[House Hearing, 106 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
H.R. 17, H. RES. 62, H.R. 1175, AND H. CON. RES. 75
=======================================================================
MARKUP
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED SIXTH CONGRESS
FIRST SESSION
__________
THURSDAY, JUNE 10, 1999
__________
Serial No. 106-88
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations
U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
63-607 CC WASHINGTON : 2000
COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York, Chairman
WILLIAM F. GOODLING, Pennsylvania SAM GEJDENSON, Connecticut
JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa TOM LANTOS, California
HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois HOWARD L. BERMAN, California
DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American
DAN BURTON, Indiana Samoa
ELTON GALLEGLY, California MATTHEW G. MARTINEZ, California
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
DANA ROHRABACHER, California SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois CYNTHIA A. McKINNEY, Georgia
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
PETER T. KING, New York PAT DANNER, Missouri
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio EARL F. HILLIARD, Alabama
MARSHALL ``MARK'' SANFORD, South BRAD SHERMAN, California
Carolina ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
MATT SALMON, Arizona STEVEN R. ROTHMAN, New Jersey
AMO HOUGHTON, New York JIM DAVIS, Florida
TOM CAMPBELL, California EARL POMEROY, North Dakota
JOHN M. McHUGH, New York WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts
KEVIN BRADY, Texas GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
RICHARD BURR, North Carolina BARBARA LEE, California
PAUL E. GILLMOR, Ohio JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York
GEORGE RADANOVICH, California JOSEPH M. HOEFFEL, Pennsylvania
JOHN COOKSEY, Louisiana
THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado
Richard J. Garon, Chief of Staff
Kathleen Bertelsen Moazed, Democratic Chief of Staff
Hillel Weinberg, Senior Professional Staff Member and Counsel
Marilyn C. Owen, Staff Associate
C O N T E N T S
----------
WITNESSES
Page
Markup of H.R. 17, a bill to amend the Agricultural Trade Act of
1978 to require the President to report to Congress on any
selective embargo on agricultural commodities, to provide a
termination date for the embargo, to provide greater assurances
for contract sanctity, and for other purposes.................. 1
Markup of H. Res. 62, a resolution expressing concern over the
escalating violence, the gross violations of human rights, and
the ongoing attempts to overthrow a democratically elected
government in Sierra Leone..................................... 4
Markup of H.R. 1175, a bill to locate and secure the return of
Zachary Baumel, an American citizen, and other Israeli soldiers
missing in action.............................................. 9
Markup of H. Con Res. 75, a concurrent resolution condemning the
National Islamic Front (NIF) government for its genocidal war
in southern Sudan, support for terrorism, and continued human
rights violations, and for other purposes...................... 12
APPENDIX
Prepared statements:
The Honorable Sam Gejdenson, a Representative in Congress from
Connecticut, statement on H.R. 17.............................. 24
The Honorable Sam Gejdenson, statement on H. Con. Res. 75........ 25
Bills and Amendments:
H.R. 17.......................................................... 27
H. Res. 62....................................................... 31
Committee Print (as amended by the Subcommittee on Africa.... 36
Amendment to H. Res. 62 offered by Mr. Gejdenson............. 41
Amendment to H. Res. 62 offered by Mr. Payne, a
Representative in Congress from New Jersey, on behalf of
Mr. Hastings a Representative in Congress from Florida..... 42
Amendment to H. Res. 62 offered by Mr. Gejdenson, to replace
the first and second degree amendments previously offered
by Mr. Gejdenson and Mr. Payne (for Mr. Hastings).......... 44
1175............................................................. 45
Amendment to H.R. 75 offered by Mr. Lantos, a Representative
in Congress from Califorina................................ 49
H. Con. Res. 75.................................................. 52
Committee Print (as amended by the Subcommittee on Africa...
Amendment to H. Res. 75 offered by Mr. Tancredo, a
Representative in Congress from Colorado................... 70
Amendment to H. Con. Res. 75 offered by Mr. Payne............ 71
H.R. 17, A BILL TO AMEND THE AGRICULTURAL TRADE ACT OF 1978 TO REQUIRE
THE PRESIDENT TO REPORT TO CONGRESS ON ANY SELECTIVE EMBARGO ON
AGRICULTURAL COMMODITIES, TO PROVIDE A TERMINATION DATE FOR THE
EMBARGO, TO PROVIDE GREATER ASSURANCES FOR CONTRACT SANCTITY, AND FOR
OTHER PURPOSES
---------- Th
ursday, June 10, 1999
House of Representatives,
Committee on International Relations,
Washington, D.C.
The Committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10 a.m. in room
2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Benjamin A. Gilman
(chairman of the Committee) presiding.
Chairman Gilman. The Committee will come to order.
The Committee meets in open session today with regard to
our markup session on H.R. 17, H.R. 1175, H. Res. 62 and H.
Con. Res. 75.
We will first consider H.R. 17, relating to agricultural
embargoes.
The Chair lays the bill before the Committee. The clerk
will report the title of the bill.
Ms. Bloomer. ``H.R. 17, a bill to amend the Agricultural
Trade Act of 1978 to require the President to report to
Congress on any selective embargo on agricultural commodities,
to provide a termination date for the embargo, to provide
greater assurances for contract sanctity, and for other
purposes.''
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the first reading of
the bill is dispensed with.
The clerk will read the bill for amendment.
Ms. Bloomer. ``Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of America and Congress
assembled, section 1, Short Title.''
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the bill is considered
as having been read is open to amendment at any point.
I now recognize myself briefly.
This bill was introduced by Mr. Ewing of Illinois and is
identical to a bill that was passed late last year which was
not referred to our Committee. The Speaker did refer the bill
to us this year, however, as an additional Committee. The
Committee of primary jurisdiction is the Committee on
Agriculture. It was reported out of that Committee by unanimous
vote.
The bill provides that if the President provides for an
economic embargo that selectively emphasizes agriculture, that
the Congress would have the right to interpose a joint
resolution providing for its termination.
I don't believe that this bill significantly changes the
balance of equities involved in the area of economic embargoes
to any significant degree. However, this bill is important to
the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Ewing, as a symbol of
congressional concern for American farmers and of the thought
that they ought not to be singled out as bearing the burden of
economic pressures against countries with which the United
States is having difficulties.
Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Lantos. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I am supporting this legislation and ask permission to
include in the record Mr. Gejdenson's statement on this issue.
Chairman Gilman. Mr. Bereuter.
Mr. Bereuter. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
This is important legislation to this Member and many
others, and I strongly support it and, in fact, am an original
cosponsor of H.R. 17. This bill is identical to H.R. 4647,
which passed the House by voice vote under suspension of the
rules in the final days of the previous 105th Congress.
I want to thank Chairman Gilman, International Economic
Policy and Trade Subcommittee Chairwoman Ros-Lehtinen and the
Democratic Ranking Member and others for moving this
legislation, which is very important to those of us
representing agriculture districts and states, and to thank
them for doing it in a timely fashion.
