    [House Hearing, 106 Congress]
    [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]

              H.R. 17, H. RES. 62, H.R. 1175, AND H. CON. RES. 75

    =======================================================================

                                     MARKUP

                                   BEFORE THE

                                  COMMITTEE ON
                            INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
                            HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                           ONE HUNDRED SIXTH CONGRESS

                                 FIRST SESSION

                                   __________

                            THURSDAY, JUNE 10, 1999

                                   __________

                               Serial No. 106-88

                                   __________

        Printed for the use of the Committee on International Relations

                        U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
    63-607 CC                   WASHINGTON : 2000

                      COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

                     BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York, Chairman
    WILLIAM F. GOODLING, Pennsylvania    SAM GEJDENSON, Connecticut
    JAMES A. LEACH, Iowa                 TOM LANTOS, California
    HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois              HOWARD L. BERMAN, California
    DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska              GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York
    CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey     ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American
    DAN BURTON, Indiana                      Samoa
    ELTON GALLEGLY, California           MATTHEW G. MARTINEZ, California
    ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida         DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
    CASS BALLENGER, North Carolina       ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey
    DANA ROHRABACHER, California         SHERROD BROWN, Ohio
    DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois         CYNTHIA A. McKINNEY, Georgia
    EDWARD R. ROYCE, California          ALCEE L. HASTINGS, Florida
    PETER T. KING, New York              PAT DANNER, Missouri
    STEVE CHABOT, Ohio                   EARL F. HILLIARD, Alabama
    MARSHALL ``MARK'' SANFORD, South     BRAD SHERMAN, California
        Carolina                         ROBERT WEXLER, Florida
    MATT SALMON, Arizona                 STEVEN R. ROTHMAN, New Jersey
    AMO HOUGHTON, New York               JIM DAVIS, Florida
    TOM CAMPBELL, California             EARL POMEROY, North Dakota
    JOHN M. McHUGH, New York             WILLIAM D. DELAHUNT, Massachusetts
    KEVIN BRADY, Texas                   GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
    RICHARD BURR, North Carolina         BARBARA LEE, California
    PAUL E. GILLMOR, Ohio                JOSEPH CROWLEY, New York
    GEORGE RADANOVICH, California        JOSEPH M. HOEFFEL, Pennsylvania
    JOHN COOKSEY, Louisiana
    THOMAS G. TANCREDO, Colorado
                        Richard J. Garon, Chief of Staff
              Kathleen Bertelsen Moazed, Democratic Chief of Staff
         Hillel Weinberg, Senior Professional Staff Member and Counsel
                        Marilyn C. Owen, Staff Associate

                                C O N T E N T S

                                  ----------

                                   WITNESSES

                                                                       Page

    Markup of H.R. 17, a bill to amend the Agricultural Trade Act of
      1978 to require the President to report to Congress on any
      selective embargo on agricultural commodities, to provide a
      termination date for the embargo, to provide greater assurances
      for contract sanctity, and for other purposes..................     1
    Markup of H. Res. 62, a resolution expressing concern over the
      escalating violence, the gross violations of human rights, and
      the ongoing attempts to overthrow a democratically elected
      government in Sierra Leone.....................................     4
    Markup of H.R. 1175, a bill to locate and secure the return of
      Zachary Baumel, an American citizen, and other Israeli soldiers
      missing in action..............................................     9
    Markup of H. Con Res. 75, a concurrent resolution condemning the
      National Islamic Front (NIF) government for its genocidal war
      in southern Sudan, support for terrorism, and continued human
      rights violations, and for other purposes......................    12

                                    APPENDIX

    Prepared statements:
    The Honorable Sam Gejdenson, a Representative in Congress from
      Connecticut, statement on H.R. 17..............................    24
    The Honorable Sam Gejdenson, statement on H. Con. Res. 75........    25

    Bills and Amendments:

    H.R. 17..........................................................    27
    H. Res. 62.......................................................    31
        Committee Print (as amended by the Subcommittee on Africa....    36
        Amendment to H. Res. 62 offered by Mr. Gejdenson.............    41
        Amendment to H. Res. 62 offered by Mr. Payne, a
          Representative in Congress from New Jersey, on behalf of
          Mr. Hastings a Representative in Congress from Florida.....    42
        Amendment to H. Res. 62 offered by Mr. Gejdenson, to replace
          the first and second degree amendments previously offered
          by Mr. Gejdenson and Mr. Payne (for Mr. Hastings)..........    44
    1175.............................................................    45
        Amendment to H.R. 75 offered by Mr. Lantos, a Representative
          in Congress from Califorina................................    49
    H. Con. Res. 75..................................................    52
         Committee Print (as amended by the Subcommittee on Africa...
        Amendment to H. Res. 75 offered by Mr. Tancredo, a
          Representative in Congress from Colorado...................    70
        Amendment to H. Con. Res. 75 offered by Mr. Payne............    71

    H.R. 17, A BILL TO AMEND THE AGRICULTURAL TRADE ACT OF 1978 TO REQUIRE
        THE PRESIDENT TO REPORT TO CONGRESS ON ANY SELECTIVE EMBARGO ON
        AGRICULTURAL COMMODITIES, TO PROVIDE A TERMINATION DATE FOR THE
     EMBARGO, TO PROVIDE GREATER ASSURANCES FOR CONTRACT SANCTITY, AND FOR
                                 OTHER PURPOSES

