[House Hearing, 106 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
H. CON. RES. 328 AND H. CON. RES. 397
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MARKUP
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON ASIA AND THE PACIFIC
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED SIXTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
SEPTEMBER 13, 2000
__________
Serial No. 106-145
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations
Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.house.gov/
international--relations
______
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
67-039 CC WASHINGTON : 2000
COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York, Chairman
WILLIAM F. GOODLING, Pennsylvania SAM GEJDENSON, Connecticut
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa TOM LANTOS, California
HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois HOWARD L. BERMAN, California
DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American
DAN BURTON, Indiana Samoa
ELTON GALLEGLY, California MATTHEW G. MARTINEZ, California
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
DANA ROHRABACHER, California SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois CYNTHIA A. McKINNEY, Georgia
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
PETER T. KING, New York PAT DANNER, Missouri
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio EARL F. HILLIARD, Alabama
MARSHALL ``MARK'' SANFORD, South BRAD SHERMAN, California
Carolina ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
MATT SALMON, Arizona STEVEN R. ROTHMAN, New Jersey
AMO HOUGHTON, New York JIM DAVIS, Florida
TOM CAMPBELL, California EARL POMEROY, North Dakota
JOHN M. McHUGH, New York WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts
KEVIN BRADY, Texas GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
RICHARD BURR, North Carolina BARBARA LEE, California
PAUL E. GILLMOR, Ohio JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York
GEORGE P. RADANOVICH, California JOSEPH M. HOEFFEL, Pennsylvania
JOHN COOKSEY, Louisiana
THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado
Richard J. Garon, Chief of Staff
Kathleen Bertelsen Moazed, Democratic Chief of Staff
------
Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific
DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska, Chairman
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa TOM LANTOS, California
DANA ROHRABACHER, California HOWARD L. BERMAN, California
PETER T. KING, New York ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American
MARSHALL ``MARK'' SANFORD, South Samoa
Carolina MATTHEW G. MARTINEZ, California
MATT SALMON, Arizona SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
JOHN McHUGH, New York ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
RICHARD BURR, North Carolina JIM DAVIS, Florida
PAUL GILLMOR, Ohio EARL POMEROY, North Dakota
DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
JOHN COOKSEY, Louisiana
Michael P. Ennis, Subcommittee Staff Director
Robert King, Democratic Professional Staff Member
Matt Reynolds, Counsel
Alicia A. O'Donnell, Staff Associate
C O N T E N T S
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Page
Markup of H. Con. Res. 397, voicing concern about serious
violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms in most
states of Central Asia, including substantial noncompliance
with their Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE) commitments on democratization and the holding of free
and fair elections............................................. 1
Markup of H. Con. Res. 328, expressing the sense of Congress in
recognition of the 10th anniversary of the free and fair
elections in Burma and the urgent need to improve the
democratic and human rights of the people of Burma............. 4
APPENDIX
Bills:
H. Con. Res. 397................................................. 14
H. Con. Res. 328................................................. 23
Admendment to H. Con. Res. 328................................... 28
H. CON. RES. 328 AND H. CON. RES. 397
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WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 13, 2000
House of Representatives,
Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific,
Committee on International Relations,
Washington, DC.
The Subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 1:35 p.m. in
room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Doug Bereuter
(Chairman of the Subcommittee) presiding.
Mr. Bereuter. The Subcommittee will be in order. I am
unaccustomed to beginning a Subcommittee markup with only one
Member. It could expedite the procedure. The Minority has
indicated they have no objections to us proceeding. Actually,
most Members of the Committee and the Subcommittee are involved
in a meeting with the Acting Foreign Minister of Israel at this
point, and, since that started late because of House votes,
that explains why our Members are not here. But I would like to
begin at least taking us part way, perhaps quite a way, through
the Subcommittee markup agenda today.
The Subcommittee meets in open session to consider two
resolutions: First, H. Con. Res. 397, concerning the failure of
most of the states of the Central Asia region to honor their
commitments on democratization and free and fair elections;
and, second, H. Con. Res. 328, regarding the need to improve
democratic and human rights of the people of Burma.
First, we will proceed to the markup of H. Con. Res. 397.
That is the order of business. The Clerk will now read H. Con.
