance to address this committee. It means a great deal to me. I yield back. [The statement of Mr. Green follows:]
Mr. Ney. Again, I want to thank the Gentleman once again for inviting us here. This is why we are here, so we appreciate it. We are going to go to our first panel. I want to explain, there are time clocks. We are all four creatures of the legislature, all four of us. We have all served. I was a state Representative and state Senator so we have all served, and in most of our legislatures, you don't have to have a clock. Legislators kind of know when to wrap it up. Congress is a lot different. That way we can control things. We have a clock and it will go green and then it will hit yellow and you have a minute to sum up and then it hits red. We just try to stay to the clock and the timing, so I will give you a friendly reminder if it goes past the red. That way we can get all three panels in. That's the procedure of the House. Again, welcome State Senator Joe Leibham and also State Representative Pedro Colon. And I want to welcome both members and we will start with the Senator first. STATEMENT OF STATE SENATOR JOE LEIBHAM Mr. Leibham. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Committee. Welcome to Wisconsin. It is a pleasure to welcome Senator Ney and Congressman Ehlers to Wisconsin and to welcome home two of Wisconsin's favorites: Congressman Green and Congressman Moore. It is a pleasure to see you both. Congresswoman Moore, I have not had a chance to visit with you since our departure Senate, but it is good to see you before us today. Mr. Chairman and committee members, one key block in foundation of our free country, our democracy here in America is our election process and the ability of our citizens to make a difference by casting a vote for our elected officials. Unfortunately, I believe and I believe it is being that this foundation has been softened if not eroded specifically over the recent years due to legitimate concerns regarding human administrative error and fraudulent voter activity here in Wisconsin. Each year we have witnessed increasing problems and with the process here in Wisconsin while the faith of our voters continues to erode. As Congressman Green indicated, we have had problems in the 2000 elections, 2002 elections, and most concerningly in the most recent 2004 election we have had a strong concern of questionable voter activity and administrative error. Recently the legislature put together a special committee, a joint legislative council committee that has been working to review the problems of the 2004 election, and that committee has been working in concert with some official investigations that are taking place here in the state of Wisconsin. We have the joint election fraud task force which is of the U.S. Attorney, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Milwaukee District Attorney, and the Milwaukee Police Department. That task force has been reviewing some of the problems of our 2004 election here in Wisconsin, and they have recently released some preliminary finding that show some very concerning things. Today the preliminary findings of that task force show that we have more than 100 individual instances of suspected double voting in the 2004 election, people voting in names of persons who mostly likely did not vote or voting in names of individuals that would be fake. We have more than 200 felons who voted when they were not eligible to do so. We have evidence of paid special deputy registrars who falsely listed approximately 65 names in order to receive compensation for those registrations, and to date, the number of votes counted in the City of Milwaukee exceeds the numbers of persons voting by more than 4500 individuals. To date, 14 people have been charged in connection with the overall investigation including 10 felons who have been suspected of voting illegally while still on probation or parole. Now, while the majority of the media coverage here in Wisconsin has been focused on the City of Milwaukee, our special committee wanted to take a look at what is happening across the state, we believe activity and administrative errors can take place in any location, so we asked the legislative audit bureau to conduct an audit of all of our election municipalities across the state of Wisconsin. Recently, as Congresswoman Moore indicated, that legislative audit bureau report was brought forward and they indicated a number of concerning problems as well. Specifically, the audit found that 98 ineligible felons may have voted in our 2004 election, two individuals who possibly voted twice, one voter who may have voted under age, and four absentee ballots that should not have been counted because the voters who cast them had passed away prior to election day. And these--this audit bureau information has brought forward, obviously, a number of areas of administrative functioning that could be changed in our election processes as well. But clearly these problems demonstrate, there needs to be some corrections in Wisconsin's election laws and our committee has sought about to do just that. Within the next couple of weeks, people can move a comprehensive package of election reform. That is going to do a number of things to reform our election processes. We worked with the City of Milwaukee, we worked with governor's administration, and we hope to bring forward a number of changes which would again not only administratively improve our election laws, but also deal with the potential of fraudulent activity. In addition to this comprehensive reform package, the legislature has been working on a photo ID requirement. I have joined Representative Jeff Stone in authoring a photo ID requirement here in the State of Wisconsin. That photo ID requirement does provide flexibility for individuals who do reside in nursing home facilities and assisted living facilities and would provide a measure which would cover costs for anybody who is unable to afford a photo ID. Unfortunately, that legislation has been vetoed by our governor three times, but we do plan to continue to move forward to focus on photo ID through legislative and a possible constitutional amendment. I would encourage the committee members to work with us as we explore our election processes here in the State of Wisconsin. We want to fix our elections. I would encourage you to endorse Congressman Green's Vote Act. It includes many provisions that we have looked at and plan to move forward here in the state of Wisconsin. And again, collectively, we need to accomplish our goal which is to ensure that that key foundation of our country, our democracy, the right to vote is maintained and enhanced here in Wisconsin. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and Committee Members. Mr. Ney. Thank you, Senator. Representative. [The statement of Mr. Leibham follows:]
STATEMENT OF STATE REPRESENTATIVE PEDRO COLON Mr. Colon. Good morning. Thank you, Ms. Moore, Mr. Ehlers and Mr. Green for allowing me to testify and giving me opportunity to express my views on the issue requiring citizens to present photo identification for voting. As a person who runs for office and dedicates a great amount of time to influencing issues and elections, I am interested and committed to a fair election process for all. However, it has been my experience and understanding voter identification requirements will undermine the participation in the electoral system of local and statewide elections and ultimately lead to a government that is less representative and less legitimate in the eyes of the public at large. The election results in 2000 differed by about 11,000 votes. The election 2004, those election results differed by about 5,000 votes. Given what happened in Ohio and what happened in 2000 in Florida and in Wisconsin, given the fact that the electorate was definitely unsure as to who should govern as most of the nation, it was greatly contested. The local newspaper in the Milwaukee metro area, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, suspecting that Wisconsin would become another Florida, covered the election process in the 2004 elections and concluded that various procedures and process were not followed and that voter lists were woefully disorganized and poorly kept. This report did not cover the outlying areas of Milwaukee or the outlying suburbs. This in turn led to a partisan call and suspicion of voter fraud in the Milwaukee election. Based on those partisan calls for investigations, the local district attorney, the U.S. Attorney's office, the Milwaukee police department, conducted an investigation. So far as of August 22nd they have not been able to find any fraud in the allegations by essentially the Republican party's call for an investigation into the fraud. Of the total 105 cases found by the legislative audit bureau to have constituted fraud, 98 were felons who were not allowed to vote. We all understand that those felons should not vote or should not participate, but I don't know that a voter ID requirement is going to dissuade or in any way, shape, or reform not allow those felons to not vote in the future elections. According to Assistant U.S. Attorney Biskupic, there is still no evidence of widespread conspiracy, end of quote. As of found assorted clerical errors, other inconsistencies, but no fraud. At the same time the three investigative agencies have found no widespread fraud in our elections, the University of Milwaukee employment training institute has found 177,399 persons over the age of 65 and 98,247 of the ages between 35 and 65 simply do not possess a driver's license. Not surprisingly, disproportionately it is the elderly and the poor that do not have the driver's license. In my zip code of the area in which I represent 58 percent of the males do not have a driver's license and 36 percent of the females simply do not have a driver's license. The same study found that 3 percent of students residing in the dormitories at the University of Wisconsin Milwaukee campus and Marquette University, only 3 percent were properly changing their addresses on their driver's licenses. I also believe that a photograph identification would simply frustrate the course of the voting. In the Town of Caledonia not long ago a clerk decided she was going to get a jump start on all the lists that we talked about, and in the process of that during an education referendum in that town, the people became so frustrated at the requirement that they simply went home and midmorning during that referendum it was reported that she just simply stopped requiring the IDs. It was too cumbersome. Given the fact that there has been no widespread fraud according to the Attorney General, U.S. Attorney General, and given the fact that the people do not possess a driver's license, I don't know requiring a ID is the best way to maintain democracy and participation in the election process. I do understand that there have been problems. However, voter ID will not do anything to solve those problems. Just this past April, Governor Doyle proposed voter reforms that will address bureaucratic errors and called into question the integrity of our election system. This reform include a early voting option for all eligible voters, a mandatory training for poll workers, uniform voter registration cards requiring municipalities to develop an election day plan designed to meet 30 minute maximum waiting time at the polls, allow state wide uniform poll hours, and require maps of the polling sites for voters. It is my belief that we should be focussing on these types of reforms rather than creating more barriers for one to cast a vote on election day. Thank you for allowing me the opportunity to testify. [The statement of Mr. Colon follows:]
Mr. Ney. I want to thank both members of the legislature for their testimony. I have a few questions and we will turn to my colleagues. In the Help America Vote Act we had a provision for first time registrants, that they could use an ID, the last four digits of their social security number, a bank card, a bank statement, or something else with their name on it. The Congress at that time didn't tackle the ID issue it didn't say; this is the ID you have to have. We started to go down that path, and decided to deal with it on a generic basis--so in federal elections, for the first time registrants, there is some ID requirement. Then there was the attestation that you have to be a citizen of the United States to vote, and that non-citizens who voted could be charged. So, some of this was left up to the states. There is still--and somebody will be testifying from the Carter-Baker Commission today--talk in Washington of voter ID and, the verified paper trail. My state has a paper trail requirement. I am always asked about whether we should mandate that nationally. So there are still questions ahead. We are looking at Georgia and their voter ID requirements. Do you have any comments--as we look at Georgia's law and what happened down there, part of it was struck down, Senator and also Representative, Congressman, since you authored the law that was vetoed several times, is there a difference between the way you approached it and Georgia approached it. The argument in Georgia was that you had to provide a piece of paper and tell why you could not pay for an ID, and another reason why it was struck down in Georgia with the voter ID was because of lack of locations and access. Any comments in the difference between the law here that was voted on and in Georgia. Mr. Leibham. Thank you. I will begin with the response. Under the provision that Wisconsin's legislature is continuing to review the three types of identification that we would require individuals to show prior to voting in Wisconsin election would be a state issued photo ID, state issued driver's license which has a photo ID on it, or a military ID. And we have written the legislation to ensure that there are a number of exceptions or provisions in place for individuals that may not be able to obtain. Specifically in the area of seniors we have an exception in the legislation that says if you reside in a nursing facility and an assisted living facility or you are infirmed in your own home due to a disability or inability to get to a polling location, you would being exempt from a photo ID requirement. In addition, under the Wisconsin legislation, we adopt the provisional voting concept that is at the federal level and that would say if you come in to a Wisconsin election on election day and for one reason or another didn't obtain or have the identification that was required, you could cast a provisional ballot and have until 4:00 o'clock the following day to come in and provide the appropriate identification. I think that is one major difference in the Georgia law, in allowing that provisional balloting to take place just in case a person does forget the ID on election day. Mr. Ney. Representative Colon. Mr. Colon. My only comment would be that talking about a voter ID reform assumes that there is voter fraud. I don't think that has been found anywhere. I truly believe that in this community in the City of Milwaukee we have a good U.S. Attorney general, we have a pretty good D.A. that does a good job and there are good investigative agencies. There simply does not exist any widespread voter fraud. Those are their words, not mine. The fact is that Wisconsin has a very progressive tradition of allowing and including people to vote. In the last election, we had 75 percent of the eligible voter voted. My view is simply that we can work on the polling sites, we can work on some of the things that we need to work on and we all understand that. I think that is a bipartisan understanding. But requiring an ID will disproportionally affect the people that simply have the least. I don't believe that we should make requirements that simply we will leave a large proportion of the electorate, of the eligible electorate to be essentially political refugees during an election. Mr. Ney. Any comments on the Help America Vote Act? First time registrants by mail will have to put their last four digits of social security, that would be under the federal provision. Any thoughts on that or--not a photo ID, but it is-- -- Mr. Colon. That proposal has been being reviewed obviously at the state level, we discussed that. The question in regard to the social security requirement is basically the law says that an individual could put down four numbers supposedly supposed to be a social security number and then sign an affidavit that supposed to be suggesting that you are who you say you are, and again, if an individual is wanting to participate in fraudulent activity, those aren't two hurdles that are hard to overcome and that's the concern that Wisconsin has with the social security requirement. I should add, Mr. Chairman, that Wisconsin has probably some of the most open election laws in the United States of America in regard to the ability for any individual to come in and vote until 8:00 p.m. On election day. We have same day recommendation. We have provisional balloting opportunities. And what we are trying to do in the legislative approach and I appreciate your efforts as well maintain the openness while ensuring that that openness is not being taken advantage of. And to do that, you have to have checks and balances in place so that you can ensure that the voting process, the very open voting process is not being taken advantage of. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Ney. As I am sure the members of the audience are aware, when we passed the Help America Vote act, provisional balloting was a key issue. That way, if you have any disputes in states about the ID requirements, and someone says, ``Well, this is not a proper ID''--people can still vote with a provisional ballot. Provisional balloting stops the disenfranchisement of individuals. We had conversation in Ohio about the intention of provisional balloting. I think the provisional balloting is a large key to HAVA. As states go down the voter ID or identification path, people could still use the provisional ballot if they are disputed at the polling place, they can still vote and have their ballot decided later. Do you have any questions? Ms. Moore. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I thank this panel for their very, very astute testimony. I think I would like to question Representative Colon first. Am I going to have five minutes for both witnesses or just one. Mr. Ney. Both. Ms. Moore. Both of them together. Mr. Ney. Yes. Ms. Moore. Start the clock over again, okay. I am going to have questions for both of you and you know that I am not that good on not talking long, you know that. Mr. Leibham. We miss you. Ms. Moore. Here is the question. This Commission I believe that you served on, Senator Leibham, came with some excellent recommendations for reforming the elections process, and I guess I just really don't get it. I can't connect the dots between how requiring a photograph ID would stop some of the mistakes, errors, even the 98 felons that have been investigated, I believe one of those people have been convicted. And I am wondering about--and while protecting the vote is extremely important, I am wondering how you are reacting to the John Peroserat study that we entered into the record and I believe that Representative Colon referred to. You talk about the one voter that may have been under age in your testimony, the four dead people who didn't die on purpose I am sure, but they cast their ballots before they died on election day. And I am wondering how--how requiring a photograph ID which will have the impact of disfranchising over a quarter of a million, over a quarter of a million eligible voters in the state and very clearly this breaks out demographically to have a great impact on minorities. You take Wisconsin white men, for example, only 17 percent of them don't have a valid driver's license versus a Hispanic man 46 percent of whom don't have a driver's license, an African woman, 49 percent of them don't have a valid driver's license versus 17 percent of white women. When you break it down by age group, you are going to find that this discriminates against students, younger people, white men 18 to 24, 36 percent of them don't have a valid driver's license, but a Hispanic man, 57 percent of them don't. So I am wondering when we start looking at reforming the process, two questions for both of you. Number 1, how will a valid driver's license stop someone--a felon can get a driver's license. How will that stop a felon from voting number 1, and number 2, in terms of the scale of things, how would stopping--what is your response to the over quarter of a million people, particularly people of color and young people and the elderly, the adverse impact it will have on them were we to enact the voter ID requirement. Mr. Colon. I think I will be brief. I think that Wisconsin has a progressive tradition. The courts interpret them a vote that is cast has to be proven not meeting the requirements beyond a reasonable doubt. The same standard for voters who do a criminal conviction. That's how convinced we are in the state that people should participate. Now, having said that, I think you inevitably engage in the slippery scope that first you are requiring people to show the IDs and then you are requiring social security number and then require the conviction record and then require their INS status and then you continue on the slippery slope where we end up in the Dominican Republic where a police officer can stop you and require whatever it is that they want from you, and if you don't have that national ID, at least it was when I was a kid when I went on vacation there with my parents, you get thrown in jail. That is not the country I want to live in. I want to live in a state that allows me to vote and allows me to vote fairly, it runs fairly. I am happy to report that from my district in the neighborhood of south side, it is predominantly run by honest hard working people. That is a fact. Ms. Moore. Before your time runs out, I want to ask you this question. There can you--can you share with us a little bit of wisdom about the folks who are unbanked. We have been constantly getting examples here of why can't people have IDs. You need them for your bank accounts, you need them to go to Blockbuster Video. You need an ID to get on an airplane. Can you explain to us why many people in the Hispanic community are not middle class because it sounds to me like we are putting an asset test on people, people who don't have cars. Can you please respond to me whether there is any relationship between having valid driver's licenses and being middle class. Mr. Colon. Again, briefly my experience is in my district people have two jobs, sometimes three jobs, they live on a month-to-month basis to make a living. The economy is largely on a cash basis. You have temporary jobs that don't provide any sort of economic stability. All of these things lead to movements from apartment to apartment to apartment, and the fact is the more requirements that you impose on people to cast their vote which is their right, which is the premise of our whole constitution and our form of government, I think it would be wrong to disenfranchise those people. I don't believe that these people are dishonest. I don't believe that the people in my district are any--have a tendency to fraudulent activity any more than any other district. Unfortunately, I don't think there is a cause and effect between a voter ID and the fact that we would somehow diminish voter fraud. The fact is that we have not found voter fraud. The fact is that all the mistakes that have been found including felons voting, addresses not existing are largely due to the power structure; that is, the people that run the elections. We are the ones responsible for delivering the electoral system, and we have failed to do so. People have acted the most reasonable way they can. They have waited in lines, they have gotten to the tune of 75 percent of eligible voting, they are doing their job. I don't understand why it is that we are requiring them to now overcome some burden that we have created as a people who run elections and actually make our living at it. Mr. Ney. Time has expired. Ms. Moore. He is a state legislator. Mr. Ney. The Senator may like to answer this. Mr. Leibham. If I may briefly, thank you Congresswoman, for the question. First, under the legislation that the state of Wisconsin is considering, we have amended recently on a bipartisan effort to deal with the felon issue, and specific language in the bill that Governor Doyle has even indicated that he would support specifically that would inform an individual who is in felony status that they don't have the right to vote, and that's how we are handling that situation. Number 2, in regard to the administrative functioning of our lesson and how it may help. I would encourage, and I am sure you talked as well, but talk with the poll workers. This past I talked with three ladies who work at polling locations in Sheboygan and Manitowoc, elderly women who are saying that photo IDs would help them to more administratively function the election with ease. When you see a name on an ID tied to a photo, it is easier to be able to move people through the voting process, election process. I have not met a poll worker at least in my district that has indicated that by asking individuals to show a photo ID, it would be a greater burden or challenge in the election process. Please remember as well that under the photo ID legislation that we are considering, we have no costs for a individual to receive an ID, so there is not an economic concern that should be legitimate. Ms. Moore. Excuse me, Senator, but there is because you have to have a birth certificate in order to get a photo ID, and if you are born in Mississippi, I have done this, you have to send for it, you have to pay 12 bucks for the birth certificate. If you have got until 4:00 p.m. When you cast the provisional ballot, somehow you have to get the register of deeds in Mississippi to get it to you and Fed Ex to get there. There is a cost of having a photo ID. So I--I am asking you when we--we don't want to disenfranchise a single person. The question to you was the scale. If there is a person who when we have penalties and I am for enforcing the law, if someone fraudulently votes and they are not eligible to vote, I am for prosecuting them; but what I am saying is why would we prosecute 275,000 people who are not middle class, they don't get on airplanes, they don't need a photo ID. They are unbanked so they don't need a photo ID. They are students, they live in the dorm, they are poor, they move three times a year so even if they had a photo ID, so even if they have a photo ID, it may not have the correct address on it. And I am asking you how you rationalize disenfranchising over a quarter of million people when there is no connection between having a photo ID and having the right to vote. Why can't--what is wrong with our system now where you can--register in advance, but if you go on election day, you can go there and show your utility bill, current utility bill, you can have your mother corroborate that you turned 18 two months ago and sign an affidavit under penalty of law that you are who you say you are, what--how do you rationalize that. Mr. Ney. We are way over time, but since you have been posed a question, please answer, and then we will move to Mr. Ehlers. Mr. Leibham. Actually I want to encourage the committee like we have done in Wisconsin as you are reviewing any photo ID proposal across the nation that you seek information from the states in regard to other areas in which they require a photo ID. If you look at Wisconsin, we require a photo ID for a individual who receives food stamps. To apply for the food stamp program you have to have a state issued photo ID. If you are a student who is wanting to take the ACT or SAT, you have to have a photo ID in Wisconsin to be able to participate in the program. As Congressman Green indicated, just recently to purchase cough medicine in Wisconsin, Governor Doyle signed a law that requires a photo ID for an individual to purchase cough medicine. And we have other provisions that require individuals of all economic stature and all background to have state IDs for state law. I think it is rational to suggest in an election process in which we are simply trying to confirm the identify of an individual who already under law has to register, we are simply asking them to identify themselves with a photo ID. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Ney. Okay. Mr. Ehlers. There appears to be a little disagreement on this issue. Now, let me ask you, in Wisconsin, when someone registers to vote, do they receive a card indicating that they are registered to vote and giving the polling place where they are supposed to vote, giving the address? Mr. Leibham. State law does not require that, but some communities do have processes in which they send out voter cards to individuals. It is typically in more smaller towns that continue that practice and that is one area we are looking at in the special committees. For instance, through the requirement of HAVA for the voter registration to bring consistency how that preregistration and preelection day activity takes place. Mr. Ehlers. I am surprised it is a not a state requirement. I would certainly suggest it is a first step. I find the arguments against a photo ID not very convincing. It is not that--as I say, Michigan has a state issued ID, it is not a voter ID, but it is a state issued ID. And millions of people get those because they find that very useful to have, and it does not, in my experience in Michigan, seem to impose any burden whatsoever in terms of getting that information and that card. So I am really puzzled by the opposition. It makes me suspect that the opposition is fairly political, and I am not here to raise partisan planes at all, but it seems strange that the Democrats seem to be opposed to it. I heard your comment that there is not wide-spread fraud, and I read the account, and I would agree the evidence does not appear that there is wide-spread fraud in Wisconsin. The same cannot be said for some of your neighbors not too far to the south, but there is always the potential there. And the point of voter laws is to try to ensure the integrity of the election. When you have elections decided by 11,000 votes out of an entire state, it doesn't take very much fraud or error to change the result, and it seems to me the goal should be to try to use every means possible. The controversy here seems to settle in voter ID, picture ID I should say, but that's only part of it. And Representative Colon, you made that comment, you have all of these other things you should do. I agree you should do those. That doesn't mean you shouldn't have a picture ID as well, if that is becoming a problem in this state. Very few states have it, but more and more are getting it because there is more and more fraud across the country occurring, and it doesn't have to be widespread. It can be just individuals doing this and not, not distinguishing by wide spread I mean organized fraud where a group, a party, or a set of individuals decides to organize fraud. There is not too much of that in America although there is some, but certainly there is a lot of individual fraud going on and that's what we want to stop as well. In order to speed things along since we have to move along, Mr. Chairman, I won't ask any questions at this point. Mr. Ney. Thank you. One note before I move on to Mr. Green. I was asking the staff, and Mr. Ehlers and I were involved in looking at election over eight years ago. If I recall, 720 people that voted were not citizens of the United States. Mr. Ehlers. We suspect far more, but it was very---- Mr. Ney. Very close congressional race, there were quite a few people, but there were quite a few people that were not citizens of the United States that voted in the congressional election. And so we have always historically being on this Committee, viewed that if you had a way to--if you knew that person was a citizen or not, call me old fashioned, but I think you ought to be a citizen of the United States to vote in elections. We went through that. I wanted to make it as a side note. It was a considerable amount of people, quite a close election that had no form of ID, and there they went, they registered, and they were not citizens. So we have a little bit of history on the issue. Mr. Ehlers. Mr. Chairman, as you recall, I chaired the contested election committee. Pretty close to the worst experience of my life. And I was dismayed to find the extent--really was an eye opener to the extent of the fraud, the state's errors, etcetera, and shows we have a long way to go on election law. Ms. Moore. Mr. Chairman, I am old fashioned, too. I could not agree with you more that I don't want noncitizens to vote. The fact is that noncitizens can get driver's licenses. Mr. Ehlers. Well, I am against that, too. Mr. Ney. Mr. Green. Mr. Green. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. As I did my questions, something I wanted to clear up. A couple of times we have heard the statement that investigators have not found fraud in Wisconsin. That's simply not true. In fact I am looking right here at the public statement that said they did find clear evidence of fraud in the November elections and the analysis was none the less it was unlikely that there would be much prosecution because, not my words here, city records are so sloppy, it will be difficult to establish cases that will stand up in court, but they did say they had clear evidence of fraud. The other thing I wanted to mention, I want to make it clear we are obviously in Milwaukee for a variety of reasons, but the whole issue of photo ID is one that is important statewide including in Milwaukee. The public polls that we have seen show very strong support across more than two to one and majority support right here in the City of Milwaukee, so sometimes these issues get cast and at least in our state and Milwaukee versus the state, that is simply not true. The question I have though is Representative Colon, as you know the Carter-Baker Commission called for one of it's principal recommendations of photo ID. It says, I am quoting, we are recommending a photo ID system for voters designed to increase registration. And then President Carter, obviously not a right wing zealot, and senior member of the commission, he says, ``I personally had at the beginning some reservations about the issue. This will be, I think, a move forward in getting more people to vote. It would not restrict people from voting. It will uniformly apply throughout the country. It will be nondiscriminatory.'' Why do you think that President Carter and the Carter-Baker Commission support a photo ID requirement for voting. Mr. Colon. I have no idea. Actually I can only tell you what happened in Wisconsin, and in Wisconsin of all that fraud that is claimed to have happened, one conviction has been obtained, only one. Mr. Green. As I said, the prosecutor said that it would be difficult because of sloppy records, but they said they found clear evidence of fraud. Mr. Colon. If you find fraud, you should prosecute it. It's just that simple. Mr. Green. Even if you don't have evidence. Mr. Colon. Well, if you don't have evidence, you don't have fraud. Mr. Ney. I would please note to the audience as I have before, do not show applause nor booing. Thank you. Mr. Green. Again, I think it is important to remember because you said a couple of times that there was no fraud, and again, you praised both our U.S. Attorney and our Milwaukee County D.A. And they do say there is evidence of fraud, they said there was clear evidence of fraud. Mr. Colon. Simply bring the cases forward---- Mr. Green. But just to clarify, there was clear evidence of fraud, so it is inaccurate to say that there was not fraud. Mr. Colon. There is obviously two disagreements. There is obviously a disagreement about whether there was fraud. I happen to think that one conviction does not lead to widespread fraud. I happen to believe Attorney--U.S. Attorney General Steven Biskupic on the issue because he has looked, he has the power, and he is in fact the one that we rely on to bring those cases along---- Mr. Green. He was the one I was citing here. He was the one who said that there was fraud. Mr. Colon. I understand. I am saying if there is evidence of it, we certainly would like to know and there is evidence of it, we have all of these courts right in this building ready to go. If he has evidence, he should bring the cases forward. If he can't prove it, then maybe an issue as to the quality of the lawyering or something else, but it is not the issue. The evidence is what rules a courtroom. We all understand that. Now secondly, on the issue of the Carter Commission, there has been sent--I can't speak for the Carter Commission, I don't know it, I know what occurred through the media and so forth, but ultimately, this is Wisconsin and in Wisconsin we allow people to vote. And if we are going to error on the side of something, we are going to error on the side of democracy. If we are going to error on the side of a few mistakes which is all that has been found, we are going to allow people to participate. The fact is that tradition goes back to the beginning of our state, and it will continue. I have no doubt. We have a agreement, but I think our agreement as Congressman Ehlers indicated, it is much narrower. I agree with Senator Leibham that there are many things we can do to provide a better election system. I just don't believe the punishment to be further barriers to those who actually participate in good faith. By and large, all of those people who participate legally and with the faith that those systems that are run by the good poll workers in our neighborhood are run for the benefit of good election results. I think we agree on that. Mr. Green. Mr. Chairman, my time has expired. Mr. Ney. I want to thank both the Senator and Representative for your time today and the members of the Committee. Thank you. We will move on to panel 2. Panel 2 will consist of Kevin Kennedy, Executive Director of the Wisconsin State Elections Board; Sharon Robinson, Director of the Milwaukee Department of Administration; Susan Edman, Executive Director of the Milwaukee Election Commission; and Kathy Nickolaus, Waukesha County clerk. Thank you. I appreciate all of you being here, and we will start with testimony of Mr. Kennedy. STATEMENT OF KEVIN J. KENNEDY, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE WISCONSIN STATE ELECTIONS BOARD Mr. Kennedy. Thank you, Chairman Ney, Congressman Ehlers, Congresswoman Moore and Congressman Green. I really appreciate the opportunity to be here. I have provided additional copies of my testimony as requested, and what I would like to talk about a little bit is Wisconsin's unique situation in administering elections, just in case I do not have it I have two maps of the state of Wisconsin which I would offer for the committee, they are part of my testimony on page 18. Mr. Ney. Without objection. [The information follows:]