                                  ----------                              Th
    ursday, June 10, 1999

                           House of Representatives,

          Committee on International Relations,
                                       Washington, D.C.
        The Committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10 a.m. in room
    2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Benjamin A. Gilman
    (chairman of the Committee) presiding.
        Chairman Gilman. The Committee will come to order.
        The Committee meets in open session today with regard to
    our markup session on H.R. 17, H.R. 1175, H. Res. 62 and H.
    Con. Res. 75.
        We will first consider H.R. 17, relating to agricultural
    embargoes.
        The Chair lays the bill before the Committee. The clerk
    will report the title of the bill.
        Ms. Bloomer. ``H.R. 17, a bill to amend the Agricultural
    Trade Act of 1978 to require the President to report to
    Congress on any selective embargo on agricultural commodities,
    to provide a termination date for the embargo, to provide
    greater assurances for contract sanctity, and for other
    purposes.''
        Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the first reading of
    the bill is dispensed with.
        The clerk will read the bill for amendment.
        Ms. Bloomer. ``Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
    Representatives of the United States of America and Congress
    assembled, section 1, Short Title.''
        Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the bill is considered
    as having been read is open to amendment at any point.
        I now recognize myself briefly.
        This bill was introduced by Mr. Ewing of Illinois and is
    identical to a bill that was passed late last year which was
    not referred to our Committee. The Speaker did refer the bill
    to us this year, however, as an additional Committee. The
    Committee of primary jurisdiction is the Committee on
    Agriculture. It was reported out of that Committee by unanimous
    vote.
        The bill provides that if the President provides for an
    economic embargo that selectively emphasizes agriculture, that
    the Congress would have the right to interpose a joint
    resolution providing for its termination.
        I don't believe that this bill significantly changes the
    balance of equities involved in the area of economic embargoes
    to any significant degree. However, this bill is important to
    the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Ewing, as a symbol of
    congressional concern for American farmers and of the thought
    that they ought not to be singled out as bearing the burden of
    economic pressures against countries with which the United
    States is having difficulties.
        Mr. Lantos.
        Mr. Lantos. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        I am supporting this legislation and ask permission to
    include in the record Mr. Gejdenson's statement on this issue.
        Chairman Gilman. Mr. Bereuter.
        Mr. Bereuter. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        This is important legislation to this Member and many
    others, and I strongly support it and, in fact, am an original
    cosponsor of H.R. 17. This bill is identical to H.R. 4647,
    which passed the House by voice vote under suspension of the
    rules in the final days of the previous 105th Congress.
        I want to thank Chairman Gilman, International Economic
    Policy and Trade Subcommittee Chairwoman Ros-Lehtinen and the
    Democratic Ranking Member and others for moving this
    legislation, which is very important to those of us
    representing agriculture districts and states, and to thank
    them for doing it in a timely fashion.
        H.R. 17 takes the first steps toward rationalizing our
    sanctions policy by requiring the President to report to
    Congress on any selective embargo and agriculture commodities.
    The bill provides a termination date for any embargo and
    requires Congress to approve the embargo for it to extend
    beyond 100 days. It also provides greater assurance for
    contract sanctity.
        Unilateral embargoes of U.S. food exports cannot effect any
    real changes on the targeted country in most cases. All U.S.
    farmers have a right to be angry that they are being used by
    both executive and legislative branches over the years, not
    just now, to carry out symbolic acts so foreign policymakers
    can appear to be doing something about our toughest foreign
    policy problems.
        I remember the short supply embargo, for example, on
    soybeans under President Ford. It had a devastating impact, and
    it continues yet today on the competition it engendered in
    Brazil.
        When Congress and the President point the unilateral
    sanction gun at a foreign country, the gun most often gets
    pointed at the American farmer on the tractor simply trying to
    provide for his family. Right now we have as bad an agriculture
    condition as I have seen since 1984, with low commodity prices
    across the board, including all livestock sectors.
        Let me give you an example. Last year, the U.S. nearly lost
    a 300,000 metric ton wheat sale to Pakistan because of our
    unilateral nonproliferation sanctions on that country. Sensing
    our mistake, those of us concerned in Congress rushed to
    reverse that sanction just hours before the bids for the wheat
    sale were made. Had we not acted, I am sure the Australians,
    Canadians or French wheat farmers would have gladly become
    Pakistan's new primary supplier of wheat.
        H.R. 17 does not alter any current sanctions because it
    would only affect embargoes that apply selectively to
    agricultural products, like the one I mentioned by President
    Ford or the one for President Carter's ill-fated and totally
    ineffective grain embargo on the Soviet Union in 1980.
        H.R. 17 does nothing to restrict the President's ability to
    impose cross-sector embargoes or embargoes that apply to other
    U.S. export goods, including agriculture. H.R. 17 does not
    apply to multilateral embargoes.
        The Selective Agriculture Embargoes Act is a measured and
    responsible bill that protects the American farmer and the
    American agriculture sector from unnecessary harm, and I do
    urge its support and passage. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Bereuter.
        Mr. Pomeroy.
        Mr. Pomeroy. Mr. Chairman, food should not be used as a
    weapon, and farmers should not be used as fodder in
    international disputes. This legislation, measured, limited but
    important, addresses selective agriculture embargoes. I was
    pleased to cosponsor--pleased to vote for its passage last
    October, and it did pass in a voice vote in the House. I am
    also pleased that this Committee this year has jurisdiction,
    concurrent with the Agriculture Committee, a Committee on which
    I also serve.
        I believe today's action of this Committee in approving
    this bill reflects a broad consensus that using food as a tool
    of international policy through embargoes is a failed policy,
    one that served us badly in the past, and should not be engaged
    in in the future.
        This legislation makes certain Congress is involved in the
    event should there be a selective agriculture embargo imposed
    and, I think equally importantly, places a 1-year timetable
    wherein it would need to be revisited by the Administration and
    Congress.
        I think sometimes some of our embargoes just languish and
    need to be sunsetted and revisited in terms of whether they are
    serving any particular effect, other than harm, to our farmers
    through diminishing our international export market
    opportunities, producing lower commodity prices back home.
        I would hope we could pass this out on a quick, unanimous
    vote and appreciate the Chairman's support of this bill.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Pomeroy.
        Any other Members seeking recognition?
        If there are no other Members seeking recognition, the
    previous question is ordered. I recognize the gentleman from
    Nebraska, Mr. Bereuter.
        Mr. Bereuter. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Committee
    report the bill to the House with a recommendation that it be
    passed.
        Chairman Gilman. The question is now on the motion of the
    gentleman from Nebraska.
        Those in favor of the motion, signify by saying aye.
        Those opposed, indicate by saying no.
        The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to.
        Without objection, the Chair or his designee is authorized
    to make motions under Rule 22 with respect to a conference on
    this bill or a counterpart from the Senate.
        Chairman Gilman. We will now consider H. Res. 62 relating
    to Sierra Leone.
        The Chair lays the resolution before the Committee.