H.R. 17 takes the first steps toward rationalizing our
sanctions policy by requiring the President to report to
Congress on any selective embargo and agriculture commodities.
The bill provides a termination date for any embargo and
requires Congress to approve the embargo for it to extend
beyond 100 days. It also provides greater assurance for
contract sanctity.
Unilateral embargoes of U.S. food exports cannot effect any
real changes on the targeted country in most cases. All U.S.
farmers have a right to be angry that they are being used by
both executive and legislative branches over the years, not
just now, to carry out symbolic acts so foreign policymakers
can appear to be doing something about our toughest foreign
policy problems.
I remember the short supply embargo, for example, on
soybeans under President Ford. It had a devastating impact, and
it continues yet today on the competition it engendered in
Brazil.
When Congress and the President point the unilateral
sanction gun at a foreign country, the gun most often gets
pointed at the American farmer on the tractor simply trying to
provide for his family. Right now we have as bad an agriculture
condition as I have seen since 1984, with low commodity prices
across the board, including all livestock sectors.
Let me give you an example. Last year, the U.S. nearly lost
a 300,000 metric ton wheat sale to Pakistan because of our
unilateral nonproliferation sanctions on that country. Sensing
our mistake, those of us concerned in Congress rushed to
reverse that sanction just hours before the bids for the wheat
sale were made. Had we not acted, I am sure the Australians,
Canadians or French wheat farmers would have gladly become
Pakistan's new primary supplier of wheat.
H.R. 17 does not alter any current sanctions because it
would only affect embargoes that apply selectively to
agricultural products, like the one I mentioned by President
Ford or the one for President Carter's ill-fated and totally
ineffective grain embargo on the Soviet Union in 1980.
H.R. 17 does nothing to restrict the President's ability to
impose cross-sector embargoes or embargoes that apply to other
U.S. export goods, including agriculture. H.R. 17 does not
apply to multilateral embargoes.
The Selective Agriculture Embargoes Act is a measured and
responsible bill that protects the American farmer and the
American agriculture sector from unnecessary harm, and I do
urge its support and passage. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Bereuter.
Mr. Pomeroy.
Mr. Pomeroy. Mr. Chairman, food should not be used as a
weapon, and farmers should not be used as fodder in
international disputes. This legislation, measured, limited but
important, addresses selective agriculture embargoes. I was
pleased to cosponsor--pleased to vote for its passage last
October, and it did pass in a voice vote in the House. I am
also pleased that this Committee this year has jurisdiction,
concurrent with the Agriculture Committee, a Committee on which
I also serve.
I believe today's action of this Committee in approving
this bill reflects a broad consensus that using food as a tool
of international policy through embargoes is a failed policy,
one that served us badly in the past, and should not be engaged
in in the future.
This legislation makes certain Congress is involved in the
event should there be a selective agriculture embargo imposed
and, I think equally importantly, places a 1-year timetable
wherein it would need to be revisited by the Administration and
Congress.
I think sometimes some of our embargoes just languish and
need to be sunsetted and revisited in terms of whether they are
serving any particular effect, other than harm, to our farmers
through diminishing our international export market
opportunities, producing lower commodity prices back home.
I would hope we could pass this out on a quick, unanimous
vote and appreciate the Chairman's support of this bill.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Pomeroy.
Any other Members seeking recognition?
If there are no other Members seeking recognition, the
previous question is ordered. I recognize the gentleman from
Nebraska, Mr. Bereuter.
Mr. Bereuter. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee
report the bill to the House with a recommendation that it be
passed.
Chairman Gilman. The question is now on the motion of the
gentleman from Nebraska.
Those in favor of the motion, signify by saying aye.
Those opposed, indicate by saying no.
The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to.
Without objection, the Chair or his designee is authorized
to make motions under Rule 22 with respect to a conference on
this bill or a counterpart from the Senate.
Chairman Gilman. We will now consider H. Res. 62 relating
to Sierra Leone.
The Chair lays the resolution before the Committee.
H. RES. 62, A RESOLUTION EXPRESSING CONCERN OVER THE ESCALATING
VIOLENCE, THE GROSS VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS, AND THE ONGOING
ATTEMPTS TO OVERTHROW A DEMOCRATICALLY ELECTED GOVERNMENT IN
SIERRA LEONE
Ms. Bloomer. ``H. Res. 62, a resolution expressing concern
over the escalating violence, the gross violations of human
rights, and the ongoing attempts to overthrow a democratically
elected government in Sierra Leone.''
Chairman Gilman. This resolution was considered by the
Subcommittee on Africa and reported with an amendment.
Without objection, the language recommended by the
Subcommittee on Africa, which is before the Members, will be
considered as original text for the purpose of amendment, and
without objection, the clerk will read the preamble and
operative language of the Subcommittee recommendation.
So ordered.
Ms. Bloomer. Whereas the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council
military junta, which on May 27----
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the Subcommittee
recommended amendment is considered as having been read and is
now open to amendment at any point.
I will now recognize the gentleman from California, our
distinguished Chairman of the African Subcommittee, Mr. Royce,
to introduce the resolution and the amendment.
Mr. Royce. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
This resolution addresses the tragic situation in Sierra
Leone, where the democratically elected government of President
Kabbah has been under siege by rebel forces. The RUF rebels, as
the Africa Subcommittee has heard, have used despicable tactics
of political terror against civilians, which does throw into
serious question these forces' commitment to a peaceful and
democratic Sierra Leone. We can only hope that the current
cease-fire and ongoing political negotiations between the
government and the RUF will produce a lasting political
settlement.
Today, Sierra Leone is suffering a humanitarian crisis,
with hundreds of thousands of Sierra Leoneans having to flee
their country. As this resolution notes, Sierra Leoneans are
suffering from a lack of food and a lack of medicine.
This resolution calls for an end to hostilities, which have
the potential of destabilizing West Africa. It condemns the
gross human rights violations that have shocked the world.
There should be no doubt, it is the rebels that have been by
far the greatest perpetrators of human rights violations in
Sierra Leone. It calls on specific West African countries to
cease providing military aid to rebel forces, thus aiding and
abetting their carnage; and it calls on the U.S. to provide
additional support for the Economic Community of West African
States Military Observation Group (ECOMOG) forces that are
providing a measure of stability in Sierra Leone.
Clearly, the U.S. needs to do more for ECOMOG. In the
Africa Subcommittee markup, Mr. Payne offered language calling
for the appointment of a special envoy to Sierra Leone, which
was adopted.
The situation in Sierra Leone greatly concerns many Members
of Congress. Over the last year, the Africa Subcommittee has
held two hearings on this conflict. This resolution introduced
by Mr. Payne reflects what this Subcommittee has learned
through these hearings. I am pleased to note that every Member
of the Africa Subcommittee is a cosponsor of this important
resolution, and I urge its adoption.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Royce.
Mr. Payne.