Mr. Kennedy. These maps illustrate some of the uniqueness in Wisconsin in terms of complying with the Help America Vote Act in terms of voter registration in the State of Wisconsin and the type of voting in the state of Wisconsin. The Packer colored map, green and yellow, is voter registration. Wisconsin currently does not have voter registration. Under 5,000 as part of the Help America Vote Act, we have enacted legislation that all of our municipalities will have it. In some of the small municipalities in yellow, when you walk in to vote, people know you or they recognize you, and that has been our protection. We can't ask for identification for those individuals. Starting in 2006, every voter will be required to be registered to vote. Wisconsin also has election day registration preferred, and in those municipalities which is about three quarters of our voting age population, we find that 20 percent of the people who come to the polls either registered for the first time or make some change to their registration such as changing their name or their address, highly mobile population. Those individuals do provide identification, that identification is consistent with the requirements of the Help America Vote Act for first time voters. We have provisional voting but only for first time voting currently in Wisconsin. In the 2004 election, 374 individuals were required to cast provisional ballots out of the three million votes that were cast in the state of Wisconsin. That is because we have election day registration, those individuals who did not have that identification be registered at the polling place in most cases. That was something we worked very hard for as part of the Help America Vote Act was to provide for that. That provisional voting is usually quite frankly a fail- safe catch up for the type of errors that creep in through the voter registration process. I think the thing that I have to emphasis the most, besides the uniqueness in terms, illustrated by the two maps, is that the election process is really about people. In Wisconsin, we have 2,000 elected officials, we run our elections at the municipal level. That's why the maps are coded at the municipal level. The clerks are the ones that equip, hire, and train the poll workers. Most--that includes 1850 municipal clerks, and 72 county clerks, deputies, and individuals in our office. We have about 20,000 poll workers at our November election, working on that and they deal with about three million voters in the last election. All of these people are affected by the various legislative proposals, and it is generally through those areas where I think we find a lot of the concerns. As Wisconsin's chief election officer, to tell you I welcome the level of scrutiny that we have had to endure since 2000. I think it helps illustrate some of the issues that not only our office but the county clerks and municipal clerks have to wrestle with. There are a lot of challenges because of all the people that are processed in terms of that. The second map illustrates the challenges we have in dealing with the Help America Vote Act requirement in terms of equipping polling places for individuals with disability. We are a paper driven state. Some of those municipalities have 70 voters, 150 voters, 200 voters, and it is a real challenge to bring in something other than paper ballots. On that map, I forgot the color, I think it is green is the paper ballot coding, and you will see how much territory even though it is about 12 percent of the voters in our state. Let me conclude my testimony, I will certainly welcome comments, but I want to say how much I did appreciate the scrutiny that is going on because it is only going to improve our process, but to reemphasis as we moved forward the election process including voter registration and voting equipment is about people, voters, local election officials and their participation in the electoral process. We will always have to balance the constitutionally protected right for eligible citizens to participate in the electoral process with the public policy that ensures participants have the utmost integrity of that that requires significant balancing. It requires commitment of government resources that has not been available in the past despite the infrastructure that HAVA has made which has allowed us to put together statewide voter registration system, to allow us to put accessible voting equipment in. It is not enough in terms of the commitment that we have and continue to go. Thank you very much. [The statement of Mr. Kennedy follows:]
Mr. Ney. Thank you. Ms. Robinson. I went down the order. STATEMENT OF SHARON ROBINSON, CHAIR OF CITY OF MILWAUKEE ELECTION TASK FORCE Ms. Robinson. Congressman Ney, Congresswoman Moore, and committee members, I am honored to be here today in my capacity as chair of the City of Milwaukee election task force and also remark on the topic of election reform. The protection of voting rights is perhaps the most fundamental of all rights guaranteed by the U.S. Democratic form of government and implicit in that right is the right to have one's vote count and have an election process that guarantees the cleanest and fairest elections possible. Both the 2000 and 2004 exposed the many challenges facing our election system. Major cities across America experienced unusually high voter turnouts, record numbers of absentee voters, and questions surrounding how the November 2004 election was conducted. Like many other cities located in key battleground states, Milwaukee will continue to be a spotlight of national attention in presidential and gubernatorial years. I can assure you that Milwaukee's Mayor and our city workers are committed to improving our election system while honoring the great traditions of our state. We should all take pride in knowing that Wisconsin has been one of the most progressive states in eliminating barriers to voting and maximizing voter participation. In 2004, Wisconsin had the second highest voter turnout in the country, second to Minnesota. South Carolina on the other hand which has the most restrictive voting laws on the books, experienced the lowest turnout in the entire country. Recognizing the needs to modernize Milwaukee's election system, Mayor Barrett formed the Milwaukee--City of Milwaukee Election Task Force. The Mayor charged the task force with proposing specific, practical changes to improve the city's election process in ways that would guarantee efficient elections and restore pride and confidence in our system. As a result of our comprehensive review, the task force found imperfections with the city's election system and mistakes that occurred in the November, 2004, that were unacceptable. Most of the problems can be attributable to the sheer size of the election as well as staffing and training issues. Under the capable leadership of election commission executive director Susan Edman, the city has already taken steps to document standard operating procedures, enhance training, and recruit more poll workers. Poll workers do their jobs admirably and often under very difficult situations; however, the task force found tremendous potential for improvement in the recruitment, training, and development of poll workers. When conducting a post-election review of the November 2004 election, the election commission found inspector statements that were not filled out accurately and completely. In addition, many election poll list vote totals were not reconciled to the machine recorded vote totals at the end of election day. As a result of these inconsistencies, inaccuracies, and incomplete poll books and inspector statements, there were discrepancies between the total number of voters recorded and the total number of ballots cast. These discrepancies have been the subject of intense media scrutiny, but contentions of fraud have been overblown. The task force has not found any evidence to conclude that these mistakes were based on fraud or the willful neglect of any poll worker. This find is consistent with the preliminary findings of the joint task force led by the U.S. Attorneys Office. A recent investigation by the Wisconsin legislative audit bureau also reflects similar findings. Last fall, over 200 felons did cast votes illegally. There was virtually nothing the city could have done to stop these citizens from voting who, by the way, ironically used their own names. However, a major task force recommendation would discourage felons from casting votes by requiring municipalities to include a clear statement on voter registration cards explaining that felons on paper are prohibited from voting. Another key recommendation calls for tighter controls for deputy registrars such as tracking their activity and banning pay based on a quota system. Perhaps the most important message I want to convey today is the need to infuse more resources into elections. If we really want to improve the way we conduct elections in this state, the solution is that management and adequate funds so cities don't have to continue trying to conduct elections on the cheap. Without adequate funding, we will get what we pay for. As we continue to explore the topic of election administration in Wisconsin and ponder proposals for reform, I hope that everyone in this room will walk away with a spirit of bipartisan cooperation and a real willingness to work together to implement meaningful election reforms. We all owe a tremendous debt of gratitude to the brave men and women who gave their lives for the cause of civil rights and the right to vote in this country. So let's approach our work with honor and in recognition of their tremendous sacrifice. Thank you for the opportunity to testify. [The statement of Ms. Robinson follows:]
Mr. Ney. Thank you. Ms. Edman. STATEMENT OF SUSAN M. EDMAN, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF CITY OF MILWAUKEE ELECTION COMMISSION Ms. Edman. Good morning Chairman Ney, Congresswoman Moore, and committee members, as the newly appointed executive director of the City of Milwaukee's election commission, I would like to thank you for the opportunity to speak this morning on election reform. I believe it is highly advantageous to the process of initiating effective changes to Wisconsin election systems to include those individuals with direct involvement in elections. I believe that it is these individuals that have the greatest capacity to determine what election administrative changes will improve the integrity and accuracy of future elections as well as maintain Wisconsin's long-standing commitment to fair, open, and accessible elections. As election reform leaders, our work must be thoughtful, appropriate, and warranted. It cannot be impulsive, superficial, politically motivated, or enacted to distill a false sense of public confidence. At this time there is unprecedented activity in the state of Wisconsin and across the country relative to election reform. I am confident that administrative systems are being assessed in Wisconsin municipalities to ensure that systemic problem experienced in the 2004 election will not reoccur in future elections. Additionally, the bipartisan legislative committee on election reform has recently completed a two-year review of Wisconsin election laws and are in the process of compiling a legislative package that fully addressed the state's statutes that are outdated and applicable, and in some instances a hindrance to clean elections. Completion of this work coupled with a comprehensive reform package will further Wisconsin's position as a state with clean, fair elections. I am respectfully asking the members of this committee, Wisconsin legislators, and Governor Doyle to support the thorough and thoughtful work of the Milwaukee Election Task Force, the special committee on election law and the legislative council on election reform. I ask for your support in allowing for the full implementation of the work of these three groups before proposing additional legislation. Allow me to share with you a recent statistic regarding voter participation in the City of Milwaukee. There are an estimated 430,000 eligible voters in the City of Milwaukee. Of that 430,000, 85 percent are registered with the election commission to vote. That number is significant and represents a voter dedication and parties participation far higher than many municipalities throughout the country. Allegations of voter fraud during the 2004 presidential election warranted a comprehensive review of the city's election system as well as state statutes regarding elections. The city is sincerely grateful to Sharon Robinson, the chair of the Election Task Force, as well as the other city government and community leaders that conducted that assessment and completed a plan of action that is appropriate and one that will result in effective election reform measures. You already heard Ms. Robinson speak to the opportunities for improvement that were identified through the work of the Milwaukee Election Task Force. I am here to assure you that the Milwaukee Election Commission has already made significant progress in implementing these recommendations. We have begun the process of purging the Milwaukee's registered voters of over 40,000 inactive voters to ensure reliable poll lists. We have promoted a system for processing absentee ballots that will allow the highest level of quality assurance. We have restructured the staff of the Milwaukee Election Commission to establish greater levels of efficiency effectiveness, and accountability. We have contributed to the full implementation of the statewide voter registration system that will greatly reduce voter registration database issues including duplicate registration, deceased voters, and voters that moved outside of the municipalities. We have facilitated several poll worker feedback sessions in order to ensure that all--to establish standardized best practices for operating a polling places. We have partnered with community groups and persons with disabilities in order to ensure that all eligible voters, regardless of a disability, can vote independently and privately in the City of Milwaukee. We have initiated a split shift for poll workers to alleviate poll worker fatigue on busy election days. We have fully revised our poll worker training program to expand the training from one hour to two hours and made participation in training mandatory. We are about to launch a poll worker recruitment campaign. Our hope is to recruit another 250 workers by spring election and another 500 additional poll workers prior to the fall election. Mr. Ney. I would note your time has expired. If you would like you may summarize and enter the rest for the record. Ms. Robinson. I would like to point out that the City of Milwaukee remains fiscally dedicated to clean, accurate, and accessible local elections at a time when significant reductions to the City's budget have become necessary. It is equally important to note that while Wisconsin legislators are exploring election reform legislation, there has not been a meaningful discussion of appropriating state or federal funds to support improving election systems. As we move ahead on election reform, we must ensure that our responses to the problems identified in the 2004 presidential election are again appropriate and warranted. Thank you. Mr. Ney. Thank you very much. [The statement of Ms. Edman follows:]