    H. RES. 62, A RESOLUTION EXPRESSING CONCERN OVER THE ESCALATING
    VIOLENCE, THE GROSS VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS, AND THE ONGOING
     ATTEMPTS TO OVERTHROW A DEMOCRATICALLY ELECTED GOVERNMENT IN
                              SIERRA LEONE

        Ms. Bloomer. ``H. Res. 62, a resolution expressing concern
    over the escalating violence, the gross violations of human
    rights, and the ongoing attempts to overthrow a democratically
    elected government in Sierra Leone.''
        Chairman Gilman. This resolution was considered by the
    Subcommittee on Africa and reported with an amendment.
        Without objection, the language recommended by the
    Subcommittee on Africa, which is before the Members, will be
    considered as original text for the purpose of amendment, and
    without objection, the clerk will read the preamble and
    operative language of the Subcommittee recommendation.
        So ordered.
        Ms. Bloomer. Whereas the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council
    military junta, which on May 27----
        Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the Subcommittee
    recommended amendment is considered as having been read and is
    now open to amendment at any point.
        I will now recognize the gentleman from California, our
    distinguished Chairman of the African Subcommittee, Mr. Royce,
    to introduce the resolution and the amendment.
        Mr. Royce. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        This resolution addresses the tragic situation in Sierra
    Leone, where the democratically elected government of President
    Kabbah has been under siege by rebel forces. The RUF rebels, as
    the Africa Subcommittee has heard, have used despicable tactics
    of political terror against civilians, which does throw into
    serious question these forces' commitment to a peaceful and
    democratic Sierra Leone. We can only hope that the current
    cease-fire and ongoing political negotiations between the
    government and the RUF will produce a lasting political
    settlement.
        Today, Sierra Leone is suffering a humanitarian crisis,
    with hundreds of thousands of Sierra Leoneans having to flee
    their country. As this resolution notes, Sierra Leoneans are
    suffering from a lack of food and a lack of medicine.
        This resolution calls for an end to hostilities, which have
    the potential of destabilizing West Africa. It condemns the
    gross human rights violations that have shocked the world.
    There should be no doubt, it is the rebels that have been by
    far the greatest perpetrators of human rights violations in
    Sierra Leone. It calls on specific West African countries to
    cease providing military aid to rebel forces, thus aiding and
    abetting their carnage; and it calls on the U.S. to provide
    additional support for the Economic Community of West African
    States Military Observation Group (ECOMOG) forces that are
    providing a measure of stability in Sierra Leone.
        Clearly, the U.S. needs to do more for ECOMOG. In the
    Africa Subcommittee markup, Mr. Payne offered language calling
    for the appointment of a special envoy to Sierra Leone, which
    was adopted.
        The situation in Sierra Leone greatly concerns many Members
    of Congress. Over the last year, the Africa Subcommittee has
    held two hearings on this conflict. This resolution introduced
    by Mr. Payne reflects what this Subcommittee has learned
    through these hearings. I am pleased to note that every Member
    of the Africa Subcommittee is a cosponsor of this important
    resolution, and I urge its adoption.
        Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Royce.
        Mr. Payne.
        Mr. Payne. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Let me thank you, Mr. Chairman, and Ranking Member
    Gejdenson and, of course, the Chairman of the Africa
    Subcommittee, Mr. Royce, for calling this markup on Sierra
    Leone.
        I am pleased that a cease-fire was called and that,
    finally, serious negotiations are beginning in Lome, Togo. I am
    concerned, however, that the latest stalling by both sides has
    been problematic.
        This war is about resources, who controls the resources in
    the diamond regions in the south/eastern part of the country,
    rather than the whole question of the people of Sierra Leone,
    who should control it.
        I know that the root causes of the impending crisis are
    based on two political and social problems: First, the colonial
    powers propping up corrupt leaders while turning a blind eye
    when the leaders fill their own coffers; and, second, the
    failure to meet the basic needs of the people. They predicted
    this very thing would happen if the then-President Momoh and
    now President Kabbah continued and repeatedly failed to educate
    the children, provide infrastructure and give adequate health
    care to the people living in the north.
        You can ask any Sierra Leonean and they will tell you that
    there seems to be two countries, Freetown and the rest of the
    country. Over the last 30 years, mismanagement and corruption,
    coupled with 10 years of ostracizing the north, has caused the
    war to spiral out of control.
        The failure to address these problems has created a
    division between young and old, countryside against town. A
    deeper reconciliation of all segments of Sierra Leone society
    will be required. I agree we need to protect the innocent
    citizens, but peace should be our primary goal.
        I know the government is hesitating about sharing power
    with the RUF and the AFRC, but in order to have peace there
    must be an unconditional release of Corporal Foday Sankhoy.
    These things are issues that must be worked out.
        I still believe we need a special envoy in the region, and
    I think that would have a lot to do with moving this process
    forward. I think the failure to engage with the neighbors in
    the region--Guinea, Ghana, Liberia and Burkina Faso--early on
    has prevented this from happening, and we could have used the
    resources there.
        So, once again, we would like to see this negotiation move
    forward. We have had tough places before like this in Namibia
    and Mozambique, but we were able to overcome these problems.
        With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Payne.
        Mr. Gejdenson.
        Mr. Gejdenson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        I just have a technical amendment. The purpose of the
    amendment to H. Res. 62 regarding the war in Sierra Leone is to
    update the resolution and recognize the progress that has been
    made.
        Since the Africa Subcommittee marked up the bill in late
    May, the government of Sierra Leone and the rebel AFRC/RUF
    agreed to a cease-fire agreement that went into effect May 25,
    1999. The cease-fire talks evolved into ongoing peace talks and
    have begun to bear fruit. The 8-year-old war in Sierra Leone
    has claimed 20,000 lives, left hundreds of others maimed and
    displaced hundreds more; and we should recognize this progress.
        Chairman Gilman. The clerk will report the amendment.
        Ms. Bloomer. ``Amendment offered by Mr. Gejdenson.
        Page 3, strike lines 2 through 4 and insert the following:
        One, welcomes----''
        Chairman Gilman. I ask unanimous consent that the reading
    of the amendment be dispensed with.
        The gentleman will make a motion.
        Anyone want to be heard on the amendment? Mr. Payne.
        Mr. Payne. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the last word.
        Chairman Gilman. The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes
    on the amendment.
        Mr. Payne. I am offering an amendment to the amendment that
    is authored by Mr. Hastings.
        The amendment to the amendment basically goes to----
        Chairman Gilman. Mr. Payne, if you will withhold, the clerk
    will report the amendment.
        Ms. Bloomer. ``Amendment offered by Mr. Payne.