Res. 397.
consideration of h. con. res. 397
Mr. Ennis. House Concurrent Resolution 397: Voicing concern
about serious violations of human rights and fundamental
freedoms in most states of Central Asia, including substantial
noncompliance with their Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe commitments on democratization and the
holding of free and fair elections.
Mr. Bereuter. Thank you. Without objection, further reading
of the resolution will be dispensed with, printed in the record
in full, and open to amendment.
[The resolution appears in the appendix.]
Mr. Bereuter. I would like to explain that H. Con. Res. 397
was introduced on September 12 by the gentleman from New
Jersey, the Chairman of the International Operations
Subcommittee, Mr. Smith. It is a significantly updated
alternative to H. Con. Res. 204, which Mr. Smith had introduced
last year. This Member is pleased to join Mr. Smith as a
cosponsor of the resolution.
With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, five
independent states of Central Asia--Kazakhstan, Kyrgystan,
Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan--came into being. The
deserts, mountains, steppes, and river valleys in this region
are home to 50 million people. State borders, which were
imposed by Stalin, artificially partition and breed resentments
among various large ethnic groups, principally Russians,
Uzbeks, and Tajiks.
Since achieving their independence, the Central Asia
Republics have operated with little or no international
scrutiny. In effect, Central Asia has been relegated to an
international policy backwater. However, given the geostrategic
significance of the region and given the region's vast wealth
of natural resources, such an oversight is risky. We ignore the
region at our own peril.
Regrettably, all of the countries of Central Asia appear to
be moving along the path of authoritarianism at various paces.
In recent months, each of the five countries has conducted
general elections. These elections varied in the degree of
electoral freedom. However, in no case did any of these
elections meet internationally accepted norms. Indeed, most
remain reminiscent of Soviet-style elections. There has been
decertification of opposition parties and, in some cases, the
apprehension of opposition leaders. The State Department's
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1999 concludes
that Presidential power in Kazakhstan and Kyrgystan overshadows
legislative and judicial power, and that Uzbekistan,
Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan have lost ground in
democratization and respect for human life. This continual
decline is very disturbing, and it raises questions about the
ability of the United States or other countries to successfully
encourage true democratic institutions and the rule of law.
In some ways, this is a difficult resolution. Each of the
five countries has unique characteristics. Some enjoy certain
socio-economic advantages over the others. Kyrgystan and
Kazakhstan allow a relatively greater but still limited degree
of political participation. The ruler in Turkmenistan has
developed a cult of personality so deep that he is now referred
as ``Father of the Turkmen.'' Tajikistan has suffered from a
crippling civil war through the 1990's, but a common theme
throughout Central Asia is governmental abuse of basic human
rights. Without exception, opposition leaders who appear to be
gaining influence are dealt with in a decisive antidemocratic
manner.
Now, it is certainly true that most, if not all, of the
countries face armed insurgences. There are all-powerful tribal
warlords in Tajikistan. In Uzbekistan and Kyrgystan there are
armed religious extremists aided by the Afghan Taliban. In
Kazakhstan, there have been efforts by pro-Moscow elements to
overthrow the government. It is entirely appropriate that the
governments of these countries deal with such threats. However,
it is one thing to campaign against an armed insurgence, and it
is quite another to use an insurgency as an excuse to suspend
law and crack down on the legal political opposition.
Unfortunately, that is precisely what has been done and
continues today.
H. Con. Res. 397 speaks to the very real abuses, then, that
have occurred in each of the Central Asian Republics and puts
the nations on alert that the House of Representatives is
deeply concerned about the ongoing abuses of power. The
resolution urges the nations to comply with their OSCE
commitments and calls upon the President and Secretary of State
to raise human rights concerns when meeting with the
representatives of these governments.
I congratulate the resolution's author, Mr. Smith, for
introducing this resolution. The language he has crafted
accurately reflects the serious democratic shortcomings
throughout the region. It has been updated by us to include the
most recent events in Kyrgystan. I appreciate the willingness
of his staff to work with the Subcommittee on Asia and the
Pacific to craft a resolution that we can all support.
At this point, I would ask any Members in attendance if
they wish to be heard in an opening statement on the resolution
before us? The gentleman from California, Mr. Rohrabacher.
Mr. Rohrabacher. Thank you very much. I support this
resolution, H. Con. Res. 397. I have paid close attention to
what is happening in Central Asia and it is a tragedy.