Mr. Ney. The last witness is Ms. Nickolaus. STATEMENT OF KATHY NICKOLAUS, WAUKESHA COUNTY CLERK Ms. Nickolaus. Chairman Ney, members of the committee on House Administration, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today to speak about election administration in Wisconsin and possible proposals for reform. As the county clerk, one of my jobs is to protect and promote public trust and confidence by administering accurate and fair elections. I ask that you consider some changes and additions to current laws that would give me the tools to better serve my constituency as well as ensure fair elections. I will cover them in the next five minutes. As you heard, the Carter-Baker Commission in September made some recommendations in a report on federal election reform, recommendation 2.5.1 was to require voters to use an ID to ensure the person on the poll list is the person voting. You also heard mentioned that our state legislature has passed three bills requiring photo ID to ensure that integrity, but our Governor has vetoed them. In a poll conducted at the beginning of this month by the Wisconsin policy research institute, Wisconsin residence were asked their opinions on photo ID requirement. Statewide the results were 69 percent in favor. My county, 93 percent surveyed favored the requirement, and in areas of the state such as the City of Milwaukee and the City of Madison, 60 percent were reported in favor. This is not a partisan issue. During the trial in Milwaukee for a person accused of voting twice, the jury was hung. The district attorney from Waukesha County has been quoted as saying I know a person voted in Waukesha County and voted once in Milwaukee, but because I don't have written documentation of it, I can't move on it. His investigation investigators were unable to prosecute other cases of people voting twice in the 2004 presidential election because there was not adequate proof according to the D.A. Requiring a photo ID such as proposed by Congressman Green's Vote Act would rectify these situations. As an election administrator, it is difficult to answer the questions of a voter who calls after going to vote and found that someone has voted for her or someone notices his deceased wife has marked-- was marked as having voted. Also included in the Carter-Baker Commission report was a remark, and I quote, ``uniformity and procedures of voter registration identification is essential to guarantee the free exercise of the vote by all U.S. Residents.'' In Wisconsin we have same day registration with the ability to have someone vouch for residency. Let's take a look at a possible scenario. It is the presidential race and Wisconsin has same day registration with a residency requirement of 10 days. If someone would like to change that outcome of the election by swinging Wisconsin votes towards one candidate, they could have people come from out of state, live in Wisconsin for 10 days, maybe work on the campaign. This gives them the ability to vote in Wisconsin instead of the state in which they came from. They don't need documentation because they can ask the person that they are staying with to vouch for them. State auditor Jan Mueller wrote that ``current voter registration practices are not sufficient to ensure the accuracy of voter registration lists used by poll workers.'' This is not a small number of people who register the same day on election. In Milwaukee alone in the city there were 77,000 people who voted at the polls and of the 77,000, 4,900 of them could not be verified as valid. As a state by the Commission--as stated by the Commission's report, uniformity is essential. Residency for voting should be the same length of time no matter what state you live in and you should not have the ability to have someone vouch for you. We know that voter verified paper audit trails were not required by the Help America Vote Act, but are being considered as a requirement in many states. As part of the legislative election reform committee, we discuss the inconsistencies in our state between counties. According to selection line dot org, 15 states require the recount to be done on the paper ballot or on a paper trail instead of the electronic machines, but two states require a recount to be done on the election machines. Either way, there are possibilities for failure again, but again the consistency throughout the United States would help electorate stop questioning why one state's election process is different from another. In the legislative reform committee, we discuss training our poll workers. Currently only our chief inspector is required to go through training provided by the state. We believe that all poll workers should require some training. When I speak to people, other election administrators outside of the state, their requirements for poll workers are either lacking like ours or required many hours of training. A federal requirement would ensure excellence and competence in maintaining the highest level of accuracy of elections across the nation. Mr. Ney. Your time has expired so if you like you may summarize. Ms. Nickolaus. In closing, I want to reiterate that the problems we see in Wisconsin and elsewhere are urgent ones, they demand speedy and decisive action. Free and fair elections are a bedrock component of American democracy. Any diminishment of integrity our electoral process damages our democracy, undermines our people's faith in their government, and threatens our nation as a whole. Thank you for coming to our part of the country. Mr. Ney. Thank you very much. [The statement of Ms. Nickolaus follows:]
Mr. Ney. In drafting the Help America Vote Act, we were very careful to do a few things. One, the EAC that was established which is two and two, Democratic, Republican has no rule-making ability. I did not want to create the EPA of elections where you get a new rule and regulation every week and then they say. ``Well, the authors of the bill, did you mean this, no? Well we are going to do that any way.'' I did not want the federal bureaucracy to run your elections here in Milwaukee or in Utah or Ohio or anywhere in the nation. So we kind of had a balance between trying to do things we thought were standard without federalizing the elections. I was a large believer and still believe today that the blind have the right to vote in secrecy. The Help America Vote Act, for the first time in people's lives, allows the blind to vote in secrecy. Now, you do have some complications and that's what I wanted to ask you when you got the paper ballots. As of 2006, how do you intend to have the one precinct equipped for people who have a form of a disability. Mr. Kennedy. We have set aside $18 million of our Help America Vote Act Title II money which is roughly $6,000 for each polling place in the state to acquire a piece of equipment that will enable an individual with disabilities to vote privately and independently. The challenge of that is of course we put the equipment in there, the poll workers will have to be trained on that, the municipality will be responsible for the programming and the cost may be shared. The ongoing costs are going to be a real challenge and some of those places we are dealing with individuals who are complete municipality where this equipment--anyone may be able to use it. There may be no one who really benefits from it from that advantage and that's the push back that I get from the locals is we have not had to deal with this. We explain the law to them, we are prepared to deal with it. We tested the equipment. We have got two vendors that finally got through our process in Wisconsin. We don't just let any vendor walk in and sell, they have to go through the process of qualifying standards, voluntary standards that have been established in the new ones. We have gone through two vendors now that we will be recommending to the board for that and will be prepared. My sense is it that for the April elections, every polling place will be in the position to have that. We have put a condition on that though that we will not give that $6,000 for reimbursement unless the polling place is physically accessible and we have surveyed all of the polling places, of the 2800 polling places, a 1,000 that may still need some changes. Mr. Ney. That was the one requirement we had. When it came to a person who had some form of a disability, we use the blind as an example, but there are height issues, there is access, wheelchairs, there is a lot of different considerations. But the one requirement was that one polling place--some people argue. ``Well, a small area where we only have 300 voters, we have no one that is blind''--well, you might have somebody that moves into the community that is blind or has some type of access issues, or is in a wheelchair. That was the one thing we did. Now, this is the first federal money in the history of the United States through the Help America Vote Act, Partisan Hoyer and I pushed quite heavily and worked with the leader Dick Gephardt and now Leader Pelosi and Speaker Hastert and we reached the three billion mark. We have about $900 million more so this is not an unfunded mandate. We are pretty intent on trying to get that money from the federal government, but we always do work with groups across the country, advocacy groups, that would never pay a dime for that. We do--what we do that. But I was curious to see how you would meet that one requirement. I just want to ask very quickly what is your reaction to the joint task force finding that there were 4500 more ballots cast than individuals recorded as having voted in the city of Milwaukee? Mr. Kennedy. If I could address that first I would like that opportunity. I have been working as Wisconsin's chief election officer for 23 years, and I think the disparity quite frankly is poll workers' record keeping issues. There is no question that we are able to document certain individuals should not have been able to vote, but that is not the record keeping issue. The felons voting more than once. But in Milwaukee we have situations where we issue a number as the voter comes in, gives their name on that, but we also for election day registration are processing them through a separate line. We have noticed poll workers are sometimes not sharing that numbering system, we have noticed that absentee ballots which we process, a number may not be assigned to that, and we had a unique situation in this election in Milwaukee because the voter registration system that they use was antiquated, the staff was not prepared, and this is going to change. I am--I have every confidence. Mr. Ney. So what you are saying is the 4500 were live human beings? They were not recorded, is that what you are saying? Mr. Kennedy. Not properly recorded and did not go through the process we have in state law to reconcile that and the county did not go through the secondary review process. There is no reason why the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel should have discovered this two weeks after the election. It should have been caught at the polling place on election night. It should have been corrected there. We have processes for doing that or should have been caught in the Milwaukee County board of election commissioner's office. Mr. Ney. I will listen to anyone else who has something to say on this issue, I think your answer: obviously it is 4,500 extra votes being dumped in there--that you don't know what happened. And the study the newspaper released caused quite a debate. What you are saying is that it was ``record'' keeping at the local level, they did vote; it was just not marked down. But the thing that I noted, too, preliminary findings of joint task force possible election fraud and this is an interesting thing for the future based on the investigation to date, the task force has found wide-spread record keeping failures and separate areas of voter fraud which could have been the one felon. This is an interesting statement on the task force. These findings impact each other. Simply put, it is hard to prove a bank embezzlement if the bank cannot tell how much money was there in the first place. Without accurate records, the task force will have difficulty proving criminal conduct beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law. With that caveat, the task force has made the following specific determinations. So what they are saying is fraud, but you don't know if--in the first place you don't have the same page information to work off of. Mr. Kennedy. I think you are right. That record keeping would have illustrated the problems we had were limited to a handful of felons, a handful of individuals who the process quite frankly can't catch at this point without narrow investigation, and it is one of our responsibility of election officials right up to our office to make sure that the record keeping is adhered to because that is what is designed to install confidence for the public and the courts. Mr. Ney. Would Milwaukee election officials like to comment on the future of this. Ms. Robinson. Sure. I want to point out to the members of this committee that I served as the executive director of the Election Committee on an interim basis and during my tenure there, I actually after the spring election worked side by side with my counterpart at the county, Janice Dunn, and we scrutinized very closely the spring election and in fact we found similar problems that occurred in the spring election with discrepancies in voter counts versus ballots cast even though that was a very small election. And what I want to point out is what a consistent problem among the wards was the voter pink slip. We found that poll workers forgot to tear off the pink slip so therefore they used the same voter number twice. Mr. Ney. I am sorry. What is---- Ms. Robinson. There is a pink slip that says number 1. So in many instances even though this was an extremely small election, I had like for instance a polling site that 202 voters where a poll worker used the duplicate voting number twice. They forgot to tear that pink slip off. So basically what I am trying to point out is if you look at the spring election, we were careful in calling these poll workers, looking at every single vote, every single polling site, but there was discrepancies and imbalances. So it did demonstrate the need that we have some serious problems with poll worker training. But if you look at the discrepancies that occurred in the spring of 2004 versus November and looked at the proportions, similar error rates like the error rates actually were not that high when you looked at the--the total number of votes, so the error rates were way less than like 2 or 3 percent, but basically I am just trying to say that we have problems with poll worker training and we definitely are committed to enhancing our training and also want to point out that I am--I abhor any instance of fraud. I think it is horrible. But the real problems that occurred in November, 2004, and in the spring election again a lot of it was attributed to administrative error and errors that definitely need to be fixed. Mr. Ney. I want to keep on time. We have another panel, so I just wanted to ask one brief question. With the Help America Vote Act, we gave flexibility and I think it is important for training poll workers, and poll workers are great background. Carson Hoyer started a college program, I started a high school program to get young people involved in the election process to help at the polls. How did you distribute that, or is HAVA monies for voter education being concluded? Each state does it a little bit differently. Were you able to do that so you have the flexibility to use the money for poll worker education. Mr. Kennedy. Basically the state is controlling all of the money, almost all of the money under the Help America Vote Act. As I said, we set aside 18 million for the statewide voter-- accessible voting equipment. The bulk of the money was set aside for the statewide voter registration system because saw on the map, we are building from the ground up with 1500 municipalities that did not have voter registration or any kind of system. The state has taken the lead in terms of training election officials. Our state legislature actually requires the chief election inspector to go through a series of training, they set aside small amount of money with the Help America Vote Act, money came through. We took that over as a result of that. Prior to the 2004 election 8,000 poll workers and municipal and deputy clerks were trained through the basic training program. They are in the process. And we have an administrative rule that requires the chief election inspector, the person in charge of the polling place, to have six hours of training. Mr. Ney. And the state--the Help America Vote Act goes through the state and it went down through to poll workers. Mr. Kennedy. Well, the state provides the training for the poll workers. Mr. Ney. So the state is paying for education. Mr. Kennedy. The state is paying for it. Mr. Ney. California did it in a unique way; there were problems with it. Mr. Kennedy. That's right. Training the state. Mr. Ney. Training other people. So each state, I have not-- this is one issue I have not heard a lot of complaints except after the California controversy how they used the money. We never told the states how to use the money but we surely intended it for poll worker education and voter education, so you have things to put up at the polls to tell people their rights, provisional balloting for example. We would have people that are told, ``Oh, no, you already voted.'' This happened in Ohio. And the young man was smart enough to say, ``I don't care. I want that ballot. Give it to me.'' And he got the ballot and showed there was improper voting in his name. That's also part of the voting education process of the voter knowing their rights and being educated. So through HAVA, those monies have come down to the local-- -- Mr. Kennedy. Money has not been distributed to the locals. It has been handled by the state. Mr. Ney. Do you have access to it? Mr. Kennedy. The locals do not have access to it in that sense. The state takes the lead on that, and that was done quite frankly, we have so many municipalities. To develop a formula how to treat it, you end up--we get a bigger bang for the buck if the state is handling it. Mr. Ney. That is the last question, if you have a response. Ms. Robinson. No. Mr. Ney. Thank you. Ms. Moore. Thank you, Mr. Chair. This is very informative. This has been a great panel. The worker bees panel, people who get into the nuts and bolts of election. It is nice to see all of you again. Mr. Kennedy and Ms. Robinson, Edman and Nickolaus. I guess the first thing that I guess I want to sort of just congratulate all of you for really getting down to the nitty- gritty, participating on all the task force and really trying to come up with good solutions. I want to commend you for taking ownership for the administrative errors and problems and not try to figure out who to blame it on, but really confirming that there just are some problems with elections, administration, and I am hearing you as a member of Congress that you need the adequate resources in order to be able to do your jobs and to do them well. I was really happy to hear Mr. Kennedy in particular clear up the mysterious 7,000, 4600, 4900 votes that we hear about. They were largely due to administrative errors. Ms. Robinson in talking about how the poll workers did not place the appropriate numbers on there, but these were actual people who actually had a right to vote. But there were administrative errors. I guess my question for all of the panel is--are a couple of things. First of all, how would--it doesn't seem that anyone except for Ms. Nickolaus thinks having a voter ID would have cleared up any of the--the problems that we faced on election day, that having a voter ID would have solved those problems. So I am asking you all again what your reaction is to the requirement for having a voter ID, and I want it in the context of the numbers of people, particularly in the City of Milwaukee, who would be disenfranchised were it for such a requirement. I have mentioned earlier those data that indicates that there is a huge disparity between people of color, young people, the elderly, who have photo IDs and those who do not. And also I want to ask you all about absentee ballots. About a quarter of the problems that were found were related to absentee balloting, and how would photo IDs and the requirement for photo IDs fit in with absentee ballot. I can have you all go down the line. First question is all of these administrative errors that were found, would photo IDs have kept these errors from occurring. Ms. Robinson. Well, I--again, I was the chair of the City of Milwaukee Election task force and the administrative errors that we talked about with regard to discrepancies and vote total versus ballots cast, a photo ID would not have addressed that problem. Again, that was an administrative error problem. Even if you look at the issue with the felons that voted illegally, again, I think anyone who voted illegally you need to