        Whereas on May 18, 1999, President Kabbah of Sierra Leone--
    --''
        Chairman Gilman. I ask unanimous consent that further
    reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
        Reserving a point of order on the amendment, we just want
    to review the amendment.
        Will the clerk distribute the amendment?
        The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes on his amendment.
        Mr. Payne. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        The gentleman from Florida, Mr. Hastings, is offering this
    amendment to commend the signing of the cease-fire agreement
    and urge a swift solution to the crisis in Sierra Leone. The
    amendment goes forward once again commending the principals in
    this situation, talking about dialogue for peace to start on
    May 25. It goes on to recognize and commend those Sierra
    Leoneans who have demonstrated their love for peace, law and
    order.
        It supports the signing of the cease-fire on May 18. It
    urges all parties to remain constructively engaged in the peace
    process and make rapid progress to bring into effect a peaceful
    and lasting solution to the crisis.
        It commends the Rev. Jesse Jackson, the Presidential
    special envoy, for the promotion of democracy in Africa. It
    also commends ECOMOG and the Secretary General of the OAU, and
    encourages all parties to implement the Abidjan Peace Accords;
    urges the U.S. Government to appoint a special envoy and urges
    the U.S. Government and the international community to continue
    to work with all parties to ensure a lasting peace that will
    end the conflict in Sierra Leone.
        I think it simply embellishes on the resolution, and I ask
    for its approval.
        Mr. Royce. Mr. Chairman.
        Chairman Gilman. Mr. Royce.
        Mr. Royce. I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        I have to oppose this amendment offered by my colleague
    from New Jersey.
        Today, we are looking at a resolution that has been marked
    up by the Africa Subcommittee. Our resolution is the product of
    considerable work. In fact, it is the product of months and
    months of work by staff and Members. In fact, we have probably
    spent more time on this resolution than we have on anything
    else that has come before our Committee; and, as a result of
    this, it enjoys the cosponsorship of all the Members of the
    Africa Subcommittee--all of the Members. To accept a substitute
    at this time, a three-page substitute, would be wholly
    inappropriate, not even delving into the content; but let me
    speak to that for a minute, too, if I could.
        I would like to briefly read a letter from Ambassador Leigh
    of Sierra Leone who wrote me recently.
        ``The passage of House Resolution 62 today will continue
    this exemplary work of the Subcommittee and con- tribute to
    establishing a durable peace and institutionalizing democracy
    not only in Sierra Leone but in Africa.'' He writes, ``I
    sincerely hope that this resolution will be passed in its
    original form.''
        That is from the Sierra Leone, Ambassador and comes from
    the representative of a democratically elected government with
    whom the United States is aiding and fighting off a rebel group
    that has used tactics that are quite questionable, tactics such
    as hacking off hands and limbs and lips of victims.
        The Africa Subcommittee has done its work. It has closely
    examined the issue, and I would really urge us to move on and
    pass our resolution. I will come back to this, but let me make
    those points at the outset, if I could, and reserve the balance
    of my time, Mr. Chairman.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Royce.
        Any other Members seeking recognition? No other Members
    seeking recognition?
        Mr. Payne. Mr. Chairman.
        Chairman Gilman. Mr. Payne.
        Mr. Payne. I was going to ask the gentleman from California
    to yield, but I would just once again like to reiterate that
    this resolution, authored by Mr. Hastings, basically does
    nothing to alter the work of the Committee. As a matter of
    fact, Mr. Hastings was also involved in the Committee work.
        It simply highlights the people involved. It urges us to
    move forward. It commends those who have worked hard; and,
    also, I think that it commends the Rev. Jesse Jackson, who was
    the one who brought all the countries together that were not
    speaking. He called a meeting with Charles Taylor from Liberia
    and President Kabbah and the President of Guinea, and has
    worked tirelessly and again was an instrument for bringing the
    groups together, similar to his delivering of the three
    prisoners of war from Kosovo.
        I just think that it is appropriate to commend those
    persons who have had involvement and ask our government to
    appoint a special envoy and hope that we work for a lasting
    peace. I really don't see anything contradictory to the
    resolution that was offered by the Chairman and myself.
        So I will once again urge, Mr. Chairman, that we support
    the resolution.
        Mr. Lantos. Mr. Chairman.
        Chairman Gilman. Mr. Lantos.
        Mr. Lantos. Mr. Chairman, I want to associate myself with
    the comments of my colleague, Mr. Payne. I think this is a
    perfectly appropriate amendment, and I urge my colleagues to
    support it.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Lantos.
        Any other Member seeking recognition? Mr. Royce.
        Mr. Royce. Mr. Chairman, reclaiming the balance of my time.
    This is an extremely delicate situation for a resolution of
    this nature where we have worked out something unanimously,
    where every Member is a coauthor on the Subcommittee of the
    resolution. To have this three-page alternative at the 11th
    hour is, in my view, inappropriate.
        I urge that we stick with the original resolution passed
    out of the Africa Subcommittee. I would urge my colleagues to
    do so, and I thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Royce.
        Mr. Gejdenson. Mr. Chairman.
        Chairman Gilman. Mr. Gejdenson.
        Mr. Gejdenson. Might I suggest and ask unanimous consent
    that maybe Mr. Royce and Mr. Payne could sit down and work out
    the language? Because I don't think there is a great difference
    here on the substance, to my sense.
        How much more business do we have before us? Two more
    bills?
        Chairman Gilman. We have two more measures.
        Mr. Gejdenson. If I could ask unanimous consent to skip
    over this one for the moment and have Mr. Payne and Mr. Royce
    or their staffs sit down and come back to us with agreed- upon
    language. I think that if there is no objection, I would ask
    unanimous consent to do that.
        Mr. Royce. Could I respond?
        Chairman Gilman. The Chair will entertain that as a
    reasonable request.
        Mr. Royce. If I could respond. If some of these, Mr. Payne,
    could be offered as discrete amendments rather than a wholesale
    three-page substitute then I think we could work together in
    the ensuing minutes to attempt to work out an agreement.
        Chairman Gilman. The Chair then will lay aside this measure
    momentarily to give Mr. Payne and Mr. Royce an opportunity to
    try and work it out before we conclude with our markup.
        Mr. Payne. Thank you.
        Just for clarification, Mr. Chair, this is simply an
    amendment. It is not a substitute, Mr. Royce, to the
    resolution. It is simply an amendment, and the resolution as
    written by Mr. Royce will remain.
        Chairman Gilman. We will proceed to H.R. 1175. Mr. Royce
    and Mr. Payne will meet in the interim to try to work out the
    problem.
        Chairman Gilman. The Committee will now consider H.R. 1175,
    relating to efforts to secure the return of Zachary Baumel, an
    American citizen.
        The Chair lays the bill before the Committee. The clerk
    will report the title of the bill.