It was just 10 years ago that this was a region with 50
million people where there was great hope for a transition into
a freer and better government and to a life with more
prosperity. None of these expectations have been met. The
reason there has been retrogression in Central Asia has been
because those people in the power structure in those Central
Asian Republics have refused to let loose of their iron grip,
the grip that they learned they could control the population
with during Stalinist times and all the way through to the fall
of Communism.
But those leaders in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan,
Turkmenistan, and others have refused to loosen their grip on
the control and power in their own countries and permit their
own people the degree of freedom that is necessary for
prosperity, and for their countries to have tranquility and to
be integrated into the prosperity of the whole Western
economies. That is a tragedy for those countries and it is a
tragedy for the West because this region had so much potential.
The leaders of these countries have just let it slide and let
this opportunity slip away.
Today, we hear cries of anguish from these very same
despots who had a chance to have democracy in their countries,
crying out for help because of Islamic insurgences in their
country. Who is to blame if there are insurgences in
Uzbekistan, in Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan? Who is
to blame? The very leaders that have refused to develop the
democratic process. If there was a democratic process, an
honest government in Central Asia, there would be no threat
from Islamic fundamentalists.
We see crocodile tears and hear the cries of anguish from
these despotic regimes, and they themselves are at fault. I
would call upon them to pay attention to H. Con. Resolution 397
and not to blame their problems on an outside force that are in
some way supporting Islamic fundamentalists, but instead to
look to their own lack of willingness to permit democratic
institutions to develop.
One last note is that to the degree there is a
fundamentalist threat destabilizing Central Asia, this
Administration has to accept some responsibility. As I have
said many times at these Committee hearings that we have had,
this Administration is playing an ugly game and a deceitful
game in terms of its position on the Taliban. I believe still
to this day that this administration is secretly supporting the
Taliban, which is unconscionable. To that degree, we should
change our policies. But if Central Asia wants to succeed, they
are going to have to have some democratic change in their own
countries.
Thank you very much, and I do support H. Con. Resolution
397.
Mr. Bereuter. Thank you, Mr. Rohrabacher.
The gentleman from American Samoa, Mr. Faleomavaega, is
recognized.
Mr. Faleomavaega. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I want to
apologize. I was given notice that the hearing was at 2 p.m.
not 1:30, and so that is the reason for my delay.
But, nevertheless, I do want to thank you for your
leadership and the fact that both the Majority and the Minority
Members of the leadership have been able to work out
appropriate language.
In accepting this resolution I thank my good friend, the
gentleman from California, for his most profound statements and
certainly keen insights of the problems affecting Central Asia.
I support the legislation, and I urge my colleagues to vote in
favor of this.
Mr. Bereuter. Thank you very much, Mr. Faleomavaega.
If there are no further discussions, then the resolution is
open for amendment. If there are no amendments, the occurs on
agreeing to the resolution.
As many as are in favor will say aye.
As many as are opposed will say no.
The ayes have it, and the resolution is agreed to.
Without objection, the staff is authorized to make
technical, grammatical, and conforming changes to the text of
the resolution.
The second resolution to be considered today is H. Con.
Res. 328, which the clerk will now read.
consideration of h. con. res. 328
Mr. Ennis. House Concurrent Resolution 328, a concurrent
resolution expressing the sense of the Congress in recognition
of the 10th anniversary of the free and fair elections in Burma
and the urgent need to improve the democratic and human rights
of the people of Burma.
Mr. Bereuter. Without objection, further reading of the
resolution will be dispensed with, printed in the record in
full, and open to amendments.
[The resolution appears in the appendix.]
Mr. Bereuter. The Chair would explain that H. Con. Res. 328
was introduced on May 16 by the gentleman from Illinois, Mr.
Porter, and referred to the Subcommittee on Asia and the
Pacific.
For over 10 years, the Burmese military regime, now known
as the State Peace and Development Council [SPDC] has refused
to implement the results of the 1990 elections which were won
overwhelmingly by the National League for Democracy [NLD].
During this period, and indeed since 1962, when General Ne Win
and the military seized control, the military has engaged in
egregious, systematic violence and abuse of the fundamental
human rights of ethnic minorities and other people of the
country.
The abuses of the junta in Rangoon most recently have come
under international scrutiny, when, on August 24, Aung San Suu
Kyi was denied the ability to visit NLD party officials at the
offices of the party outside the capital. For 9 days, she and
her associates were detained at a roadblock and eventually
forcibly returned to their residences. Since that time, she and
other NLD party leaders have been under virtual house arrest.