Mr. Payne. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Let me thank you, Mr. Chairman, and Ranking Member
Gejdenson and, of course, the Chairman of the Africa
Subcommittee, Mr. Royce, for calling this markup on Sierra
Leone.
I am pleased that a cease-fire was called and that,
finally, serious negotiations are beginning in Lome, Togo. I am
concerned, however, that the latest stalling by both sides has
been problematic.
This war is about resources, who controls the resources in
the diamond regions in the south/eastern part of the country,
rather than the whole question of the people of Sierra Leone,
who should control it.
I know that the root causes of the impending crisis are
based on two political and social problems: First, the colonial
powers propping up corrupt leaders while turning a blind eye
when the leaders fill their own coffers; and, second, the
failure to meet the basic needs of the people. They predicted
this very thing would happen if the then-President Momoh and
now President Kabbah continued and repeatedly failed to educate
the children, provide infrastructure and give adequate health
care to the people living in the north.
You can ask any Sierra Leonean and they will tell you that
there seems to be two countries, Freetown and the rest of the
country. Over the last 30 years, mismanagement and corruption,
coupled with 10 years of ostracizing the north, has caused the
war to spiral out of control.
The failure to address these problems has created a
division between young and old, countryside against town. A
deeper reconciliation of all segments of Sierra Leone society
will be required. I agree we need to protect the innocent
citizens, but peace should be our primary goal.
I know the government is hesitating about sharing power
with the RUF and the AFRC, but in order to have peace there
must be an unconditional release of Corporal Foday Sankhoy.
These things are issues that must be worked out.
I still believe we need a special envoy in the region, and
I think that would have a lot to do with moving this process
forward. I think the failure to engage with the neighbors in
the region--Guinea, Ghana, Liberia and Burkina Faso--early on
has prevented this from happening, and we could have used the
resources there.
So, once again, we would like to see this negotiation move
forward. We have had tough places before like this in Namibia
and Mozambique, but we were able to overcome these problems.
With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Payne.
Mr. Gejdenson.
Mr. Gejdenson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I just have a technical amendment. The purpose of the
amendment to H. Res. 62 regarding the war in Sierra Leone is to
update the resolution and recognize the progress that has been
made.
Since the Africa Subcommittee marked up the bill in late
May, the government of Sierra Leone and the rebel AFRC/RUF
agreed to a cease-fire agreement that went into effect May 25,
1999. The cease-fire talks evolved into ongoing peace talks and
have begun to bear fruit. The 8-year-old war in Sierra Leone
has claimed 20,000 lives, left hundreds of others maimed and
displaced hundreds more; and we should recognize this progress.
Chairman Gilman. The clerk will report the amendment.
Ms. Bloomer. ``Amendment offered by Mr. Gejdenson.
Page 3, strike lines 2 through 4 and insert the following:
One, welcomes----''
Chairman Gilman. I ask unanimous consent that the reading
of the amendment be dispensed with.
The gentleman will make a motion.
Anyone want to be heard on the amendment? Mr. Payne.
Mr. Payne. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
Chairman Gilman. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes
on the amendment.
Mr. Payne. I am offering an amendment to the amendment that
is authored by Mr. Hastings.
The amendment to the amendment basically goes to----
Chairman Gilman. Mr. Payne, if you will withhold, the clerk
will report the amendment.
Ms. Bloomer. ``Amendment offered by Mr. Payne.
Whereas on May 18, 1999, President Kabbah of Sierra Leone--
--''
Chairman Gilman. I ask unanimous consent that further
reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Reserving a point of order on the amendment, we just want
to review the amendment.
Will the clerk distribute the amendment?
The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes on his amendment.
Mr. Payne. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The gentleman from Florida, Mr. Hastings, is offering this
amendment to commend the signing of the cease-fire agreement
and urge a swift solution to the crisis in Sierra Leone. The
amendment goes forward once again commending the principals in
this situation, talking about dialogue for peace to start on
May 25. It goes on to recognize and commend those Sierra
Leoneans who have demonstrated their love for peace, law and
order.
It supports the signing of the cease-fire on May 18. It
urges all parties to remain constructively engaged in the peace
process and make rapid progress to bring into effect a peaceful
and lasting solution to the crisis.
It commends the Rev. Jesse Jackson, the Presidential
special envoy, for the promotion of democracy in Africa. It
also commends ECOMOG and the Secretary General of the OAU, and
encourages all parties to implement the Abidjan Peace Accords;
urges the U.S. Government to appoint a special envoy and urges
the U.S. Government and the international community to continue
to work with all parties to ensure a lasting peace that will
end the conflict in Sierra Leone.
I think it simply embellishes on the resolution, and I ask
for its approval.
Mr. Royce. Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Mr. Royce.
Mr. Royce. I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I have to oppose this amendment offered by my colleague
from New Jersey.
Today, we are looking at a resolution that has been marked
up by the Africa Subcommittee. Our resolution is the product of
considerable work. In fact, it is the product of months and
months of work by staff and Members. In fact, we have probably
spent more time on this resolution than we have on anything
else that has come before our Committee; and, as a result of
this, it enjoys the cosponsorship of all the Members of the
Africa Subcommittee--all of the Members. To accept a substitute
at this time, a three-page substitute, would be wholly
inappropriate, not even delving into the content; but let me
speak to that for a minute, too, if I could.
I would like to briefly read a letter from Ambassador Leigh
of Sierra Leone who wrote me recently.
``The passage of House Resolution 62 today will continue
this exemplary work of the Subcommittee and con- tribute to
establishing a durable peace and institutionalizing democracy
not only in Sierra Leone but in Africa.'' He writes, ``I
sincerely hope that this resolution will be passed in its
original form.''
That is from the Sierra Leone, Ambassador and comes from
the representative of a democratically elected government with
whom the United States is aiding and fighting off a rebel group
that has used tactics that are quite questionable, tactics such
as hacking off hands and limbs and lips of victims.
The Africa Subcommittee has done its work. It has closely
examined the issue, and I would really urge us to move on and
pass our resolution. I will come back to this, but let me make
those points at the outset, if I could, and reserve the balance
of my time, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Royce.
Any other Members seeking recognition? No other Members
seeking recognition?
Mr. Payne. Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Mr. Payne.
Mr. Payne. I was going to ask the gentleman from California
to yield, but I would just once again like to reiterate that
this resolution, authored by Mr. Hastings, basically does
nothing to alter the work of the Committee. As a matter of
fact, Mr. Hastings was also involved in the Committee work.
It simply highlights the people involved. It urges us to
move forward. It commends those who have worked hard; and,
also, I think that it commends the Rev. Jesse Jackson, who was
the one who brought all the countries together that were not
speaking. He called a meeting with Charles Taylor from Liberia
and President Kabbah and the President of Guinea, and has
worked tirelessly and again was an instrument for bringing the
groups together, similar to his delivering of the three
prisoners of war from Kosovo.
I just think that it is appropriate to commend those
persons who have had involvement and ask our government to
appoint a special envoy and hope that we work for a lasting
peace. I really don't see anything contradictory to the
resolution that was offered by the Chairman and myself.