     H.R. 1175, A BILL TO LOCATE AND SECURE THE RETURN OF ZACHARY
    BAUMEL, AN AMERICAN CITIZEN, AND OTHER ISRAELI SOLDIERS MISSING
                               IN ACTION

        Ms. Bloomer. ``H.R. 1175, a bill to locate and secure the
    return of Zachary Baumel, an American citizen, and other
    Israeli soldiers missing in action.''
        Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the first reading of
    the bill is dispensed with.
        The clerk will read the bill for amendment.
        Ms. Bloomer. ``Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
    Representatives of the United States of America in Congress
    assembled, section 1, Congressional Findings.''
        Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the bill is considered
    as having been read and is open for amendment at any point.
        This bill was not referred to the Subcommittee.
        I would now recognize its sponsor, the gentleman from
    California, Mr. Lantos, for 5 minutes. If the gentleman has an
    amendment, I would recognize him to offer it either now or at
    the conclusion of his remarks. Mr. Lantos.
        Mr. Lantos. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. My
    amendments are purely technical.
        Chairman Gilman. The clerk will read the amendment. The
    clerk will distribute the amendment.
        Ms. Bloomer. ``Amendment offered by Mr. Lantos to H.R.
    1175. Changes are made on page 2, line 12; page 2, lines 24
    through 25; and page 3 line 1.''
        Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the amendments are
    included and are considered as having been read.
        The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes on his amendment.
        Mr. Lantos. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
        I want to thank you, Mr. Gejdenson, and other colleagues on
    the Committee for cosponsoring my legislation.
        It is a noncontroversial and straightforward piece of
    legislation, calling on the Department of State to continue to
    do everything in its power to obtain the release of an American
    citizen, Zachary Baumel, who was captured during military
    activities in 1982, whose whereabouts are somewhat in doubt,
    but it is our judgment that he is being held against his wish
    as a prisoner of war. Several of us have met with Members of
    his family on repeated occasions.
        This is a profoundly humanitarian and noncontroversial
    issue, and I urge all of my colleagues to support it.
        I yield back the balance of my time.
        Chairman Gilman. I want to thank our colleague, Mr. Lantos,
    for sponsoring this measure. I was pleased to be a cosponsor of
    it.
        I have worked closely with the Baumel, Feldman and Katz
    families since 1983, to try to locate and secure the return of
    their sons from the battle of Sultan Yakub in Lebanon's Bekaa
    Valley in 1982 in which they were engaged with Syrian forces.
    Tomorrow will mark the 17th anniversary of that tragic day in
    which these soldiers were declared as missing.
        H.R. 1175 emphasizes the importance that Congress places on
    helping those families locate their sons. We are hoping the
    State Department appreciates the priority we give to this
    critical humanitarian issue.
        An amendment will be offered reflecting language that has
    been negotiated with the State Department which requires the
    Department of State to raise the matter of Zachary Baumel,
    Yehuda Katz and Zvi Feldman with appropriate government
    officials of Syria, Lebanon, the Palestinian authority and with
    other governments which may be helpful in locating and securing
    the return of those soldiers.
        It also will require a written report and followups from
    the Department to this Committee and our counterpart in the
    other body.
        H.R. 1175 further notes that our Nation should take into
    consideration the willingness of regional governments to assist
    in locating and securing the return of these soldiers when
    reviewing U.S. financial assistance programs.
        Regrettably, despite the fact that the Syrian government is
    in a position to assist with the investigation, appeals to
    President Hafiz al-Assad have gone unanswered. Inquiries to PLO
    Chairman Yasser Arafat have also hit a dead end. Nonetheless,
    Congress continues to be extremely concerned about the lack of
    resolution of these cases and wants to ensure that the
    Administration will utilize all available avenues in order to
    return these men to their families.
        Accordingly, I urge our colleagues' support for this
    measure, as amended.
        Is there any other Member seeking recognition?
        Mr. Gejdenson.
        Mr. Gejdenson. Mr. Chairman, I just want to commend Mr.
    Lantos for once again taking the lead on an important human
    rights issue. The families in this case are tormented by
    uncertainty.
        I know others as well have raised this issue with leaders
    in the Middle East. I am hopeful that with the change in
    government and a reinvigoration of the peace process, that
    particularly President Assad and others who may be able to shed