investigate that, but those people used their name. So I am not even convinced that a photo ID would have helped in that regard because photo IDs don't even note that a individual is a felon anyway. Ms. Moore. Or if they are a citizen or if they moved six times. Ms. Robinson. Right. Ms. Moore. The last time they voted. Ms. Robinson. How many people might be disenfranchised in Milwaukee, we did have discussions among the task force about the whole issue of disenfranchisement and Milwaukee is probably a lot different than some of the districts of some of the other members of the congressional panel so there is a concern in Milwaukee about disenfranchising voters. For instance, Senator Colon actually pointed out some statistics about how many Hispanics don't have photo IDs which was really high, how many African-Americans, how many women, so my concern is again that I think fraud is horrible, but I don't necessarily think it is wise to institute a policy whereby basically you are punishing the innocent for the crimes of the guilty, and there were not many guilty people that we found to have committed fraud in Milwaukee on election day. Ms. Moore. Ms. Nickolaus, with your permission. Ms. Nickolaus. When I was referring to voter ID being able to help, I was not stating that all of the problems that we had in Wisconsin elections would be rectified by showing a photo ID. I was stating that there are some that would be rectified. The idea that somebody is voting in your place, somebody that voted for someone deceased. It is also--a voter ID or photo ID would also help a poll worker that when some of them are having trouble hearing, if I say Nickolaus, they might be looking down the list and pick up Nicholas in a different area. Because we spell our names a little differently, looking at the photo ID, they can--they have something in front of them to match the name up. That's another area that would help. Ms. Moore. So I am Mary Smith and there are zillions of Mary Smiths. I present you with a photo ID. Does that tell you anything? When you consider the scale, the hundreds the 275,000 people that could be disenfranchised in the state, do you think it is worth it for that poll worker to have Mary Smith's driver's license in front of you which doesn't tell you whether she is a citizen, doesn't tell you whether she has voted in her home state of Ohio, doesn't tell you anything except that she has passed the driver's test. Ms. Nickolaus. I think what it will help to be able to prosecute. I quoted the district attorney stating that if--if a person were to vote in one place and vote in another place because they didn't have to prove who they were, it could have been two different people who voted for me saying that---- Ms. Moore. I don't want to be argumentative, but I want to point out that we--we would be able to prosecute one person more efficiently, but on balance, there is 275,000 people in the state that don't have a photo ID, and that's the point I am trying to make. Thank you very much. Mr. Ney. Time has expired. Mr. Ehlers. Mr. Ehlers. Thank you Mr. Chairman. Ms. Edman. I would like to respond to the Congresswoman Moore if I could. Mr. Ney. We have exceeded the time, so respond, but stop Mr. Ehlers' time with the clock. Ms. Edman. I recently retired from the Milwaukee Police Department after twenty-eight years. We have seven police districts, three shifts at each district. Each shift does things differently, so we have 21 ways of doing things. They do things differently because of personalities, people like to do things differently. In the City of Milwaukee we have 202 polling sites. If you divide that into the 4,900 votes that we are concerned about, that's 24 votes per polling site. Some of our poll workers have very strong personalities and they like to do things their way. That created a lot of the problems that we had in the 2004 election. In future elections, they will have to follow the procedures in place because we won't accept anything less than that. Mr. Ney. Mr. Ehlers. Mr. Ehlers. Perhaps you should hire ex-military people who know how to follow rules. Just a quick question for Mr. Kennedy. Did I understand you correctly that in yellow areas, there is no voter registration of any sort. Mr. Kennedy. That's correct. Since the state was created in 1848, there has been no voter registration in those municipalities. They are all populations of less than 5,000. Very similar to North Dakota. You walk into the polling place, they either know you or recognize you. If they don't, they may ask questions, and they are required to ask for identification if they don't. Mr. Ehlers. I am surprised to hear that in a state as advanced as Wisconsin. Mr. Kennedy. I think that's one of the unique factors as we implement voter registration and talk about the uniformity issues identified through the various studies. Mr. Ehlers. Ms. Robinson, your comment about civil rights, we have all worked hard for and certainly one of the civil rights is every citizen has the right to vote, but the other part that we worry about in the Congress is not only that every single person has the right to vote but to have the assurance that no one else is voting improperly or illegally, which is a civil right as well, and that their vote not be diluted by that. And I just wanted to get that on the record because I think that is equally important. I am still troubled, a lot has been made by the voter ID. Wisconsin has to sort that out. If you are really worried about verifying or the difficulty getting people to get voter ID, it would be simple to set up now that we have electronic cameras, set them up in the voting place and take a picture of everyone who comes in to vote along with the address that they have given and so forth. At least you have a record then. If you don't want to do it before then. You can certainly have a record and also use that to create a voter ID card which you can hand to people on the way out. I happen to be a physicist. I could design and build that system very simply and very cheaply if you really want to. That doesn't take care of absentees, but it solves the problems that we have been talking about here. I am not as worried about that, and I am not as worried about the felons voting. I am very worried about the 7,000 votes greater than the number of people who were signed in as voting and another 1,300 or some people who have created similar problem. I am worried about the number of cards that were not mailed which the law says have to be mailed after someone has registered same day registration, and cards were filled out with addresses that don't even exist, 1300 of them. That's a lot. I am worried about the return cards that were sent back with no such address. 3,600. Don't worry about the felons, that's only 98 or whatever. 3,600 people voted and gave an address which doesn't exist, and I am worried about the fact that 3,600 were not turned over to the D.A. I am also worried that many of those turned over to the D.A. have not been acted upon. I understand it is an overwhelming task, and I am not here to criticize Milwaukee or Wisconsin or anything, but at the politest rule I can think it is extremely sloppy work, and I don't think you are going to solve those problems without some very firm steps on how you operate the elections. I don't really have a question, but I certainly would be happy to answer any comments you have. Mr. Kennedy. I would have one comment to that. I think you indicated it is very sloppy work and I think Ms. Edman made the comment it is not going to be tolerated, and I think she comes from a background send a message in Milwaukee and it is important as election officials to send a message that we are the ones that are responsible for people's comfort level in the integrity of the process, and that means that we need to be sticklers for detail when it comes to that and I think that is an important message that has to come and it comes from our local election officials and it comes from the state election officials. Mr. Ehlers. I suggest you carry your weapon or sidearm. Mr. Kennedy, just a quick question for you. I started to read between the lines of your testimony and I get the impression that the Wisconsin state election board and you as executive director don't have a great deal of authority or have not been given great authority under the constitution and law to deal with enforcing the restrictions on the Help America Vote amendment. Am I misreading you or is that part of the problem? Mr. Kennedy. We have the authority to order election officials to conform with law. We have the authority to train them on what the legal requirements are. We don't--we have civil enforcement authority for campaign finance which we have been doing for 30 years but we do not have any civil enforcement authority. We do rely quite heavily on the moral suasion at our office, and we quite frankly rely on the fact that we have a very dedicated group of local election officials who by far are committed to that and they come to our presentation and they come to us with suggestions. Our county clerks don't have direct responsibility for administering license, but they are ears in the process by and far. That is one of the reasons why Ms. Nicholaus is here. And I think people definitely can take some confidence that Milwaukee is going to have a much tighter ship based on my experience working with the folks that are there now. Mr. Ehlers. It is not just the city. I understand the county canvas did not even look over the results. Do you have enforcement authority over the counties? Mr. Kennedy. The only enforcement authority we have would be we can order them to conform to the conduct of law. In terms of punishment, we don't have much in terms of that. I think the action that led to the county looking at that publicly described event when the county revealed in the special committee that they did not do that activity for the city. They did it for everybody else and not the city and they could not explain it and they promptly changed their behavior as a result of that when I raised a question why they have not set a hearing on it. Mr. Ehlers. Well, maybe we need Mr. Green's law after all. Ms. Robinson. I wanted to submit the official report of the election task force for the record and I appreciate your concerns and we are taking those seriously. In fact, every concern you raised is noted in this report, and we have had numerous recommendations for reforming our processes and practices at both the administrative and legislative level. For the record, I want to put this on the record it reflects we are serious about all those issues. Mr. Ehlers. Let me just make clear, I am not criticizing any one of you. You did not have the responsibility in this one, but I just wanted to give you my point of view on that. Mr. Ney. Mr. Green. Mr. Green. Thank you. And Ms. Robinson, I think--what you are hearing--I think--Milwaukee is a great city this is a great state and we do have great progressive traditions. I think part of the concern is if it can happen in Milwaukee, it can happen anywhere in the country. That's why you hear such a focus on Milwaukee obviously with the history of the elections being so close as well. Mr. Chairman, I want to apologize in advance, as you know, I have a prior commitment and may not be able to stay for the questions for the third panel. As a result I would like to return one more time to the issue of photo ID. Obviously in many ways, it is the most controversial part of our discussion today. Remind folks nearly 70 percent of the people in state, statewide, all parts of the state favor a photo ID requirement including 60 percent right here in the City of Milwaukee and 60 percent in the City of Madison. So there is widespread for this because I think people do see it as the first step in returning some faith to the election process. Now Ms. Nicholaus, in your written testimony you made some reference to one of the reasons for photo ID requirement. You said as an ex-election administrator it was difficult to answer the questions of a distraught voter who calls after going to vote and has found that someone has voted for her or someone notices his deceased wife was marked as having voted. Those are the obvious concrete ways, but it would seem to me it is more than that, and Ms. Robinson made a reference a few moments ago about concerns over changes that might punish the innocent. But Ms. Nicholaus, aren't you concerned when people read stories of others having voted that are not legally entitled to vote, don't you think that they're concerned their vote gets canceled out. So election fraud, election irregularities whether or not they arise to the level of fraud or the level of being prosecuted, any time someone votes who should not have voted, they have wiped out the vote of an innocent person, an innocent voter somewhere else. Isn't that the real reason it is so supported in your council? Ms. Nickolaus. Sure. Mr. Green. It seems to me when we talk about the rights of the innocent which we should, which should be our paramount concern, we have to be concerned about the rights of that innocent voter who does everything that we have asked he or she to do, goes to the polls fully believing that his or her vote is going to count, that they are making a difference in election, and then they go home and read of felons illegally voting, other people illegally voting, and then they say gee, I stood in line for a hour, I went to the effort, I am trying to support in democracy, I guess my vote doesn't count because so and so voted who shouldn't have voted. So it seems to me as we talk about the innocent here, we also have to remember the innocent voter who gets frustrated with the process because they read their vote has been canceled out who is not innocent. Ms. Edman, I think that we are all optimistic about what will happen in Milwaukee in the years ahead as Milwaukee tries to make changes to improve what we have all seen. Let me ask you this real quickly. You are fairly new on the scene in this process of election administration. What was your biggest surprise when you stepped into your appointed post of out of what you found in the current situation in Milwaukee with the elections? Ms. Edman. I think the amount of paperwork involved in the elections, the massive registration--number of registration cards and the--just the amount of work that is involved. People don't understand. They don't have a clue until they have experienced it. Mr. Green. In the Vote Act, and again obviously we are all focussing on the photo ID requirement, one of the things I would commend to you and everyone here, I agree with you in terms of the paperwork challenges and the administrative challenges and the challenges for poll workers to implement the requirements. We worked hard to make sure that there is federal grant money available and we require the training of poll workers and require helping out states to administer the training of poll workers. Having these record high turnouts is a great thing, but obviously it puts a strain on the system and I think we recognize that so we are trying to take steps to make sure the funds are available in the future. Some would argue that it is not a federal issue. Those days are gone. Obviously people in Minnesota have to care about what goes on in Wisconsin because the future of the presidency may be in doubt. So I think you will see that Members of Congress on both sides of the aisle will do everything we can to make sure that training does take place and that we step up to the plate to try to make some of the funds available because it is a real challenge. We recognize that. Mr. Ney. And I would note for Mr. Green, and I realize he has another commitment, the third panel at the end of this hearing, we will request the member to keep open the record for 30 days so we can ask questions or insert additional materials. Mr. Green. Thank you. Mr. Ney. I am now going to go on to the third panel, but I wanted to point out that the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel recently reported that 3,600 verification cards were returned as undeliverable . . . these are cards sent to verify same day registrations and 1,300 could not be sent at all. This is not the ``over vote'' we spoke about earlier today, but 4,900 ballots that we learned could not be verified after they were already counted. I will follow up with a question on that. I just want to conclude by saying I think it is productive for us. We get questioned all the time about the Help America Vote Act. Should we do more? Should we mandate the paper trail? Should we mandate photo ID? I think the Carter-Baker Commission, something we talked about today, is helpful and I think you can see from the tone of Mr. Green's request to come here that it is helpful to have member participation. As we look down the road of elections, we don't want to federalize them, but we do have to have some type of standardization on certain issues. But at the end of the day, my state and your great state, whatever state in this nation, there are certain things that the federal government isn't able to solve. If there were lines, should the Congress say, ``Well, in precinct B in Belmont County, Ohio, you are to put in three more machines, but in Milwaukee, precinct 4, you need to take away a machine.'' I don't think we can do that. A lot of the information we learn in these elections is helpful, and some of the problems will be solved at the local level, but again, some of it will be solved with the federal government, and has to be addressed by the federal government. And in situations like the last two elections, if these were blow out elections and were not close, we would all be sitting here talking about things in the country. But it was productive having the close elections to look at our whole election system, even with flaws and mistakes here. Ms. Moore. Mr. Chairman, I do think the issue that you just raised really deserves a quick response. You talked about the 3600 undeliverables. I think a lot of that has to do with the-- the class or status of the mail and perhaps they can answer. For example, if it is Layton Street instead of Layton Boulevard, that would be undeliverable. If you give an address of an apartment building and you don't put apartment 306 on it, that will be undeliverable. Am I wrong about that. Mr. Ney. I want to move on with the third panel. I will put it in writing. I am going to put it in writing. If you would like to put that---- Ms. Moore. It deserves an answer. Mr. Kennedy. My quick comment is legislative counsel made it one of its recommendations that poll workers ensure that the election day registration forms are legible and that is an issue. They have to provide identification that---- Mr. Ney. Don't ask me to fill one out. Mr. Kennedy. This is the poll worker's responsibility. Election they have to provide identification and opportunity to match the information with that. And