So I will once again urge, Mr. Chairman, that we support
the resolution.
Mr. Lantos. Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Lantos. Mr. Chairman, I want to associate myself with
the comments of my colleague, Mr. Payne. I think this is a
perfectly appropriate amendment, and I urge my colleagues to
support it.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Lantos.
Any other Member seeking recognition? Mr. Royce.
Mr. Royce. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming the balance of my time.
This is an extremely delicate situation for a resolution of
this nature where we have worked out something unanimously,
where every Member is a coauthor on the Subcommittee of the
resolution. To have this three-page alternative at the 11th
hour is, in my view, inappropriate.
I urge that we stick with the original resolution passed
out of the Africa Subcommittee. I would urge my colleagues to
do so, and I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Royce.
Mr. Gejdenson. Mr. Chairman.
Chairman Gilman. Mr. Gejdenson.
Mr. Gejdenson. Might I suggest and ask unanimous consent
that maybe Mr. Royce and Mr. Payne could sit down and work out
the language? Because I don't think there is a great difference
here on the substance, to my sense.
How much more business do we have before us? Two more
bills?
Chairman Gilman. We have two more measures.
Mr. Gejdenson. If I could ask unanimous consent to skip
over this one for the moment and have Mr. Payne and Mr. Royce
or their staffs sit down and come back to us with agreed- upon
language. I think that if there is no objection, I would ask
unanimous consent to do that.
Mr. Royce. Could I respond?
Chairman Gilman. The Chair will entertain that as a
reasonable request.
Mr. Royce. If I could respond. If some of these, Mr. Payne,
could be offered as discrete amendments rather than a wholesale
three-page substitute then I think we could work together in
the ensuing minutes to attempt to work out an agreement.
Chairman Gilman. The Chair then will lay aside this measure
momentarily to give Mr. Payne and Mr. Royce an opportunity to
try and work it out before we conclude with our markup.
Mr. Payne. Thank you.
Just for clarification, Mr. Chair, this is simply an
amendment. It is not a substitute, Mr. Royce, to the
resolution. It is simply an amendment, and the resolution as
written by Mr. Royce will remain.
Chairman Gilman. We will proceed to H.R. 1175. Mr. Royce
and Mr. Payne will meet in the interim to try to work out the
problem.
Chairman Gilman. The Committee will now consider H.R. 1175,
relating to efforts to secure the return of Zachary Baumel, an
American citizen.
The Chair lays the bill before the Committee. The clerk
will report the title of the bill.
H.R. 1175, A BILL TO LOCATE AND SECURE THE RETURN OF ZACHARY
BAUMEL, AN AMERICAN CITIZEN, AND OTHER ISRAELI SOLDIERS MISSING
IN ACTION
Ms. Bloomer. ``H.R. 1175, a bill to locate and secure the
return of Zachary Baumel, an American citizen, and other
Israeli soldiers missing in action.''
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the first reading of
the bill is dispensed with.
The clerk will read the bill for amendment.
Ms. Bloomer. ``Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of America in Congress
assembled, section 1, Congressional Findings.''
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the bill is considered
as having been read and is open for amendment at any point.
This bill was not referred to the Subcommittee.
I would now recognize its sponsor, the gentleman from
California, Mr. Lantos, for 5 minutes. If the gentleman has an
amendment, I would recognize him to offer it either now or at
the conclusion of his remarks. Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Lantos. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. My
amendments are purely technical.
Chairman Gilman. The clerk will read the amendment. The
clerk will distribute the amendment.
Ms. Bloomer. ``Amendment offered by Mr. Lantos to H.R.
1175. Changes are made on page 2, line 12; page 2, lines 24
through 25; and page 3 line 1.''
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the amendments are
included and are considered as having been read.
The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes on his amendment.
Mr. Lantos. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
I want to thank you, Mr. Gejdenson, and other colleagues on
the Committee for cosponsoring my legislation.
It is a noncontroversial and straightforward piece of
legislation, calling on the Department of State to continue to
do everything in its power to obtain the release of an American
citizen, Zachary Baumel, who was captured during military
activities in 1982, whose whereabouts are somewhat in doubt,
but it is our judgment that he is being held against his wish
as a prisoner of war. Several of us have met with Members of
his family on repeated occasions.
This is a profoundly humanitarian and noncontroversial
issue, and I urge all of my colleagues to support it.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Chairman Gilman. I want to thank our colleague, Mr. Lantos,
for sponsoring this measure. I was pleased to be a cosponsor of
it.
I have worked closely with the Baumel, Feldman and Katz
families since 1983, to try to locate and secure the return of
their sons from the battle of Sultan Yakub in Lebanon's Bekaa
Valley in 1982 in which they were engaged with Syrian forces.
Tomorrow will mark the 17th anniversary of that tragic day in
which these soldiers were declared as missing.
H.R. 1175 emphasizes the importance that Congress places on
helping those families locate their sons. We are hoping the
State Department appreciates the priority we give to this
critical humanitarian issue.
An amendment will be offered reflecting language that has
been negotiated with the State Department which requires the
Department of State to raise the matter of Zachary Baumel,
Yehuda Katz and Zvi Feldman with appropriate government
officials of Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian authority and with
other governments which may be helpful in locating and securing
the return of those soldiers.
It also will require a written report and followups from
the Department to this Committee and our counterpart in the
other body.
H.R. 1175 further notes that our Nation should take into
consideration the willingness of regional governments to assist
in locating and securing the return of these soldiers when
reviewing U.S. financial assistance programs.
Regrettably, despite the fact that the Syrian government is
in a position to assist with the investigation, appeals to
President Hafiz al-Assad have gone unanswered. Inquiries to PLO
Chairman Yasser Arafat have also hit a dead end. Nonetheless,
Congress continues to be extremely concerned about the lack of
resolution of these cases and wants to ensure that the
Administration will utilize all available avenues in order to
return these men to their families.
Accordingly, I urge our colleagues' support for this
measure, as amended.
Is there any other Member seeking recognition?
Mr. Gejdenson.
Mr. Gejdenson. Mr. Chairman, I just want to commend Mr.
Lantos for once again taking the lead on an important human
rights issue. The families in this case are tormented by
uncertainty.
I know others as well have raised this issue with leaders
in the Middle East. I am hopeful that with the change in
government and a reinvigoration of the peace process, that
particularly President Assad and others who may be able to shed
light on this situation will take this small act as a genuine
step of confidence building and humanitarian response by
helping these families resolve this terrible situation.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Gejdenson.
Mr. Wexler.
Mr. Wexler. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I, too, would like to rise in strong support of H.R. 1175,
introduced by Congressman Lantos.
Mr. Chairman, as has been stated, for 17 years the fate of
the three Israeli missing soldiers has remained a mystery that
has haunted their families and their nations. It was on June
11, 1982 that Zachary Baumel, a dual American/Israeli citizen,
and others were captured in northeastern Lebanon in a battle
with Syrian and Palestinian forces.