Despite the military's denial of mistreatment, no independent
observer has been allowed to visit, and the British Ambassador
was roughed up when he attempted to force his way into her
compound. In addition, party headquarters have been ransacked
and papers seized. To justify their actions, the junta has
issued the ludicrous charge that the NLD has formed an alliance
with rebels in the provinces.
It is entirely proper that the House of Representatives go
on record condemning these human rights abuses and the
political abuses ongoing. Since her electoral victory in 1990,
Aung San Suu Kyi has been repeatedly arrested, threatened, and
harassed. The illegal SPDC regime has done everything possible
to discredit the NLD and its leader. Of course, this is simply
wrong. It is outrageous, and we should say so. This is not, of
course, the first time that the House or the Congress has
spoken on this issue.
At the appropriate time, the Chair will offer a friendly
amendment to update the resolution and address a number of
concerns that have been raised regarding the initial draft. We
have had good cooperation working with Mr. Porter. I have had
recent input from the gentleman from California, Mr.
Rohrabacher, which took into account his concern about a
misinterpretation of the language that was presented earlier.
At this point, I would ask the distinguished gentleman from
American Samoa, representing the Minority, if there are any
remarks he would like to make, then we will open it up for
discussion.
Mr. Faleomavaega. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank you for
taking up this piece of legislation. Thank you for your
leadership in bringing this legislation to the Subcommittee.
I believe the substance of this resolution is well taken,
and we should express this true sense of the Congress in
letting the leaders of Burma know that 10 years is a little too
long. I certainly commend Suu Kyi for her efforts in not only
being a true patriot but certainly a great leader of the
Burmese people.
I sincerely hope that with the proposed amendment as a
substitute that we, as Members of the Subcommittee, will accept
this resolution. Again, I thank you for bringing this to the
Subcommittee's consideration.
Mr. Bereuter. Thank you, Mr. Faleomavaega. We actually
thought about bringing it up before the recess, but, in light
of the happenings in Burma since, I am glad we could update it
and bring to the attention of the House the outrageous things
that have happened most recently. Fortunately, they have had
wide international scrutiny.
Are there other Members who wish to be recognized? The
gentleman from California, Mr. Rohrabacher, first.
Mr. Rohrabacher. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I
commend you for bringing up this important resolution
introduced by Mr. Porter which, as you say, is even more
poignant today than it was when it was first introduced. It is
a bipartisan resolution. It calls for an urgent need for
improvement in human rights and democracy in Burma.
At present there is a serious concern for the health and
well-being of one of the true international heroes of our time,
Aung San Suu Kyi, who is under intensified house arrest in
Rangoon.
I had the privilege of visiting with Aung San Suu Kyi in
Rangoon not too long ago, and I found her to be one of the most
clear-sighted and courageous political leaders that I have ever
encountered in my life. She is not someone that those of us who
believe in democracy and believe in the principles that were
laid down in our own country 225 years ago, she is not one of
those people, if we believe in these things, that we should
ignore her plight or the plight of her country when they are in
such a desperate situation.
I also visited refugee camps over the last few years along
the Thai-Burma border, and this last January I was there as
well. My able assistant, Al Santoli, recently returned from the
infamous Golden Triangle in August, and we have confirmed, I
confirmed and Al Santoli confirmed, beyond any doubt, that the
oppressive Burmese military regime is involved in very many
scurrilous and criminal activities, and that this Burmese
military junta is one of the most vile regimes on this planet.
We also confirmed what has recently been reported in the
Far Eastern Economic Review and Asiaweek magazine, stories that
suggest that Burma has become Asia's first narcoterrorist
state, which is also backed by the communist Chinese.
Efforts by our allies in Asia to engage the SLORC regime
with membership in ASEAN have backfired. The SLORC regime has
become increasingly antagonistic toward Thailand, especially in
its partnership with the fierce Wa tribal army, which has
become the foremost opium and amphetamine trafficking group in
South Asia. Although drought has reduced the size of the opium
fields, heroin production in Burma has actually increased.