that's again something where from my observations I don't think we have spent the attention to detail that needs to be done at the polling place and that may require more workers. Mr. Ney. Again, I don't want to take away the third panel's time. In small areas, small towns where you are dealing with 300 people, people know where each other are from, who they are, who your dad and mom are and where you got your car loans from. But larger areas, of course, this comes more into question where people don't know each other. Mr. Kennedy. I will tell you that county seat of Trepelleau County, there are no street addresses. Everyone has a P.O. Box. They know where they live, but their mailing address is all P.O. Box. Mr. Ney. Any other---- Ms. Robinson. Just again, if you get a chance to review the election task force report, I think it will be helpful because it does highlight all the problems and provides solutions to the problems that occurred including the issues you just raised about the cards that were--the 1400 cards or whatever. Ms. Edman. I will make one additional comment. Kevin spoke about the errors that the poll makers make, the fact that the cards are illegible. Now, you come to when a data clerk enters these addresses, there is another set of errors that could occur in the processing of registration cards, so these are areas where errors could occur. You are talking 77,000 registration cards with errors. We don't know if they are errors or people that don't live at the locations. So there are many things going on we have to look at. Mr. Ney. Just to correct the record, noncitizens with a green card should have the right to drive in the United States, illegal aliens do not have the right. I want to thank the panel for your time. We will move on to panel 3, Kay Coles James, member of the Carter-Baker Commission on Federal Election Reform. We have Andrea Kaminski, executive director of League Of Women Voters Of Wisconsin, I am sorry, we don't have name tags. Jeff Erlanger, community activist; Matt O'Neill, Attorney, Friebert, Finerty, and St. John, and Don Millis, attorney, Michael, Best, and Friedrich, LLP. Thank you and welcome. We will start with Kay Coles James. STATEMENT OF KAY COLES JAMES, CARTER/BAKER COMMISSION ON FEDERAL ELECTION REFORM Ms. Coles James. Good morning, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for the opportunity to be here. It was a privilege and I would like to submit my written statement for the record. Mr. Ney. Without objection. Ms. Coles James. For the sake of brevity it was a privilege serving on the Carter/Baker Commission for me on several levels. First of all, I grew up in Richmond, Virginia, at a time when voting was a risky endeavor in some parts of the south. My family was very involved in the civil rights struggle and remain so today. For me, it is indeed a privilege to be a part of a commission whose charge was to make sure that the voting process both had integrity and access for a lot of the American population. While I have presented to the committee a resume that lists several things, I want to highlight two things that were particularly germane. One, when I was director of the United States office of personnel management, it came as a surprise to many people that that particular job had a great deal to do with voting and with protecting the access for voting for several Americans. I was responsible for the portion of the voting rights act that authorized OPM to both train and provide observers to certain political subdivisions and other political units as determined by the attorney general, and also my service on this commission that I already mentioned, both I think provides some background for my particular interest in this subject. While Wisconsin has its own unique set of challenges, I can assure you based on the work of our commission they are not that unique for things that we see going on all around the country. I would also like to say that while the Carter/Baker Commission addressed a whole host of issues, I want to focus on one that seems to be the most controversial here today, and that is on the voter ID portion of that. I would like to, sort of I guess, stand the issue on its head. Coming out of my perspective and my background what was important to me was we look at making sure that every American who had the opportunity to vote, could do that and that their vote in fact counted. I would--I would ask you to look at the title of our commission report which was Building Confidence In U.S. Elections, and that is why after a great deal of discussion and a great deal of debate the members of this commission came to a conclusion that a voter identification was in fact necessary and we recommended that to the American people. To assure that the requirement of providing identification does not prevent, however, any eligible voter from participating, it was important to us that the ID be free of charge to all voters and that it also be accessible. The requirement of a photo ID combined with accurate State voter rolls, we believe, will prevent most opportunities for fraud and will increase voters confidence in the outcome of the election. And while I know there is a great deal of debate whether there is fraud or inconsistencies or inaccuracies, sort of the sense of the commission was never attribute malice where you could easily attribute and then fill in the blank. If it is lack of training, if it is lack of ability for funds, whatever the reason is, our ultimate goal was to increase the confidence in the system without delaying or pointing fingers at individuals. Some have mistakenly suggested that requiring voters to use ID would be a poll tax, and I want to say for the record that we believed it to be nothing of the sort. The vast majority already have a form of the required voter ID and others should be able to easily obtain the ID. States should take steps to assure the opportunity for all voters to obtain said ID. We have heard some testimony today about the fact that it would be cumbersome for students or poor people or minorities and a burden there, and quite frankly from my perspective, the desire to have a voter ID is in fact to assure that those very same people when they present themselves at the polling place are not denied the access to vote. So I think we all have the same goal in mind and we may get it--get at it from very different perspectives. My friend on the Commission, former Democratic congressman Lee Hamilton has noted that the recommendation of a photo ID will increase the confidence of the voters especially minorities and those low income voters that we have talked about. In the post 9/11 society where ID is required to enter a federal building, to cash a check, to board a plane, to take the SAT or to do most anything, I don't think it is an undue burden to ask all American citizens to have that sort of ID. As a matter of fact in most emerging democracies it is really a badge of honor that one has acquired such an ID and is participating in the process. I think it is just good public policy, and I would also say that our commission was so diverse in its perspectives, and that you had strong advocates that were not shrinking violets and managed to express their opinion, yet we came together after debating this issue quite a bit and I would note that President Carter, Lee Hamilton, both well-known democrats and civil rights activists, like former Atlanta Mayor Andrew Young, as well as people that we all would recognize like Juan Williams all support voter ID, but maybe for different reasons or different perspectives but I think we all want the same thing and that is a process we all feel good about that guarantees access and the integrity and restores to the American people the confidence of our voting process. Mr. Ney. Thank you. [The statement of Ms. Coles James follows:]
Mr. Ney. Ms. Kaminski. STATEMENT OF ANDREA KAMINSKI, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, LEAGUE OF WOMEN VOTERS OF WISCONSIN Ms. Kaminski. Thank you, Chairman Ney, for inviting me to appear before you. My name is Andrea Kaminski and I am executive director, League of Women Voters of Wisconsin. I brought copies of my testimony as requested and I submit them to the committee. Mr. Ney. Without objection. Ms. Kaminski. The Wisconsin league is proud of our state's open and fair election process as well as our high voter turnout in the 2004 election. We have no doubt that the two were related. Based on our long-standing principle that every citizen should be protected in the right to vote, we support legislation that improves accessibility and ease for voting for all eligible citizens and promotes voter confidence in the integrity of our election process. The League's support of free and fair elections goes back to our founding in 1920. In the late 1970s, we supported the Wisconsin legislature's enactment of major election reform including the establishment of registration at the polls and the definition of what kind of identification is needed for registration. We will continue to fight to protect citizens' rights to participate in government and to oppose any major threats to our constitutional right to vote. We are not sure why the committee has come to Milwaukee to hold this hearing when Milwaukee's 2004 election already has been heavily scrutinized by local, state, and federal agencies as well as by the media. The findings of these investigations show that virtually all of the discrepancies were the result of the inevitable incidence of human error on a hectic day. The League has opposed the efforts of several sessions in the Wisconsin legislature to require all citizens to show a government issued photo identification card in order to vote. Proponents of voter ID base their position on the assertion that it would reduce fraud and somehow keep felons from voting. The League agrees it is imperative to reduce fraud but voter ID does nothing to address the problem. It certainly would not have prevented the felons who voted in their own names from casting a ballot in Wisconsin last November. More important, the proposed Wisconsin voter ID bill places an unfair burden on certain groups of people including the elderly, low income, minorities, students, homeless and disabled, the very people for whom it is most difficult to take off work, get transportation, go to the DMV and wait in line, and apply for the documentation. At a hearing earlier this year, a disabled woman in Madison, where services are about as good as you are going to get in Wisconsin, described what she would have to go through to get to the DMV and get identification and it was a major undertaking. With all due respect, a photo ID is not definitive proof of address, nor does it tell us if someone is a felon who may not vote or, for that matter, a former felon whose voting rights have been restored. The statewide registration lists that will be implemented in 2006 will be a far more effective and fair tool for minimizing abuse of the system. So, voter ID would do nothing to protect the integrity of Wisconsin elections and it would restrict voting particularly by certain groups of people. That's a net loss for democracy. In a recent report, the Wisconsin legislative audit bureau recommended that the state elections board use its existing authority to improve and enforce the election rules that ensure a smooth and fair election process. The bureau's findings highlight the need for a more uniform system as well as adequate resources and requirements to implement existing rules and policies. The report says, quote, ``the system alone will not be sufficient if municipal clerks and other local officials do not detect and prevent common data entry errors, appropriately revise and update voter registration and information, and follow uniform procedures for identifying improper registrars and ineligible voters,'' end quote. Poll workers and election officials do a remarkable and vitally important job under great stress, but the system is failing them just as it is failing the voters. Let's focus on the real problem at hand, the need for more resources for carrying out our elections. There are dozens of measures being reviewed by senator Leibham's special committee here in Wisconsin that promise positive election reform. The League supports those that specifically improve accessibility and ease of voting for all eligible citizens. We heartily support measures that put more workers at the polls on election day and require uniform standards for the training of all poll workers and election officials. We strongly believe Congress should provide substantial new and ongoing funding for election improvements in the states. To sum up, last week in Georgia, U.S. District Judge Harold Murphy granted an injunction on a new voter ID law in that state knowing it would do nothing to address voter fraud. He said he had great respect for the Georgia legislature but he added ``the Court, however, simply has more respect for the constitution,'' end quote. Let's not compromise anyone's constitutional right to vote with a misguided attempt to fix a system that is not broken. Thank you. Mr. Ney. Thank you. [The statement of Ms. Kaminski follows:]
Mr. Ney. Mr. Erlanger. STATEMENT OF JEFF ERLANGER, COMMUNITY ACTIVIST Mr. Erlanger. Thank you for the opportunity to come to speak. Today I am here--as you said I am a community activist. My specific things group that I am here to speak on behalf of are the disabled. I have served on the City of Madison committee people with disabilities and their ADA transit oversight subcommittee. My understanding is while the state proposal may require disabled people have to have voter ID, it is my understanding that the federal proposal actually exempts people with disabilities. First of all, am I correct about that. Mr. Ney. Well, the Help America Vote Act just requires the last four digits of your social security number. You can use a photo ID or you can use a bank slip statement. So it doesn't-- Mr. Erlanger. That's for everybody. My comments will be a little different. Mr. Ney. I am sorry. The current law that we wrote the Help America Vote Act just requires either a photo, the last four digits of the Social Security number, bank slip, or water utility slip, for first time registrants only, not for existing voters. And so what you are talking about is Mr. Green's act. Mr. Erlanger. Right. Mr. Ney. As introduced. Mr. Erlanger. Right. Mr. Ney. I am sorry. Mr. Erlanger. So that's what I am here for today. Instead of saying I am for or against it, I wanted to ask the committee some questions for you to think about. One is why would people with disabilities be exempt from Mark Green's proposal? Is it because we might find it hard to get to the DMV to get our voter ID? Is it because we might not be able to pay for it? Or is it so that we can more on our own independently go and vote without having someone go into our wallet or something to get out a ID. In any case assuming it is for logistical purposes or for our economic purposes, I want to remind you all there are other people out there besides the disabled that have a hard time getting places. The poor may not have cars, they may have to work all day and not be able to make it to the polls to go vote, for whatever reason. Students may not be able to for the same reason be able to go and change their--and change their address every time they move. They might find it hard or have just moved to campus and find out in a week or 10 days that they have to--that there is an election so they have to come quickly and get their address changed. So I want to remind you that there are more people from disability that might find it hard to get there. I also want to remind people that not all people with disabilities are honest so just because we are disabled doesn't mean that we might not go and commit fraud and as someone reminded me, that doesn't stop someone from finding a wheelchair to just wheel into the polling place and say they are disabled so they don't have to show a voter ID. So I think if we are going to exempt people with disabilities we have to find a way to exempt other people who may be in similar situations. Also I believe that the voter ID should be free. If you are going to ask people to constantly go and get it updated and you are going to charge them, to me that is a poll tax. You might not call it a poll tax, well, you need the ID, you might find a way to spin it, if you are requiring them to pay for it in order to vote, it is a poll tax. I ran as I said in my written statement, I ran for city council in Madison in 2003 and 10 percent of the people in my district voted. Only 10 percent. I don't think it is just because they were not impressed with me and my opponent who eventually won. In 2001 it was actually less than 10 percent who showed up to vote and I was not in the race so nothing to do with me. So I don't think, while I am all for avoiding fraud, I don't think our problem is trying to get people--is trying to stop people from voting. It is trying to get more people to vote, and to do that we need to not increase barriers but reduce the barriers. Mr. Ney. Thank you. Mr. Erlanger. So I thank you for your time. [The statement of Mr. Erlanger follows:]
Mr. Ney. In response to your question, it is not my piece of legislation, but it is in the Committee. Just so you know, I have tended to not act upon a lot of the legislation until HAVA is completely implemented unless there is something that really stands out in 2006 and that's one of the reasons we are here today as an investigatory body--to learn what we can do or maybe can't do, and certain things are going to have to be locally taken care of. I appreciate your testimony quite a lot. Mr. O'Neill. STATEMENT OF MATT O'NEILL, ATTORNEY, FRIEBERT, FINERTY & ST. JOHN Mr. O'Neill. Thank you Chairman Ney, Congressman Ehlers, Congressman Moore, I appreciate the opportunity to address the committee today. I am an attorney in Milwaukee and last year 2004 I served as deputy state counsel for the Kerry Edwards' campaign. In that capacity my primary job was to help train over 700 lawyers to observe the polls on election day and to help voters exercise their constitutional right to vote. Our primary focus when we trained our attorneys to work at the polls was to ensure that every eligible and qualified voter that showed up at a poll on election day was allowed to cast their ballot. We had our attorneys in the field fill out incident reports noting anything that happened on election day that appeared unusual, notable, interesting, anything that might be worth looking at later on after the election. We then analyzed those thousands of incidents that were reported by the attorneys, put together a report summarizing what we learned from our attorneys in the field, and I would like to--I don't know if this had been submitted previously, but I would like to get that to the committee. Mr. Ney. Without objection it is part of the record.