    light on this situation will take this small act as a genuine
    step of confidence building and humanitarian response by
    helping these families resolve this terrible situation.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Gejdenson.
        Mr. Wexler.
        Mr. Wexler. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        I, too, would like to rise in strong support of H.R. 1175,
    introduced by Congressman Lantos.
        Mr. Chairman, as has been stated, for 17 years the fate of
    the three Israeli missing soldiers has remained a mystery that
    has haunted their families and their nations. It was on June
    11, 1982 that Zachary Baumel, a dual American/Israeli citizen,
    and others were captured in northeastern Lebanon in a battle
    with Syrian and Palestinian forces.
        The PLO had custody of the three soldiers for the first
    year and a half of their captivity. When a pro-Syrian faction
    split with the PLO they took the three Israeli soldiers with
    them, and their whereabouts have yet to be determined.
        The Syrian government currently claims that they have no
    knowledge concerning the fate of the soldiers. However, western
    journalists and Syrian radio reported that the three soldiers
    were paraded through Damascus several hours after they were
    captured.
        Three weeks later, the Syrian secret police delivered four
    bodies for burial to the Jewish cemetery in Damascus, claiming
    they were the bodies of the Israeli soldiers. The Syrians also
    provided name tags which Israeli intelligence sources reported
    were supplied by the PLO's Fatah faction. Fifteen months later,
    the Red Cross exhumed the four graves, finding only one Israeli
    body.
        The most recent evidence indicates that Zachary Baumel may
    be alive came from PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat, who in 1993
    delivered half of Zachary Baumel's dog tags to Israeli
    officials. Chairman Arafat promised that more information was
    forthcoming, but he has provided none.
        As recently as 1997, information has been obtained that
    Baumel, along with the other two Israeli soldiers, may still be
    in custody in Syrian-controlled Lebanon.
        With the imminent resumption of the Middle East process,
    the State Department must urge the Syrian and the Lebanese
    governments, along with Chairman Arafat, to secure the
    information that will aid in the search for the missing
    soldiers. The State Department must make it clear to these
    governments that their willingness to assist all efforts to
    search for the missing soldiers should and must be considered
    among other factors in the provision of American aid and
    foreign assistance to these nations.
        I, along with the Chairman, Congressman Lantos, and many
    others have had the privilege of meeting with Zachary Baumel's
    parents. They hold hope, as I do, that their son and the others
    may still be alive. One can only imagine the pain of these
    parents and the uncertainty that they have felt for 17 years,
    not knowing the status of their sons.
        Mr. Chairman, I respectfully urge my colleagues to support
    House Resolution 1175. Thank you.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Wexler.
        Any other Member seeking recognition on this measure?
        If there is no other Member seeking recognition, I would
    just like to note and pursue here with the Administration that
    we have been trying to get an opportunity to review the cable
    traffic between the State Department and other nations with
    regard to this issue, and they have been reluctant to forward
    this information to our Committee. I just want the Members to
    know that we are asking that this information be made available
    to our Committee here in the House, either in our offices or in
    the Intelligence Committee offices, so that Members will have
    an opportunity to explore and read the full cable traffic on
    this issue.
        If there is no further Member seeking recognition on this
    measure, the gentleman from Nebraska, Mr. Bereuter, is
    recognized to offer a motion.
        Mr. Bereuter. Mr. Chairman, I want to say, Mr. Lantos, I
    had hoped to be a cosponsor. I think that I am, but I would
    appreciate if your staff would check on that for me.
        Mr. Chairman, I move that the Chairman be requested to seek
    consideration of the bill as amended on the suspension
    calendar.
        Chairman Gilman. The question is now on the motion of the
    gentleman from Nebraska, Mr. Bereuter. Those in favor of the
    motion, signify by saying aye. Those opposed, say no.
        The ayes have it. The motion is agreed to.
        Without objection, the Chair or his designee is authorized
    to make motions under Rule 22 with respect to a conference on
    this bill or a counterpart from the Senate. Further proceedings
    on this measure are now postponed.
        Chairman Gilman. We will now proceed with H. Con. Res. 75,
    relative to the National Islamic Front government of Sudan.
        The Chair lays the resolution before the Committee.
        The clerk will report the title of the resolution.