The PLO had custody of the three soldiers for the first
year and a half of their captivity. When a pro-Syrian faction
split with the PLO they took the three Israeli soldiers with
them, and their whereabouts have yet to be determined.
The Syrian government currently claims that they have no
knowledge concerning the fate of the soldiers. However, western
journalists and Syrian radio reported that the three soldiers
were paraded through Damascus several hours after they were
captured.
Three weeks later, the Syrian secret police delivered four
bodies for burial to the Jewish cemetery in Damascus, claiming
they were the bodies of the Israeli soldiers. The Syrians also
provided name tags which Israeli intelligence sources reported
were supplied by the PLO's Fatah faction. Fifteen months later,
the Red Cross exhumed the four graves, finding only one Israeli
body.
The most recent evidence indicates that Zachary Baumel may
be alive came from PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat, who in 1993
delivered half of Zachary Baumel's dog tags to Israeli
officials. Chairman Arafat promised that more information was
forthcoming, but he has provided none.
As recently as 1997, information has been obtained that
Baumel, along with the other two Israeli soldiers, may still be
in custody in Syrian-controlled Lebanon.
With the imminent resumption of the Middle East process,
the State Department must urge the Syrian and the Lebanese
governments, along with Chairman Arafat, to secure the
information that will aid in the search for the missing
soldiers. The State Department must make it clear to these
governments that their willingness to assist all efforts to
search for the missing soldiers should and must be considered
among other factors in the provision of American aid and
foreign assistance to these nations.
I, along with the Chairman, Congressman Lantos, and many
others have had the privilege of meeting with Zachary Baumel's
parents. They hold hope, as I do, that their son and the others
may still be alive. One can only imagine the pain of these
parents and the uncertainty that they have felt for 17 years,
not knowing the status of their sons.
Mr. Chairman, I respectfully urge my colleagues to support
House Resolution 1175. Thank you.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Wexler.
Any other Member seeking recognition on this measure?
If there is no other Member seeking recognition, I would
just like to note and pursue here with the Administration that
we have been trying to get an opportunity to review the cable
traffic between the State Department and other nations with
regard to this issue, and they have been reluctant to forward
this information to our Committee. I just want the Members to
know that we are asking that this information be made available
to our Committee here in the House, either in our offices or in
the Intelligence Committee offices, so that Members will have
an opportunity to explore and read the full cable traffic on
this issue.
If there is no further Member seeking recognition on this
measure, the gentleman from Nebraska, Mr. Bereuter, is
recognized to offer a motion.
Mr. Bereuter. Mr. Chairman, I want to say, Mr. Lantos, I
had hoped to be a cosponsor. I think that I am, but I would
appreciate if your staff would check on that for me.
Mr. Chairman, I move that the Chairman be requested to seek
consideration of the bill as amended on the suspension
calendar.
Chairman Gilman. The question is now on the motion of the
gentleman from Nebraska, Mr. Bereuter. Those in favor of the
motion, signify by saying aye. Those opposed, say no.
The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to.
Without objection, the Chair or his designee is authorized
to make motions under Rule 22 with respect to a conference on
this bill or a counterpart from the Senate. Further proceedings
on this measure are now postponed.
Chairman Gilman. We will now proceed with H. Con. Res. 75,
relative to the National Islamic Front government of Sudan.
The Chair lays the resolution before the Committee.
The clerk will report the title of the resolution.
H. CON. RES. 75, A CONCURRENT RESOLUTION CONDEMNING THE
NATIONAL ISLAMIC FRONT (NIF) GOVERNMENT FOR ITS GENOCIDAL WAR
IN SOUTHERN SUDAN, SUPPORT FOR TERRORISM, AND CONTINUED HUMAN
RIGHTS VIOLATIONS, AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES
Ms. Bloomer. ``H. Con. Res. 75, a concurrent resolution
condemning the National Islamic Front government for its
genocidal war in southern Sudan, support for terrorism, and
continued human rights violations, and for other purposes.''
Chairman Gilman. This resolution was referred to our
Subcommittee on Africa and reported by it to the Full Committee
with an amendment in the nature of a substitute.
Without objection, the Subcommittee-recommended language
will be treated as original text for the purposes of an
amendment.
The clerk will read the preamble and the operative language
in the Subcommittee recommendation in that order for amendment.
The clerk will read.
Ms. Bloomer. ``Whereas, according to the United States
Committee for Refugees an estimated 1,900,000 people have died
over the past decade----''
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the Subcommittee
recommendation is considered as having been read and is now
open to amendment at any point.
I now recognize the gentleman from California, the
distinguished Chairman of our Subcommittee on Africa, Mr.
Royce, to introduce it to the Committee. Mr. Royce.
Mr. Royce. I thank you, Mr. Chairman. This resolution
brings much needed attention to the terrible situation in
Sudan, where war incredibly has led to the deaths of some 1.9
million people--1.9 million Sudanese who have died over the
past decade in that war. The vast majority have not been
combatants. They have been innocent women and children in the
south who have been cruelly subjected to starvation and to
disease, as food has been used as a weapon against them.
As the Africa Subcommittee and the Human Rights
Subcommittee heard 2 weeks ago, the humanitarian crisis in
Sudan remains severe. This resolution pulls no punches. The
Sudanese government, it states, is committing genocide. The
Sudanese government has also been engaged in slavery. This is
consistent with its international behavior. Sudan is classified
as a terrorist state by the State Department.
This resolution condemns the Sudanese government for its
genocidal war in southern Sudan and its support for terrorism,
deplores the government-supported slave trade in Sudan and
calls for increased and more effective aid efforts in southern
Sudan.
The United States, this resolution suggests, must play a
key role in attempting to bring peace to southern Sudan. I want
to commend you, Mr. Chairman, for your interest in this
tragedy. I especially want to commend Mr. Payne, the author of
this resolution, as well as Mr. Meeks, who strengthened this
resolution's humanitarian aid clauses in the Subcommittee's
markup.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back the balance of my
time.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Royce.
Mr. Payne.
Mr. Payne. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me thank you for
bringing up H. Con. Res. 75 and, as you have heard, this has
been a very, very serious issue for many years. My first visit
to southern Sudan was in 1993, with then Congressman Johnson
from Florida, and last year, with Congressman Campbell and just
this past weekend with our new colleague, very courageous and
interested person, Congressman Tom Tancredo from Colorado. This
has been an issue that for many years has been troubling to
many of us who have been on this Committee for some time, and I
am glad now that it is starting to get the attention. Senator
Brownback on the other side is also championing this cause with
a number of his colleagues.
We had an opportunity to go to Loki, a border town in the
area between Kenya and Sudan, and then to Yei and Labone, both
in Southern Sudan, just this past weekend.
We must conclude that the repression of the dictatorship of
the NIF government is wrong: the use of shamanian laws
throughout the country, the fact that food is used as a weapon,
the fact that slavery is condoned by the government, the fact
that the Dinka people and other southern Sudanese are having
their dignified culture destroyed and compromised by virtue of
having to live in refugee camps, the fact that the government
of Sudan used the old Russian antonov planes to bomb civilians.