Mr. O'Neill. After looking at all the incident reports reflecting back with our experience with the election, there were four major problems with the election process in 2004 in Milwaukee. The first and major problem was simply the large turnout of 76 percent statewide, and Milwaukee was right in that ballpark, and frankly, that turnout simply overwhelmed the election volunteers that take care of our elections. Understand, every four years we have this massive turnout and in between there are elections that are nowhere near this size, and we do not increase with any amount that we need to the number of people working at those high turnout elections and they were overwhelmed with the tasks at hand. Second, we had problems in the City of Milwaukee specifically with the preelection registration process and that ended up with the City of Milwaukee having, I think, about eight boxes of unprocessed registration cards that were properly filled out, people believed that they were registered and yet we found out the day before the election that these eight boxes, that were not going to be at the polls and those individual people were not going to be on the local poll list. As a resident of Milwaukee, I personally sued the City of Milwaukee Elections Commission and the Commissioner, and I was able to work with a member of Mr. Millis' firm and Kevin Kennedy with the Election Board that night before the election to hammer out a procedure by which those people, if they showed up, we actually were able to facilitate getting the physical registration cards to each of the polling places so they could check, I registered. You are not on the list they could check and find the cards. Another problem that was prevalent and came up primarily at the end of the day is with the absentee voting process in Wisconsin. There was testimony before about what needs to be changed, and we found at the end of the day there was mass confusion about how the absentee ballots were to be counted, how they were to be processed. On the envelopes a lot of people would write their address which was not the address at which they were registered, and where they addressed it was a problem finding them on the list. The fourth problem we found were Republican efforts to monitor the election ended up, in our view to be suppressive of the ability of people to vote for citizens of Milwaukee. I want to focus on that. The primary aspects we observed of the Republican efforts that ended up suppressing the vote in our opinion in very targeted wards in the City of Milwaukee and other urban areas and student areas, the Republicans placed at least one person directly behind the election officials and had them standing there with Palm Pilots or other kinds of Blackberrys and what they would do is look at the voters, and after they stated their names, they would punch them in and look them up and down. And I know that during the middle of election day, my wife called and said she felt intimidated when she faced that particular effort. I would like to submit also for the record one of our incident reports from an attorney Eric Straub who reports about some very, very aggressive observation efforts by an attorney from Michigan by the name of Perry Christy who is then joined by State Senator Tom Reynolds and I would like to submit that. It shows what was going on on the ground. Mr. Ney. Without objection. [The exhibit follows:]
Mr. O'Neill. Part of the things that happened at all of these polling places were people walking around in these orange T-shirts that say I am a ``HAVA Volunteer.'' I know Chairman Ney might want to have a copy of this, but it is actually Mr. Kennedy's particular shirt that he loaned to me. Mr. Ney. What was this? Mr. O'Neill. This was a T-shirt, Individuals at the polling places that were wearing these ``HAVA Volunteer'' bright orange T-shirts, and we found out from our volunteers that these people were actually being paid to wear the T-shirts, and we found out that many of them knew very little about HAVA. With all due respect, HAVA in the last election had very little impact on Wisconsin. It was only those people who had mailed in their registration and were voting for the first time in a presidential election in Wisconsin that it had any impact on. Other problems we had were towards--Republican volunteers voting up and down the lines having interaction with voters talking about whether people were on the list or not, challenging the election authorities in the way they manage the business, using the challenge process. In sum I just wanted to bring to the Committee's attention, there was another particular item that was very troublesome in the past election cycle here, and that was the efforts, and I know what I hear from my Republican colleagues that they were there trying to fair it out and prevent fraud, but I think they were very over aggressive and overzealous and I believe it suppressed the right of citizens of the City of Milwaukee to vote. Mr. Ney. Thank you. [The statement of Mr. O'Neill follows:]
STATEMENT OF DON MILLIS, ATTORNEY, MICHAEL, BEST, AND FRIEDRICH, LLP Mr. Millis. Mr. Chairman, members, thank you for this opportunity. I have never had the opportunity to testify before this committee before. However, I have testified before committees on which Representative Moore has sat, and I have enjoyed every experience and this will go just as smoothly. I am Attorney Don Millis and I am a lawyer in private practice in Madison, Wisconsin. For four years, I served on the State Elections Board. From time to time, I get involved in representing people in election-related disputes; don't try to do it very often as it doesn't pay very well. Wisconsin has a reputation for clean government. We also have a reputation for encouraging voter participation. We were among the first states to have primary elections and the open primary. We have election-day registration. I think those are all things we can be proud of. Those are the steps we've taken to promote voting in Wisconsin. Our clean reputation has taken it on the chin of late. There have been scandals involving politicians in Madison and what not and this is not good for anyone. I think as damaging as those have been, have been the accusations or the talk of voter fraud in the last three November elections. I think these are damaging to all of us, and I think there are two ways it hurts our democracy. The first is the obvious. It may actually have changed the results of some elections. If someone were to ask me do I think the results in any election would have changed, I would say I don't think so. But the problem--the fact that I can't say for sure--gets us to the second problem, that is the perception problem. There is a wide perception that things have not been on the up and up and may have caused problems. I think one of the most important things that a democratic government does is to conduct elections, and I think if we are going to, not only one, avoid the actual fraud and avoid change of election results and, two, enhance people's confidence in the electoral result, we are going to have to take many steps. After the 2000 election, when I was still on the Elections Board, we started the ball rolling in a variety of ways. First, we started by outlawing punch-card ballots. No more hanging chads in Wisconsin. And we also had a series of proposals that some of us presented to the Elections Board that did not go very far. Statewide voter registration we would not have but for HAVA, but we also talked about photo IDs. It has become of the things we are talking about the most, but I think there are other things that should be considered. I think one of the things Mr. O'Neill mentioned is we have to have more machines in polling places, we have to accommodate large groups. I think we should strive for a national standard that no one should wait in line for more than 20 minutes to vote. Long lines do as much as anything to depress a voter turnout. But nevertheless we are here and photo IDs seem to be the thing that we are talking about. I guess I would like to make a few observations about this. I think that there have been discussion about the fact that there were very few convictions, actual cases of proven voter fraud. There is a special prosecutor who is going to file a report in Washington and whether or not certain people are indicted or certain people are convicted, a certain segment of society is going to believe that certain administration officials were guilty. I don't know whether they are guilty or not, but the fact is in the same way that the proof problems exist in any investigation, there are proof problems in conduct of elections. And the fact that a prosecutor cannot prove or be confident he or she can prove beyond a reasonable doubt that fraud existed, doesn't mean fraud didn't exist. But more importantly is the perception of fraud. There are some circumstances in which a photo ID would assist. A couple of people talked about the situation where someone shows up at polling place and discovers someone else voted or someone else may have been checked off the list as voting. I had a friend of my wife called a year ago and said, ``I went to vote and they said I already voted and I had not voted.'' She was persistent and she managed to convince the poll worker to let her vote which was the correct way. I did subsequently talk to some election officials and this happens actually more often than you might expect. Whether it is intentional--it's probably not intentionally very often--but the fact that it occurs is an indication where a photo ID would assist. I think the greater impact of the photo ID would be the confidence that it would inspire in every person who participates in elections. If I know that I have to have a photo ID and the next person next in line and the next, I think that inspires confidence. I think it does have widespread support. There used to be a law in Wisconsin--it doesn't exist anymore--but in these communities that were small enough to have polling lists, they didn't have registration lists. You showed up. There was no list, you said, `` I am Don Millis. This is my street address.'' In those municipalities, the poll worker had the ability to demand any person to present an ID with no objective criteria. You could have a situation where the person just thought you didn't look like you belonged here. I don't know how often it occurred. If people were discriminated against, it would certainly be inexcusable. I can tell you one thing, I don't think we had any complaints during my time on the Elections Board about that and I think the reason is that generally poll workers try to do the best job they can and are not interested in depressing the vote. I think the idea of having to present an ID is something that people understand and are willing to do it. And I think the fact we have got wide acceptance of this indicates that I think we are ready to take that step. Thank you for the opportunity to testify. [The statement of Mr. Millis follows:]
Mr. Ney. Thank you so much. I will give my slot to Mr. Ehlers since he has to leave. Mr. Ehlers. Thank you. I have to catch a plane because I have to give a speech back home which was scheduled before this. I appreciate the opportunity for this wrap up comment. I don't have any specific questions for any of you. As I said before I am surprised to the extent the photo ID has been the center of the discussion, apparently not only here but in Wisconsin. I don't regard that as the most overwhelming problem in elections. I also want to comment, I have been involved in holding hearings on elections in several places in the country from the West Coast to California to the East Coast of North Carolina and points between. Wisconsin had never been on my list of any area that had serious voting problems. I think by and large it is a good system and run well. I have been fairly critical in some of my comments here, but don't take that personally. My hobby is to try to make sure all governments operate smoothly, I hate to see things go wrong, and I have a great deal of respect for the government in this country and I want it to work well. I really appreciate the comments that you have made and the other witnesses have made. It has given us a good handle on it, and I think you are well on the way to solving these problems. The one thing that really surprises me is the reasons given against the voter ID and I am especially surprised, Ms. Kaminski, that the League of Women Voters has bought into that. Most of those I have not heard before. I have never seen any substantiation of the charge that somehow a voter ID will discourage people from voting. I think it has been on the contrary as Ms. James has mentioned. It has been a positive influence on people and their knowledge that they have a definite ability to vote. Now, if they show up, they wouldn't have an example such as Mr. Millis mentioned, you have already voted, voter ID would stop that. I think it would certainly be a much better thing over all, and I think people would be proud to have it. It should not cost anything, I agree with that, and as I said, my system which I proposed just off my head here, we have all of these electronic systems now, it would not be hard to have one person at each polling place doing the voter IDs right there. And there are machines now that print it right out, hand it to them, they walk out after having voted having their own personal voter ID, and I don't think that in any way is intimidating and it shouldn't be. Furthermore, if you do it in the voting place, you are likely to have an accurate record of the address as well and that gets away from the postcards, that gets out of being illegible. All done electronically. Good picture. Accurate address. What more can you ask for. I don't think it will intimidate anyone or prevent them from voting. In terms of those who don't have ready access to the polling place or vote absentee, that is another issue. I assure you that I could easily think of systems that would solve that as well and not at great cost either. I think you ought to take voter ID issues off the table and concentrate on the clean up of the administrative problems that occurred here, and also if there are problems of intimidation. I sympathize with that because I heard reports of that in different cities, both sides of the aisle, intimidation is used, and certainly inappropriate in a polling place and there should be clear rules established as to what behavior is acceptable and what is not. I want to thank you for your hospitality. Milwaukee is a wonderful place, I enjoyed it very much. Wisconsin is a great place. After all they host the Oshkosh Air Venture every summer, and since I used to be a pilot and aspire to getting back into it if I ever retire, that's another asset here. I can't say much for the beer because I don't drink beer, but it is a wonderful state and I have many fond memories of being here a number of ways. Keep it the way it is, keep it clean, correct the problems you had last time, and maybe you will go off everyone's radar immediately in terms of any discussions of voter fraud. Thank you very much for your hospitality and what you are doing. Mr. Ney. Thank you. Ms. Moore. Ms. Moore. Well, thank you so much Mr. Chairman, and again, this has been another distinguished panel, and I really appreciated the time that you have all taken to come here today. I am going to just make a statement and perhaps someone will want to respond. One of the--the real confusions I think that comes up with this whole voter ID thing is that people continue to say I don't understand why people are not middle class. Why don't they have--they need a photo ID to drive, they need a photo ID to ride an airplane, they need a photo ID to open a bank account, they need it to enroll in school to take a SAT, they need a photo ID to get cough syrup, and what the difference is in the ability to vote and the ability to take the SAT is that unfortunately education is not a constitutional right. It ought to be. Getting cough syrup ought to be a constitutional right, and it is not. We have a right to vote, so that means if you are too poor to have a car, guess what, you can still vote. If you don't have two hours to sit up in the DMV to get a voter ID, you have a right to vote. Even if you can't fly on an airplane to Naples, Florida, you have a right to vote. And even though you don't have a right to food stamps where you might need a photograph ID, you have a right to vote. You don't have a right to go to Blockbusters to get a video, but you have a right to vote. And the normative assumption that you ought to be middle class, why aren't people just middle class. My granddaughter has a birthday tomorrow, and I gave my daughter some money to open up a bank account and they wouldn't do it. She had a photo ID, but she didn't have a credit card. She just wasn't middle class enough to be able to do that. So poor people move often, poor people don't, and I am telling you that we have data that part of the record I want everyone to really look at it, there is a very clear correlation between having a photo ID and being middle class, and that requirement would really, really, really, put a damp on people's rights to vote. I do appreciate Mr. Erlanger to come all the way from Madison, Wisconsin to give testimony and being an ally. He said why would you exempt disabled people who have tremendous challenges to be able to get the right to vote and those are just one source of challenges because you got the same challenge if you are elderly and you have not driven, you have the same challenge if you in fact are poor and you don't have a car or if you have some other disability that is not necessarily a physical disability, but you are on great numbers of medication or whatever where you don't drive. Clearly in the United States we have at least 50 million people who don't vote, and I am really proud to be from Wisconsin, Congressman Ney, a state that values voter participation. We have the second highest turnout in the nation, and we ought to be looking to be examples of and models of how to increase the enfranchisement of people; not only in this country but as we export democracy to other countries as well instead of focussing on ways to frustrate the vote. The questions I guess I have of this panel again relate to what--what you regard as the greatest impediment to voting. We have heard today about the numbers of errors, we have heard about fraudulent behavior, and I guess--I guess I want to refer to what just happened in Georgia where there is an injunction against enforcing the voter ID requirement because they have said that this violates the 24th amendment to the constitution. I want each one of you all to just quickly respond to those findings. Ms. Coles James. First of all, I could not agree with you more, there should not be a disparity between poor people and middle class people where middle class people can move about the society because they do have ID, and I think ID ought to be provided to poor people as well and that is why they ought to remove all barriers to their ability to have that kind of identification, and that's why this commission said it ought to be free. And as a matter of fact, we charged the states to go out and identify the people who do not have ID and see to it that they get it, so that no person in America needs to feel like a second class citizen because they don't have access to ID. That's one thing. And I--I really believe that having come at this from a various--the Commission having come at it from various different positions and aisles, we all agreed on one thing and that is we wanted to protect the integrity of the process and to build confidence in the system. And I believe that voter ID has such strong widespread support it passes the straight face test because quite frankly it is not unreasonable of people to say if you present yourself at the polling place, it is reasonable to assume that the person standing there is in fact the person that is--that is on the list. And so requiring a voter ID seems to make sense to most Americans, and I believe it is--it is wrong, it is patently wrong that poor people, minorities, and other individuals who might not have access to ID feel like they are second class citizens, so we should do everything in our power to provide that to them and accommodate them in that process. Ms. Moore. I really actually thank you for raising the other point that I had forgotten to raise in your last statement, and that is not only should poor people not be disenfranchised in that way, you say that the--it will be free, that the card should be free, but we--we really don't know how we would