        H. CON. RES. 75, A CONCURRENT RESOLUTION CONDEMNING THE
     NATIONAL ISLAMIC FRONT (NIF) GOVERNMENT FOR ITS GENOCIDAL WAR
     IN SOUTHERN SUDAN, SUPPORT FOR TERRORISM, AND CONTINUED HUMAN
               RIGHTS VIOLATIONS, AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES

        Ms. Bloomer. ``H. Con. Res. 75, a concurrent resolution
    condemning the National Islamic Front government for its
    genocidal war in southern Sudan, support for terrorism, and
    continued human rights violations, and for other purposes.''
        Chairman Gilman. This resolution was referred to our
    Subcommittee on Africa and reported by it to the Full Committee
    with an amendment in the nature of a substitute.
        Without objection, the Subcommittee-recommended language
    will be treated as original text for the purposes of an
    amendment.
        The clerk will read the preamble and the operative language
    in the Subcommittee recommendation in that order for amendment.
    The clerk will read.
        Ms. Bloomer. ``Whereas, according to the United States
    Committee for Refugees an estimated 1,900,000 people have died
    over the past decade----''
        Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the Subcommittee
    recommendation is considered as having been read and is now
    open to amendment at any point.
        I now recognize the gentleman from California, the
    distinguished Chairman of our Subcommittee on Africa, Mr.
    Royce, to introduce it to the Committee. Mr. Royce.
        Mr. Royce. I thank you, Mr. Chairman. This resolution
    brings much needed attention to the terrible situation in
    Sudan, where war incredibly has led to the deaths of some 1.9
    million people--1.9 million Sudanese who have died over the
    past decade in that war. The vast majority have not been
    combatants. They have been innocent women and children in the
    south who have been cruelly subjected to starvation and to
    disease, as food has been used as a weapon against them.
        As the Africa Subcommittee and the Human Rights
    Subcommittee heard 2 weeks ago, the humanitarian crisis in
    Sudan remains severe. This resolution pulls no punches. The
    Sudanese government, it states, is committing genocide. The
    Sudanese government has also been engaged in slavery. This is
    consistent with its international behavior. Sudan is classified
    as a terrorist state by the State Department.
        This resolution condemns the Sudanese government for its
    genocidal war in southern Sudan and its support for terrorism,
    deplores the government-supported slave trade in Sudan and
    calls for increased and more effective aid efforts in southern
    Sudan.
        The United States, this resolution suggests, must play a
    key role in attempting to bring peace to southern Sudan. I want
    to commend you, Mr. Chairman, for your interest in this
    tragedy. I especially want to commend Mr. Payne, the author of
    this resolution, as well as Mr. Meeks, who strengthened this
    resolution's humanitarian aid clauses in the Subcommittee's
    markup.
        I thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back the balance of my
    time.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Royce.
        Mr. Payne.
        Mr. Payne. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me thank you for
    bringing up H. Con. Res. 75 and, as you have heard, this has
    been a very, very serious issue for many years. My first visit
    to southern Sudan was in 1993, with then Congressman Johnson
    from Florida, and last year, with Congressman Campbell and just
    this past weekend with our new colleague, very courageous and
    interested person, Congressman Tom Tancredo from Colorado. This
    has been an issue that for many years has been troubling to
    many of us who have been on this Committee for some time, and I
    am glad now that it is starting to get the attention. Senator
    Brownback on the other side is also championing this cause with
    a number of his colleagues.
        We had an opportunity to go to Loki, a border town in the
    area between Kenya and Sudan, and then to Yei and Labone, both
    in Southern Sudan, just this past weekend.
        We must conclude that the repression of the dictatorship of
    the NIF government is wrong: the use of shamanian laws
    throughout the country, the fact that food is used as a weapon,
    the fact that slavery is condoned by the government, the fact
    that the Dinka people and other southern Sudanese are having
    their dignified culture destroyed and compromised by virtue of
    having to live in refugee camps, the fact that the government
    of Sudan used the old Russian antonov planes to bomb civilians.
    We visited a hospital that was only bombed 2 or 3 weeks ago. We
    were unsure whether bombs would be dropped on us as we visited
    the south of Sudan.
        So this is a situation that cannot be tolerated any longer.
    It is something in which we must ask our government to really
    become more engaged and involved.
        Just the other day, the government dropped 6 bombs, hitting
    14 houses, killing 24 people. These weapons are used against
    innocent people. The support also of the Lord's Resistance Army
    in North Uganda, an army that abducts children and uses them