We visited a hospital that was only bombed 2 or 3 weeks ago. We
were unsure whether bombs would be dropped on us as we visited
the south of Sudan.
So this is a situation that cannot be tolerated any longer.
It is something in which we must ask our government to really
become more engaged and involved.
Just the other day, the government dropped 6 bombs, hitting
14 houses, killing 24 people. These weapons are used against
innocent people. The support also of the Lord's Resistance Army
in North Uganda, an army that abducts children and uses them
against the Uganda Army, is another terrible practice which the
government, the NIF government in Khartoum, condones. So we
have seen children who are branded like cattle and used as
chattel and sometimes sold for as little as $15 apiece, while
the government there is not only condoning it, it encourages
it.
This resolution calls on the Administration to report to
Congress within 3 months about the U.S. effort to end slavery.
It calls on the U.N. to investigate this issue. The U.N. has
not been stepping up to the plate on this dreaded issue. Sadly,
the north doesn't see anything wrong with this policy and,
therefore, we need to do all we can to bring down the
government.
If 1.9 million people and 4 million have been displaced
over the past 2 decades, if Milosevic could be brought up on
war crimes, I think that the same thing for the Al-Bashir and
el ta-ra-bee government should be considered.
So once again, Mr. Chairman, this is something that's gone
on too long. There has not been indignation from the countries
of the West or the United States. It is time for us to say
enough is enough. It is time for us to step forward and say
that as we move into a new millennium there is no way that we
can allow this practice to continue, to be condoned. We must do
everything within our power to see that this pariah government
somehow gets the message that we will not condone this any
longer.
With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Payne.
Mr. Sherman.
Mr. Sherman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I strongly support
this resolution. I commend the gentleman for bringing it up. I
think that beyond this resolution, we may have to look at more
aggressive approaches to try to deal with the situation,
perhaps at least exploring the possibility of multilateral aid
to the resistance fighters.
Keep in mind that as has been pointed out, 1.9 million have
been killed. That is greater than the entire population of
Kosovo. I realize that this government in Khartoum cloaks
itself in the religious fervor and piety of Islam. The United
States can certainly not be accused of being anti-Islamic. We
just fought for the rights of the Muslim Kosovars against
oppression that tried to cloak itself in the religion of
Christianity.
So I strongly support the resolution and hope that we are
willing to take even additional steps to bring justice to
Sudan.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Sherman.
Mr. Tancredo.
Mr. Tancredo. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to just say
how much I appreciate the opportunity to have participated on
the CODEL. It was actually my first CODEL as a Member of
Congress, and it was certainly a challenging one, a challenging
experience in a number of ways, not the least of which was to
have to deal with, to observe the plight of the people in the
Sudan and feel relatively incapable of doing anything
immediately to relieve the terrible, terrible, problems that
face these very valiant people.
I was especially encouraged to hear the comments of Mr.
Sherman, when he talked about the possibility of having to do
something perhaps beyond this, something more direct in terms
of aid directly to the SPLA or to NDA, because I agree with him
that it may very well be the next step we have to take.
Frankly, to put this in a nutshell, I believe that what is
happening in the Sudan makes Kosovo look like a Sunday school
picnic, and the fact that we have been able to devote as much
of our resources and attention to the problems in Kosovo
without even a mention of the situation in the Sudan, is to me
unacceptable and abhorrent. These people have been suffering
for a much longer period of time. Far more people have been
killed. Far more people have been displaced, and they suffer
every day, the torture, not only the physical dangers in which
they are placed, the physical effect of the war, but the
psychological torture of knowing that every single day they can
be bombed. These terrorists activities of the north continue.
You listen constantly for the noise of the antonov bomber
overhead. Everybody is doing it. While we were there, we were
doing it. You are always wondering about whether or not it is
going to be there.
The people gather around you in marketplaces because they
feel that perhaps if they are near you somehow or another they
won't be bombed, that if Americans are there, American
Congressmen are there, they will be safe for a moment or two.
How would you like to live like that every day of your
life, 24 hours a day, in fear of that sound--they will see the
goats begin to run because the goats can hear it before the
people can. The goats run and the people start to run.
Everywhere we were, we had to be told where the bomb shelter
was. At whatever location we were taken to for any discussions,
we had to know where the bomb shelter was next to us so that we
could get there quickly. These people live like that every
single day.
So I just want to say, again, Mr. Chairman, thank you for
the opportunity you gave me and thank my colleagues for the
opportunity that they gave me to go on this trip and to be
perhaps a tiny part of a solution for these people.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Tancredo. I would like to
commend you as a freshman Member for going to this garden spot
on your first visit, and we hope that you will engage in more.
I would like to encourage our newer Members to be engaged in
our CODELS that are intended to educate us all to a greater
extent.
With regard to that, before we move on, I would like to
remind our Members that we do have an important delegation
visiting us from the Council of Europe. They will be meeting
with this Committee at 2 p.m. today in room H-139. The Council
of Europe is a preeminent European institution working on
democracy, on human rights and the rule of law, and I would
like to encourage our Members to please join us in that
meeting.
Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Lantos. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to commend my
good friend from New Jersey, our distinguished colleague, for
offering this resolution, and I wish to identify myself with
his observations. I would also like to make a comment to our
friend from Colorado. I was very moved by his observations.
During the course of the last 80 days or so, a lot of
people have raised the issue of why we have participated in the
military activities in Kosova while, in areas where much larger
scale human rights violations have unfolded, we have done
nothing. The answer, of course, is obvious. In Europe we have
NATO, which is an alliance of 19 nations, joined together to
defend and expand the sphere of democratic and free and open
institutions.
In Africa, such an institution as NATO at the moment does
not exist.
In Kosova, we crossed the Rubicon. We and our NATO allies
have recognized the fact that under extreme circumstances,
human rights violations trump national sovereignty. This will
be studied by legal scholars for generations to come. For
centuries, we have assumed that national sovereignty is the
ultimate principle in the field of international relations, and
it is a tribute to our all-too-slow evolution that we have now
recognized that outrageous human rights violations, such as the
ones perpetrated by the Milosevic regime against the Muslim
Albanian Kosovars, cannot be tolerated by the civilized world.
I think it is extremely important for all of us who wish to
live in a realistic world to understand that we have to rejoice
in cases where the civilized world is capable of taking action
and work toward the time when the civilized world will be able
to do so everywhere. But since in many places that is not the
case today, this should not have been used and hopefully will
not be used in the future for criticizing action where in the
NATO sphere of influence action can be taken.
Mr. Tancredo. Will the gentlemen yield?
Mr. Lantos. I will yield in just a second. I think it is
extremely important for us to condemn the outrageous government
in Khartoum for these gigantic, sickening, horrendous, inhuman
violations of human rights. I strongly urge my colleagues to
support H. Con. Res. 75, and I am happy to yield to my friend
from Colorado.