get these--get these cards to everyone. Ms. Coles James. Well, there are ways to do that. Quite frankly, one of the reasons some of us support it the recommendation by the Commission is because we had serious problems with how it was being applied in an un-uniform way across America and had some concerns about how some states were implementing this. If in fact, as you said earlier, someone was going to be charged for a birth certificate and so it was sort of a hidden poll tax, there are ways that you can as a state make the determination that if someone is in fact trying to get a--a voter ID that they should not have to pay for that. Ms. Moore. Would you do that at the expense of our state, same day registration. We had 77,000 people register on election day. We are really proud of that, and it seems to me a requirement for a photo ID just deliberately or inadvertently ends same day registration, and it does frustrate the ability of people to participate when you have an advance requirement because you want the photo ID to mean something so--do you not agree with same day registration. Ms. Coles James. I think you are proud as well you should be and with technology as it exists today, that need not be a barrier. Ms. Moore. I have got a son, for example, whose birthday is November 6th, he did not run into the problem November 6th is real close and sometimes falls on the first Tuesday. What would happen if my son had turned 18 on a presidential election day and didn't have a voter ID card. Right now our law allows me as his parent to vouch for him and say he is in fact 18 years old even though he doesn't have a driver's license, and so I guess my concerns around voter ID is all of the preparation and middle classness that it really takes to have any kind of voter ID. You can't have done what poor people do and that's move four times a year. If this were a different hearing, would Milwaukee Public Schools here, they would tell you that the biggest problem that they have is the mobility of the students because they move four times during that year. So I--I really do want Chairman Ney to understand when we talk about imposing a photo ID requirement, we really are talking about a class issue, and I do thank you for that testimony. And I don't know what the indulgence of the chair is going to be because I did invite other people to respond to Georgia's---- Mr. Millis. With the indulgence---- Ms. Moore. Yes. Mr. Ney. I have to add a caveat. If your son turned 18 and wasn't able to register that day, and the democratic candidate lost by one vote for the presidency, it would be tough. Ms. Moore. I will tell you, my son hounded me the day he turned 18 to go register to vote so we did not have that problem. Mr. Millis. My first driver's license photo was taken in a classroom in my high school. Back then in those days, this is decades before sad to say before digital photography, but that's how they did it back then: The driver ed class came in. There is no reason today, as Congressman mentioned, why in the underserved areas, where we have lots of folks who don't have photo IDs, that the Department of Transportation in Wisconsin which is under the legislation that has been pending here, they should go into communities, set it up, bring the camera, very portable, print them out right there. Ms. Moore. That's what they did in Georgia and there is an injunction against them, the guy in the mobile home, what if he doesn't get to my rural setting? What if I am not at home when the mobile van comes through? You know---- Ms. Coles James. Georgia had a lot of other issues. Ms. Moore. Yes, including trying to suppress the vote of people of color and there is no question of the requirement of a state issue ID will have an impact on minorities. Whether that is the intent or not, that would be the effect. It disenfranchises the people of color. And if you are not home when that motor voter truck comes to your home, you won't get your ID, and it will eliminate same day registration. Mr. O'Neill. Very quickly with the Chair's indulgence, you asked the question what the greatest barrier to voting is. Currently in the City of Milwaukee it is the amount of time it takes to vote in a presidential election because of the overwhelming turnout and understaffed polling places. The greatest asset conversely I believe is same day registration. I think that is the principle of Wisconsin's steadfast right to protect as broadly as it can the right to exercise the constitutional right to vote. You asked also about the Georgia decision. I read that decision. It is very long and exhaustive and goes over a bunch of evidence. I think it is correctly reasoned and it comes down with two particular conclusions. The first is that it violates the right to vote because it places a barrier to voting that is not justified by what the state put forth as the need for voter ID. And I think one of the things everyone has to step back because everybody likes to yell fraud, really we have not gotten to a point, certainly not in Wisconsin, where there is a kind of overwhelming amount of evidence of a need for this kind of what anybody even in the report of the Commission, the Carter-Baker Commission acknowledges will place a barrier to some people exercising the right to vote. So I don't think there is evidence to support voter ID. The second thing that that judge found that it is the equivalent of a poll tax. Regardless whether you say it is free, Georgia had a very strange affidavit requirement of indigency where they invited people to lie, but there is a constitution--24th amendment of the constitution says there shall not be a poll tax directly or indirectly and what the judge found was in order for someone to take the steps to get a license or a state ID who didn't have one, it would cost them money, and that was equivalent of a poll tax, and I think that is a correctly decided decision. Mr. Erlanger. I would like to make a comment. Back to the question what is the biggest barrier being that I ran in a student district, I would say the biggest barrier is the lines. There is no reason it should need to take forever. I know in 1992 where I voted, it--the lines were two hours long. I got to cut halfway through because of the elevator I needed to take, took me halfway through the line, I was able to go by half as quickly as everyone else, but I think the lines are the biggest barrier. I think that it would be really horrible if we had to get rid of the same day recommendation. Out of the people who voted in the city council election I ran in, I would say probably a large majority maybe 90 percent of them were same day registrants. It was a student district, and they didn't know. They thought they lived--since they were from Illinois that they were not allowed to vote in Wisconsin, and it took all through the election to convince--to get people to understand they were allowed to vote in Madison. The other barrier I would say is not everyone's voting place is right near them. Mine is across the street. Some people's are farther away. While Madison has a great pair of transit system and one of the only demand response taxi cabs in the country, most people--most cities don't have that kind of situation, and for someone with--a person with disability to get to the voting place is very difficult. If you are going to have voter IDs, the only way to do it would be to take the picture in my view take the picture at the polling place and a computer that could check your address, and that would be a problem for poor people so I don't think it is possible to do it. Ms. Kaminski. With the Chair's indulgence, I would like to respond to something Congressman Ehlers said earlier. Mr. Ney. Yes. Ms. Kaminski. I want to say actually the Georgia League of Women Voters was very active in opposing the voter ID law and was one of the organizations that sued. If voter ID is to be a proof of address, then it is a problem for people who move often. My daughter is white, she is middle class, but she is 21 and she moves often, and that's a problem for many of us. I agree that voter ID is really not the biggest problem here. It has been an emotional issue, but frankly we at the League wish it had died a couple of years ago the first time the governor vetoed it. The real problem is election management and the League of Women Voters believe we need to professionalize management with uniform standards, training to those standards, and accountability. We believe that there should be a service focus and that will deal with some of the other problems on election day. Voting should be convenient, efficient, and accessible. Mr. Ney. We are getting into statements. If you want to answer the question, we can still go over your statements, there are answers to her---- Ms. Moore. Yes, as it relates to the Georgia law and particularly given the Georgia injunction, how do you see problems surfacing were we to implement photo ID. Ms. Kaminski. How do I see problems with regard to implementing. Ms. Moore. Continue saying--I am asking you what you are talking about. Mr. Ney. Otherwise people would ask for statements not discussed. Ms. Kaminski. We believe that voter ID is not proof of address and it is a problem for those who move often and it is a problem for many people. The real problem with elections is with management. We believe we need to have more professional uniform standards and then funding to support their implementation. Thank you. Mr. Ney. Let me just ask a couple of questions and then wrap it up unless she has other questions. I want to ask a question of Ms. Coles James. I was a bit surprised when I saw the recommendation out of Carter-Baker on some areas and not on others. With the Ford-Carter Commission, I think one of the thrills of my lifetime, I had back to back phone calls with President Carter and President Ford after we passed HAVA and the Ford- Carter Commission was huge, monumental in helping with HAVA to create that piece of legislation, and some things they recommended we took and some we didn't. It was a little easier with some of the recommendations, as we were embarking on a brand new area, the first federal involvement in elections without federalizing. And of course I served with Lee Hamilton--I don't think you could find a fairer person--and Andrew Young. Looking at the controversy about the photo ID coming out of Carter-Baker, was there concern or were there discussions during the whole deliberations to create the final report about the disenfranchisement of individuals and particular minorities. Ms. Coles James. Yes, there was a great deal of discussion about that both in formal discussions during the Commission as well as informal discussions outside of the actual formal deliberations. And I think one thing needs to be said for clarification. We tend to talk about photo ID as though there is one way to do it, and I think we need to clarify that. There are many who supported the recommendation of the Carter-Baker Commission because they didn't like the way it was being done in Georgia, so you can't--you can't line up the Carter-Baker recommendation with Georgia and say they are the same, therefore, all recommendations for photo ID are bad. It requires a little bit more thought than that. And so I think that point needs to be made. The discussions about disenfranchisement were very thoughtful and very deliberative, and the individuals who ended up voting in favor of this particular recommendation did so because they were convinced that with proper safeguards and those that you will see discussed in the full commission report in place that it would not--it would result in minorities or poor people being disenfranchised, but you have to--you have to take the full piece which says that they--we should make every effort to make sure that states do not have any kind of overt or covert poll tax, to make sure that it is accessible, to make sure that states actually go out and in an aggressive way try to identify individuals who don't have ID and see to it that it does get into their hands. We are not talking about a van that you may miss because it doesn't come to your neighborhood. We are talking about opening up lots of places around a state where someone would have access to get this done. Quite frankly the way they are doing in it in Georgia where they have multiple counties and very few opportunities to have a picture taken is in my opinion not the way to get it done. So we had those discussions, we talked about it, and at the end of the day, the overwhelming majority of the commissioners felt that to build confidence in U.S. Election, to have American people feel good at the end of the day about the process, that it is not unreasonable to say that the person presenting themselves at the polling place in fact is the person whose name is on that registration list. Mr. Ney. Thank you. I just have one comment, Mr. Erlanger. One--one of the problems you have got and I am not saying same day registration is bad or good or wrong or right. I'm not stating a position on this, but if you have same day registration you come up with the surprise factor. Same day registration last election yielded 70,000 or 76,000 new people. Maybe next election 20,000, who knows? I think some of the reasons you would have long lines is because you don't have the ability to anticipate how many people are registered prior to election. I think the long lines are going to have to be addressed whether you have the same data or not. It was an issue in Ohio; we had an unusual type of election. I think inherently you are going to have a lot of local pressure. If you have long lines, they are going to call their Mayor, Congressman, and a lot of people and start to yell about those long lines. I know it happened in Columbus, Ohio--we had longer lines than where I live in the eastern part of the state. Mr. Erlanger. I think it is a barrier. I don't think there is necessarily something that can be done. It is a barrier. Mr. Ney. Yes. Mr. Erlanger. You have to admit it is a barrier and there might be things that can be done creative things, but I think that is up to--that may be something the federal government can do. I don't know. It is a barrier. Mr. Ney. I think the locals probably will after one of the highest voter turnouts in the history of the country. Interesting, on another note I wanted to ask Mr. O'Neill--on the intimidation factor--you said people were standing behind the pollworkers during the vote. Mr. O'Neill. Correct. The way voting happens if you are registered---- Mr. Ney. In the state of Ohio, you can't stand behind. Mr. O'Neill. We have open observation rules that don't specify--they allow observers to stand close enough that they can see and hear what happens at the table, both the registration table and the table where the poll lists are. That is what the law is. Mr. Ney. Observers. Mr. O'Neill. Stationed directly behind. Sometimes the election officials told them to move it over to the side. Sometimes they didn't. But we got a lot of reports that's exactly where they were stationing themselves earlier in the day. Mr. Ney. We have observers too; maybe you do it differently here. In our state I have my original congressional district that I served before we recarved four years ago. It has an 11 percent Republican index. More Republicans, 11 percent had a very, very historically Democratic district. When I first ran in 1994, I had a primary on the Republican side. I am a Republican, and I had a primary and a lot of people became alarmed because we were taking 69 percent of union households. I had been a state senator, but some people within the democratic party became so alarmed because I got into a primary that democrats would switch in mass my home county. I took it from 11 percent to 13 percent. I'm bragging about one election where it went up--but there were things going on where people walk up to the poll and say, ``I would like a Republican ballot,'' and someone would immediately want to challenge that. You can challenge in Ohio. I don't think those things should be done. I don't know if we can correct that federally which comes to your point. We are trying to look at how HAVA is being implemented and whether we can correct it. I complained in my own state. I don't think you should say you want a Democratic or Republican ballot. Maybe you should say who you voted for in the last election. Those are factors that are here and there. Why Ohio does that, I don't know. If you want a democrat or republican ballot, it should be given to you without having to say whether or not you voted for that party in the last election? It makes people nervous, I have seen it in a different way in my elections. Mr. O'Neill. We are an open primary state. You can pick whichever party you want to vote for. It is a single ballot vote, you can't only vote for one party so we do have open challenge procedures. Mr. Ney. We are open. You can walk in and you can be a democrat in one election, and you can change in the primary, but you are allowed to be questioned. Your switch is allowed to be questioned at the local level, and I don't know if we should cure that, and some of the things you address, at the federal level, I don't know if we should cure it federally or if people should have to move out behind a point of flags. I think it is something to look at. Mr. O'Neill. I don't know that there is a federal solution. I wanted to bring it to the attention---- Mr. Ney. We appreciate that and down the road we will look at doing some things at the federal level. I am going to close with a couple of questions. I wanted to ask Ms. Kaminski--when you question why we came here--we came here because we have been to Ohio and we will go to other states. Mr. Green wanted us to come here. He has a bill pending in the Committee I chair, which we have not made a decision on as a committee. But it is worth its ID and now it has been discussed by Baker-Carter, so we came here to listen, and, as you know, we have come here as an investigatory body, but we did come here to listen. I think the more flavor we get from Members and states that experienced controversy benefits us. A reporter said we just created a great bill on persons that have disability issues and asked why it wasn't reported. He said we don't report when the plane lands, we report when it crashes. So in states that have had controversy, that's why we went to Ohio and talk about going to Florida. That's why we have come here. I do have a question to ask you. The League has expressed its concern about the voting practices in Ohio and our League of Women's Voters filed a lawsuit after the election due to the controversy of the election. Did the League of Women's Voters ever consider filing a lawsuit here in Wisconsin? Your counterparts did in Ohio. Ms. Kaminski. No. Our legislative committee and our board have not discussed that. That has not been a question for us. Mr. Ney. Why do you think they filed in Ohio? Did you ever hear. Ms. Kaminski. I honestly can't answer the question. I would have to find out from the Ohio League and then I could send that to your office. Mr. Ney. I was curious. I don't know if it mattered who won or lost the election or whether the lawsuit---- Ms. Kaminski. No. Mr. Ney. I should not ask the trick question, have you ever disagreed with the Democratic party on election reform. Ms. Kaminski. Yes we have. Mr. Ney. That was a trick question. I told you in advance it was a trick question. In Ohio we had a lot of controversy and there was a lawsuit that was filed due to the nature of the election which was not as close as Wisconsin. I appreciate all of your comments and your thoughts today. I want to thank my colleague, general lady, down there working with issues, the other members, and Mr. Green for inviting us. This is something that is worth it and very healthy for the process and something we can take back to Washington. And on behalf of our Ranking Member, the great gentle lady from California, I want to thank all of you for being here today with us. I ask unanimous consent that members and witnesses have seven legislative days to submit materials for the record and for the statements and materials to be entered in the appropriate place in the record. Without objection, the material will be entered. I ask unanimous consent that staff be authorized to make technical and conforming changes on all matters considered by the Committee at today's hearing. Without objection, so ordered. That will complete our business for today. The hearing committee is hereby adjourned. We appreciate the hospitality and friendliness of Milwaukee. Thank you. [Whereupon, the committee was adjourned.]
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