Mr. Chairman, let us not kid ourselves. Burma supplies
perhaps 30 to 40 percent of the world's heroin. The SLORC
regime controls Burma with an iron fist. Anyone suggesting that
the Burmese regime is just refraining from involving itself in
the drug trade is living in a dream world. They are closely
associated with the Wa. And of course the Wa army is led by
Chinese communist officers, and they are the ones who are
dramatically involved in drug and gun trafficking that goes
right to the border of India and right down through central
Burma. The SLORC is in charge of all of these areas of
production and distribution of drugs.
They are also involved with using force against Christian
Karen and Karenni tribes, trying to force them out of their
homelands and into refugee camps in Thailand. As I say, at the
same time the Chinese military are securing routes for their
own supplies and military operations right down the rivers,
down to the coast of Burma, and into the Indian Ocean.
The resolution today calls for the U.S. policy to demand
basic democratic freedoms for all Burmese citizens and for the
release of Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners from
prison and from house arrest. Also it calls on them to maintain
political and economic sanctions on Burma until democracy and
freedom are restored. Also, it calls upon the Burmese regime to
eradicate the narcotics trade.
Finally, let me just say that we should remind our
Japanese, Australian, and ASEAN friends that ``engaging''
dictators like the one in Burma, like the SLORC regime, and
engaging them with political and economic benefits before
democracy is restored, is proving to be a formula for nothing
more than a greater suffering for the Burmese people and
greater instability for Southeast Asia. American policy would
be better served by strongly supporting democratic forces in
Burma and throughout South Asia, whether they are Burmese or
whether they are tribal groups who have shunned the narcotics
trade.
We should go on record, and this resolution puts us on
record to seek an end and to stand against this vile military
regime in Burma. It has my strong support.
Mr. Faleomavaega. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Rohrabacher. Yes.
Mr. Faleomavaega. I couldn't agree more with the gentleman
and his concerns and the sentiments brought in dealing with a
country like Burma.
I am sure the gentleman doesn't mean just to Australia or
the members of ASEAN and that area of the world, but shall we
say also the same for France in its current efforts in dealing
with nondemocratic countries in the Middle East and in that
region of the world?
Mr. Rohrabacher. I agree with that as well.
Mr. Faleomavaega. Thank you. I thank the gentleman.
Mr. Rohrabacher. Absolutely.
Mr. Bereuter. Thank you, Mr. Rohrabacher.
Are there other Members? Dr. Cooksey? I know you and
Congressman Campbell visited earlier this year. I am pleased to
recognize you.
Mr. Cooksey. Thank you. Congressman Payne and I visited as
well.
I genuinely support the gist of this concurrent resolution.
The leadership in Burma are military dictators. When we were
there, we met with the No. 3 guy on down, and some of the
leadership are reasonable, but probably the No. 1 and 2 guys
are either unreasonable or not smart enough to be reasonable.
It is a military dictatorship. There is no way to justify
their position. They tried to talk to me like they do their
people, or one of their foreign ministers did, and I got up and
said, ``I don't have time to listen to this.'' when you get as
old as I am, and when you have been in the military, you can
just do what you want to, so I left the discussion. He was much
nicer to me the next time I saw him.
Unfortunately, they are holding Aung San Suu Kyi. This
woman has more courage than anyone else in Burma. She is a
bright, articulate, very well-educated lady. I did warn the
leadership there, I said the most important thing you need to
do is make sure nothing happens to this lady, because if it
does, the wrath of the world is going to come down on you and
wipe you out overnight. I think they recognize that, because
these guys are basically a bunch of cowards. It is just that
they have guns and other people don't.
I don't agree with the idea of putting sanctions on. We
have done sanctions, or we did sanctions in 1979, which was a
misguided effort. We have done it in the last several years.
Sanctions hurt the people that they are really intended to
help. I think it is a waste of time. It is a futile effort, but
it makes the people who say ``I want sanctions'' feel better.
But if the people who want sanctions want to do something
meaningful, they need to go over and tell these dictators that
they are out of touch, that they cannot continue the way they
are, and to call their hands, call their bluffs, because a lot
of what they are doing is bluffing.
So I am not certain, in fact I just don't think it is good
to put any type of economic sanctions on anyone. I don't think
it works. It's a waste of effort.
I do think that this is an important part of the world.
There is no question that there are drugs being produced in
this area. I think that they have made some efforts to stem the
drug production and the flow of drugs. Part of what they have
done is to make visiting people from other countries feel like
they are doing a good job, but they have, in fact, done some
things, I think, to stem the flow of drugs, and they are trying
to help the farmers do something other than raise poppies and
opium.