Mr. Tancredo. Thank you for yielding, sir.
I certainly did not intend for my comments to precipitate a
debate on the whole issue of Kosovo, but I should say that
there is a significant difference that I observe and did
observe even while I was in the Sudan, in terms of our position
vis-a-vis Sudan and Kosovo.
Certainly everything that we were told existed in Kosovo
with regard to human rights violations, and I certainly don't
disagree that they existed, but everything we were told that
was happening there, as I said, is happening in the Sudan.
There is a different dimension in the Sudan. There is
something going on there, by the way, that we did not mention,
and I did not mention in my remarks, which does, in my mind,
differentiate the matter quite dramatically. That is that in
the Sudan I can observe, and I think all of us can observe,
that there is the possibility of very direct threats to the
national security interests of the United States.
The resolution talks about that, in terms of the kind of
terrorist activities that are supported by the state of Sudan,
by the government in the north, by Khartoum, by the exportation
of that terrorism, the fact that our embassies have been
bombed. I mean, these things add a dimension that I think is
extremely relevant when we start talking about whether or not
it is appropriate for this government to take action.
Beyond that, I should also say I would be very hesitant, in
fact I would certainly oppose any direct military action on the
part of the United States in Sudan, putting troops there
ourselves, bombing it ourselves. People of Sudan, especially
the people in the south, are asking only for the ability to
take care of it themselves, to defend themselves. So there are
significant differences that I would just like to put into the
record.
Mr. Bereuter. Would the gentleman yield?
Mr. Lantos. I would be happy to yield.
Mr. Bereuter. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
I think the gentleman was correct in pointing out the
capacity we have in NATO as a defensive alliance in Europe and
the absence thereof from any such military capability,
multilateral, even if it didn't involve the United States, in
Africa. Beyond Sudan, of course, we have had the tragic loss of
huge numbers of people in Rwanda. You could point to Eritrea
and Ethiopia today. You could point to Congo where it is going
on.
I can't resist reminding my colleagues that today we are
going to be voting on an amendment offered by Mr. Shays. It has
a small bipartisan group of cosponsors, which is absolutely
shocking and wrong headed in my judgment. It will ask that U.S.
troop commitments in Europe be reduced from 100,000, where it
has been reduced to that level, to 25,000 in the next three
fiscal years. We could not have a combat division in Europe
under that limitation.
I do hope my colleagues will help in resisting this kind of
issue. We have had burden sharing debates in the past, but
nothing of that Draconian level.
I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Lantos. Reclaiming my time, I could not agree more
strongly than I do with my very distinguished colleague from
Nebraska. I think the proposal to reduce the U.S. military
presence in Europe to a 25,000 troop level is preposterous, and
I earnestly hope that that proposed amendment will be
overwhelmingly defeated.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Lantos.
Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
I want to thank Mr. Payne for sponsoring this very
important resolution. As he knows, because he was a very active
participant, we had a hearing along with Ed Royce's
Subcommittee, on May 27th, at which time we explored crimes
against humanity in the Sudan. We heard from a number of very
distinguished witnesses, including Dr. Millard Burr from the
U.S. Committee on Refugees. He pointed out that the total
estimated deaths, and this was as of December, 1998 so the
number has grown, was 1.9 million individuals; per year about
126,000; per month about 10,500; per week a little over 24,000;
per day, approximately 356 people who were dying because of the
slaughter.
We also had a very heavy emphasis on the ongoing chattel
slavery. We held a hearing 3 years ago, at which time we heard
from people who had family members abducted by the slave owners
in these raids. These heinous acts, where people are literally
stolen from their homes and turned into slaves, that barbaric
practice continues to this day.
This resolution rightfully points out that we need to be
far more proactive in trying to end, not just mitigate but end,
this terrible practice of chattel slavery in addition to this
genocidal war that's going on.
Very important, too, and several of our witnesses spoke
about this, and Mr. Tancredo spoke very eloquently about this
as well, is this whole idea of a Khartoum veto with Operation
Lifeline. I think it is outrageous. I mean, the UNICEF and the
U.N. are doing their noblest best to try to feed as many people
as possible, but when you turn to a government that is using
food as a weapon and you need to gain or garner their
permission in order to get the food to their people, we need to
find some other way.
Keep it going--try to reform it--but we need to find other
means to get that vital food and medicine cargo to these people
who are dying. Food is being used as a weapon, let there be no
mistake about it.
I just want to thank again Mr. Payne and Mr. Tancredo, who
have taken an absolutely strong and active interest in this. As
Mr. Gilman pointed out, to go to the Sudan on your first trip
overseas trip certainly shows a seriousness about human rights
and about people who are truly in grave distress. They die by
the day, and we need to do more. We need a more activist
policy.
Again, thank you, Mr. Payne, for offering this.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Smith.
Any other Members seeking recognition? Mr. Gejdenson.
Mr. Gejdenson. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to
have my statement placed in the record.
Chairman Gilman. Without objection.
Any other Member seeking recognition?
If not, I yield myself sufficient time.
The degree of suffering here in the Sudan is mind-boggling;
1.9 million killed, the statistic that Mr. Smith just recited.
The government of Sudan must remain isolated. Our Nation's
long-term strategic interests demand that we fight this kind of
militant Islamic fundamentalism that the government of Sudan
has exhibited and no easing of sanctions should be permitted.
There are times when our Nation must state clearly its
abhorrence for state-sponsored behavior that's so egregious and
so contrary to the interests of our Nation and of all peace-
loving nations. Accordingly, I commend our colleagues on this
Committee who have recently traveled to the region and thank
them for bringing this measure before us.
Are there any further amendments? Mr. Tancredo.
Mr. Tancredo. I have an amendment, I think, at the desk.
Chairman Gilman. The clerk will report the amendment.
Ms. Bloomer. ``Amendment offered by Mr. Tancredo. Page 8,
line 19, strike ``and''; page 9, line 19, strike the period and
insert a semicolon; page 9, after line 19, add the following:
6, urges the Intergovernmental Authority for Development
partners under the leadership of President Daniel Arap Moi to
call on the government of Sudan to immediately stop the
indiscriminate bombings in southern Sudan; and, 7, strongly
condemns any governments who financially support the government
of Sudan.''
Chairman Gilman. The clerk will distribute the amendment.
The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
Mr. Tancredo. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I just want to make sure with this amendment that we are
able to add every single aspect of whatever arsenal that we
have, I use that figuratively, in terms of trying to stop the
bombing immediately. I know in the resolution itself it
suggests several actions that we should take, including
supplying the south with SAM missiles, but I wanted just to
make sure that we do not overlook the fact that there is the
opportunity available to us to bring to the attention of the
Sudan our deep concern about these bombings through the peace
process. So that's really the purpose of this amendment, and
also then to condemn any government, as I say, for supporting
the government of the north.
There are many aspects of this. One in particular, of
course, is the construction of a pipeline that has--it is
completed and was paid for by several interests, governments of
Malaysia and China and business interests in Canada, but there
are others, of course, who are also involved with supporting
the government and so I just wanted to bring that to the
attention of the Congress.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Tancredo.