So it is a difficult part of the world, there are some
wonderful people in Burma, it is just that the problem is that
the wonderful people don't have guns. All they have got is
their intelligence and their integrity, and the dummies have
the guns as is so often the case in some of these
dictatorships.
On the whole, though, I would support this resolution. Did
I make myself clear?
Mr. Bereuter. Thank you very much, Dr. Cooksey. I think you
have.
Seeing no further requests for time, then, we will proceed
to an opportunity to amend the resolution before us, and the
Chair offers an amendment. I would advise Members that it is in
your package. It is an updating amendment. The Clerk will read
the amendment.
Mr. Ennis. Amendment to H. Con. Res. 328 offered by Mr.
Bereuter. Amend the 11th whereas clause----
[The amendment appears in the appendix.]
Mr. Bereuter. Without objection, the amendment will be
considered as read, printed in the record, and open for
amendment.
As the Chair has already noted, this is a friendly
amendment offered with the concurrence of the gentleman from
Illinois, Mr. Porter, the author, designed to update the
situation in Burma and address two concerns that were raised
regarding the base text.
First, the amendment updates the current language to
reflect the standoff between Aung San Suu Kyi and the military
by including six new whereas clauses. These clauses detail the
denial of right to movement and association, the seizure of
documents and NLD party headquarters. The new language makes it
clear that Aung San Suu Kyi was clearly within her rights in
attempting to visit party offices and that there is no
justification for the roadblock established by the SPDC.
Second, there is a technical change to the 12th whereas
clause and its reference to Burmese narcotics activity. For the
sake of accuracy, it corrects the name of the narcotics report
to the Department of State International Narcotic Control
Strategy Report, adding the word ``strategy,'' which had
inadvertently been omitted.
Last, the amendment alters resolved clause No. 3. The
resolution, as introduced, endorses the economic and political
sanctions that are currently in force. Unfortunately, in this
Member's judgment, the sanctions are simply not having the
desired effect. I don't know a good answer for having the
desired effect, but I don't think we should suggest that it is
having a desired effect. Burma has not been isolated. Since
enactment of the Cohen-Feinstein sanctions, Burma has become a
full member of ASEAN. Burma's neighbors, and other important
countries in Asia, like China, India, Japan, and Southeast
Asian nations, are pursuing a policy of engagement with Burma.
This was mentioned, I think, by the gentlemen from California
and Louisiana. Australia prefers a policy of what it considers
to be constructive engagement. Even the EU countries, which
have joined us in expressing outrage against the policies of
the Burma junta, have generally not imposed economic sanctions.
As usual, in this Member's judgment, while unilateral
economic sanctions make us feel good, they rarely are effective
in forcing change on recalcitrant regimes. They need to be
broadly supported, multilateral sanctions to have any impact,
as they eventually were with respect to South Africa.
Unfortunately, the regime's outrageous behavior and stubborn
refusal to even engage the NLD in a meaningful dialogue leaves
us with very few options that have been put on the table.
Let me make myself clear. I do not have an effective
alternative to the sanctions policy. I welcome suggestions from
Members as we look at this issue in the Subcommittee
deliberations and as we engage in conversation with each other.
I am as frustrated as any Member perhaps with the Burmese
junta. However, we should not delude ourselves by thinking that
the current policy is effective. I therefore requested, and Mr.
Porter agreed, to modify this language to say that the United
States should ``continue to pursue policies with regard to
Burma designed to,'' and leave intact, then, those two, three,
or four subparagraphs.
Those that support the sanctions policy can, if they
choose, read this as an endorsement of sanctions. However,
there is sufficient flexibility in the language to address the
concerns of those who are frustrated with the ineffectiveness
of the sanctions.
The Chair would note that the resolution's author, Mr.
Porter, is comfortable with the proposed change, and so is the
Chairman of the International Operations and Human Rights
Subcommittee, Mr. Smith.
Are there Members who would like to speak to the amendment?
Seeing none, as many are in favor of the amendment will say
aye.
As many as are opposed will say no.
In the opinion of the Chair, the ayes have it.
Are there further amendments?
Seeing none, recognizing Members, the question occurs on
agreeing to the resolution as amended.
As many as are in favor will say aye.
As many as are opposed will say no.