Mr. Payne.
Mr. Payne. I strongly support the resolution by Mr.
Tancredo. There is no question that there is an
intergovernmental agency, the IGAD partners led by President
Moi, that have been conducting discussions. We urge them to, as
he has indicated, to ask for the immediate halt of the bombing
there in Sudan. I think that also condemning these countries
from supporting this government, which is on our sanctions
list, with their financial support simply is a way that will
continue to see these atrocities continued unless there is some
dramatic action taken by those who feel that this government
should cease and desist.
I would just like to indicate that I strongly support the
amendment.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Payne.
Is there any further debate? If not, the question is now on
the gentleman's amendment. As many as are in favor signify by
saying aye. As many opposed say no.
The ayes have appear to have it. The amendment is agreed
to.
Are there any further amendments to this measure?
Mr. Payne. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
Chairman Gilman. The clerk will read the amendment.
Ms. Bloomer. ``Amendment offered by Mr. Payne, page 8, line
11, strike ``and''; page 9, line 7, strike the period and
insert a semicolon; page 9, after line 7, add the following, 6,
calls on the President to transmit to the Congress not later
than 90 days after the date.''
Mr. Payne. I move that the amendment be considered as read.
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the amendment is agreed
to as having been read.
The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes on the amendment.
Mr. Payne. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
This amendment calls on the President to report to Congress
regarding the Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS), the question of
flight suspensions. As has been indicated, the government of
Khartoum has the right to stop relief supplies from reaching
the people in the south. This is certainly not a way to go.
We have heard about the numbers of people who have perished
during this struggle. Of course, the most vulnerable would be
pregnant women, women nursing children, children under six, the
elderly, hospital patients, handicapped people. All have died
during the ineffective delivering of food through the
government controlled Operation Lifeline Sudan.
Relief efforts were hindered and had a severe setback
earlier this year when Khartoum banned flights into southern
Sudan for 2 months. The flight placed ban upon the entire
region of Bahr el Ghazal on February 3, 1998, was the most
comprehensive flight restriction since OLS's creation. Even at
the urgent request of USAID, the government refused; 350,000
people were in urgent need of assistance.
I am gravely concerned about the human catastrophe that
unfolds each year in southern Sudan. Operation Lifeline Sudan
was established in 1989 by the United Nations in order to
prevent the people in the south from dying of starvation. It is
almost assisting them to starve rather than helping prevent
them from starving.
Twenty percent of USAID's assistance goes toward non-OLS
NGO's working in areas outside the control of the government. I
would hope that we could have additional funding to see that
outside of the OLS, NGO's would have more support.
The government has used food as a weapon, as we have heard.
Starvation is an inexpensive war strategy and the government
does it each year.
This amendment also calls on the support of USAID's
Sudanese Transition Assistance for Rehabilitation, known as
STAR program, which helps to develop democracy in a civil
society and a rule of law to the NDA, which is an opposition
organization to the government.
Mr. Chairman, I urge the adoption of the amendment.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Payne.
Mr. Royce.
Mr. Royce. I urge support of the amendment from the
gentleman from New Jersey, and I urge we pass the bill.
Chairman Gilman. Are there any other Members seeking
recognition or offering amendments? If not, the question is now
on the Payne amendment to the underlying measure. All in favor
signify by saying aye. All opposed say no.
The ayes have it. The amendment is agreed to.
The gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Smith, is recognized to
offer a motion.
Mr. Smith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, I move that the Chairman be requested to seek
consideration of the pending resolution, H. Con. Res. 75, as
amended, on the Suspension Calendar.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Smith.
The question is on the motion from the gentleman from New
Jersey, Mr. Smith. As many as are in favor of the motion
signify by saying aye. As many as opposed signify by saying no.
The aye haves it. The motion is agreed to.
Without objection, the Chairman will be permitted to make
motions under Rule 22 relative to a conference on this bill or
a companion measure from the Senate.
Further proceedings on this measure are now postponed.
We will now return to H. Res. 62, which is pending with a
second degree amendment by Mr. Payne and a first degree
amendment by Mr. Gejdenson.
Mr. Payne is recognized for a unanimous consent request.
Mr. Payne.
Mr. Payne. Without objection, Mr. Chairman, I would ask
that the pending Payne second degree amendment and the
Gejdenson first degree amendment be withdrawn, and I have a
further amendment.
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, so ordered. Is there
any further discussion on this measure?
Any further amendments, Mr. Payne?
Mr. Payne. No. Mr. Gejdenson compromised.
Chairman Gilman. On the Gejdenson amendment, the clerk will
distribute. The clerk will read the amendment.
Ms. Bloomer. ``Amendment offered by Mr. Gejdenson, page 3,
strike lines 2 through 4 and insert the following: First,
welcomes the cessation of hostilities and calls for the respect
of human rights by all combatants; second, applauds the
effective diplomacy.''
Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the amendment is
considered as having been read.
I recognize Mr. Gejdenson for 5 minutes on the amendment.
Mr. Gejdenson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I commend Chairman
Royce and Mr. Payne for working out the differences that
existed. We all share the same goals here. This is a positive
step for the Committee, and I urge its passage.
Chairman Gilman. Any other Members seeking recognition?
Mr. Royce. Let me add, Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman.
This is a serious business. We have tens of thousands of
casualties there; 6,000 people in 2 days alone lost their lives
in the latest carnage around the capitol. Forced amputations of
arms, limbs, lips of women and children occur on a continuing
basis and so we need to reach closure on this resolution and
get this passed as soon as possible.
I thank the gentleman for working out this amendment.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Royce.
Mr. Payne.
Mr. Payne. Just let me thank the Chairman of the Africa
Subcommittee for his continued interest and cooperation. I
appreciate our being able to move this very important
resolution forward, and for being able to come up with language
acceptable to both of us. I appreciate this support and I urge
adoption of the resolution.
Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Payne.
Are there any other further Members seeking recognition? We
are now on the Gejdenson amendment. All in favor signify by
saying aye. Opposed say no.
The aye have it. The Gejdenson amendment is agreed to.
Are there any further amendments or further discussion on
the overall bill?
The question is now on agreeing to the Subcommittee
recommendation as amended. As many as are in favor of the
amendment say aye. As many as opposed say no.
The amendment is agreed to.
The gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Smith, is recognized to
offer a motion.
Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Chairman be
requested to seek consideration of the pending resolution H.
Res. 62, as amended, on the suspension calendar.
Chairman Gilman. The question is now on the motion by the
gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Smith. As many as are in favor
of the motion signify by saying aye. As many as opposed say no.
The ayes have it. The ayes have it. The motion is agreed
to.
Any further business before the Committee? If not, the
Committee stands adjourned and I thank the Members.
Please don't forget the European Council meeting at 2 p.m.
[Whereupon, at 11:20 a.m., the Committee was adjourned.]
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A P P E N D I X
June 10, 1999
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