The ayes have it, and the amendment is agreed to.
Without objection, the staff is authorized to make
technical, grammatical, and conforming changes to the text just
agreed to.
I thank my colleagues for their participation and
involvement in the Subcommittee markup. Appreciate it very
much.
The gentleman from Louisiana would like to be recognized
before adjournment?
Mr. Cooksey. Let me mention something. I assume there is
someone here from Burma, perhaps? OK.
One of the dilemmas you have over there is something that
has occurred in other countries where you have these military
dictatorships. There are actually some people that we met in
the leadership that are reasonable, intelligent, thoughtful,
sensitive people. I will not identify them, for their own
benefit. But there are some that are not. Part of the dilemma
is that the current leadership is reluctant to relinquish power
because they do not know what will happen to them. They could
be put in jail, could be tried, could have a lot of things,
undesirable from their standpoint, that could happen to them.
I got the impression from talking to the opposition, and we
met with all the opposition, that the opposition would be
willing to give them some degree of immunity, or almost total
immunity, if they would allow them to carry out the needs of
the people and the vote that was carried out, when they had
that vote previously. I think something along those lines
should be done.
Now, let me tell you a classic example of where it was done
and it was a disaster, and that was in Sierra Leone. Some
people from this country, from this government, from this
administration, encouraged the inclusion of Foday Sankoh in the
government of Sierra Leone. Then they made him the Minister of
Mines, in a country where a war is being fought over diamonds,
which was just about the dumbest thing anyone could do. These
were Americans that were supporting it, and all of them were
supporting Charles Taylor, who was propping up the guerrillas.
Anyway, I don't think we need to do anything that dumb or
that stupid, but we should do something to give these guys some
degree of immunity, and then maybe they will get out of
government, because they know someday it's going to blow up in
their faces. I hate to see these people have another bloody
war, because the people there are kind, gentle, genteel people.
But something needs to be done.
Thank you.
Mr. Bereuter. Thank you, Dr. Cooksey. I think you have
prompted remarks from the gentleman from American Samoa.
Mr. Faleomavaega. I wanted to share the sentiments
expressed by my good friend and gentleman from Louisiana, and I
wanted to ask if our friends over there in the audience are
from the Burmese Embassy or are they from the opposition?
From the opposition. I thought maybe it was from the
Burmese Embassy.
I wanted to express one of the things mentioned by a recent
delegation to Southeast Asia. Of course there is perhaps a
difference of opinion, as it was expressed to us by the Foreign
Minister of Thailand, but some of these Southeast Asian
countries recognize Burma as a fellow country or nation
because, in their viewpoint, it is better to be engaged with
them, despite their political differences, than to avoid them
at all costs.
I am wondering also that, as Dr. Cooksey said earlier, and
as sanctions have not worked and will continue not working as
long as the Burmese government continues to be the No. 1 seller
of heroin in the world, that from that economic standpoint, it
seems that sanctions have not worked very well and perhaps
there may be some other ways we could establish better
influence to see that the Burmese people themselves would rise
up and get rid of these dictators, if there is any way
possible.
It is easy for me to say this, but we know this has been
difficult for the East Timorese, this has been difficult even
currently for the West Papua New Guineans, this has been
difficult for many other peoples from other regions of the
world. I just wanted to add, to complement what Dr. Cooksey
said earlier, and thank again the gentleman for bringing this
resolution.
Mr. Bereuter. I thank you for your remarks. I guess I would
just react to the gentleman's statement, with which I generally
agree, perhaps totally, by suggesting that if the other
countries of ASEAN would in fact embrace the economic
sanctions, they might have a chance to become effective. I
think it would be much more difficult for Japan, for example,
and Australia, to ignore those at least ASEAN-U.S. sanctions
and therefore make it a broader kind of coalition of sanctions
that might have an impact.
But with ASEAN bringing in Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, and
Burma--an interesting group of countries--it is causing ASEAN
to be more timid than I had hoped they would be and to be less
inclined to take any kind of a leadership role. That is a
difficult group of countries to try to integrate into the
modern world, and I do have sympathy with the task before them.
I thank my colleagues for their interest in this subject
and for their comments, and with those comments we will now
adjourn.
[Whereupon, at 2:08 p.m., the Subcommittee was adjourned,
subject to the call of the Chair.]
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A P P E N D I X
September 13, 2000
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