    against the Uganda Army, is another terrible practice which the
    government, the NIF government in Khartoum, condones. So we
    have seen children who are branded like cattle and used as
    chattel and sometimes sold for as little as $15 apiece, while
    the government there is not only condoning it, it encourages
    it.
        This resolution calls on the Administration to report to
    Congress within 3 months about the U.S. effort to end slavery.
    It calls on the U.N. to investigate this issue. The U.N. has
    not been stepping up to the plate on this dreaded issue. Sadly,
    the north doesn't see anything wrong with this policy and,
    therefore, we need to do all we can to bring down the
    government.
        If 1.9 million people and 4 million have been displaced
    over the past 2 decades, if Milosevic could be brought up on
    war crimes, I think that the same thing for the Al-Bashir and
    el ta-ra-bee government should be considered.
        So once again, Mr. Chairman, this is something that's gone
    on too long. There has not been indignation from the countries
    of the West or the United States. It is time for us to say
    enough is enough. It is time for us to step forward and say
    that as we move into a new millennium there is no way that we
    can allow this practice to continue, to be condoned. We must do
    everything within our power to see that this pariah government
    somehow gets the message that we will not condone this any
    longer.
        With that, I yield back the balance of my time.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Payne.
        Mr. Sherman.
        Mr. Sherman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I strongly support
    this resolution. I commend the gentleman for bringing it up. I
    think that beyond this resolution, we may have to look at more
    aggressive approaches to try to deal with the situation,
    perhaps at least exploring the possibility of multilateral aid
    to the resistance fighters.
        Keep in mind that as has been pointed out, 1.9 million have
    been killed. That is greater than the entire population of
    Kosovo. I realize that this government in Khartoum cloaks
    itself in the religious fervor and piety of Islam. The United
    States can certainly not be accused of being anti-Islamic. We
    just fought for the rights of the Muslim Kosovars against
    oppression that tried to cloak itself in the religion of
    Christianity.
        So I strongly support the resolution and hope that we are
    willing to take even additional steps to bring justice to
    Sudan.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Sherman.
        Mr. Tancredo.
        Mr. Tancredo. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to just say
    how much I appreciate the opportunity to have participated on
    the CODEL. It was actually my first CODEL as a Member of
    Congress, and it was certainly a challenging one, a challenging
    experience in a number of ways, not the least of which was to
    have to deal with, to observe the plight of the people in the
    Sudan and feel relatively incapable of doing anything
    immediately to relieve the terrible, terrible, problems that
    face these very valiant people.
        I was especially encouraged to hear the comments of Mr.
    Sherman, when he talked about the possibility of having to do
    something perhaps beyond this, something more direct in terms
    of aid directly to the SPLA or to NDA, because I agree with him
    that it may very well be the next step we have to take.
        Frankly, to put this in a nutshell, I believe that what is
    happening in the Sudan makes Kosovo look like a Sunday school
    picnic, and the fact that we have been able to devote as much
    of our resources and attention to the problems in Kosovo
    without even a mention of the situation in the Sudan, is to me
    unacceptable and abhorrent. These people have been suffering
    for a much longer period of time. Far more people have been
    killed. Far more people have been displaced, and they suffer
    every day, the torture, not only the physical dangers in which
    they are placed, the physical effect of the war, but the
    psychological torture of knowing that every single day they can
    be bombed. These terrorists activities of the north continue.
    You listen constantly for the noise of the antonov bomber
    overhead. Everybody is doing it. While we were there, we were
    doing it. You are always wondering about whether or not it is
    going to be there.
        The people gather around you in marketplaces because they
    feel that perhaps if they are near you somehow or another they
    won't be bombed, that if Americans are there, American
    Congressmen are there, they will be safe for a moment or two.
        How would you like to live like that every day of your
    life, 24 hours a day, in fear of that sound--they will see the
    goats begin to run because the goats can hear it before the
    people can. The goats run and the people start to run.
    Everywhere we were, we had to be told where the bomb shelter
    was. At whatever location we were taken to for any discussions,
    we had to know where the bomb shelter was next to us so that we
    could get there quickly. These people live like that every
    single day.
        So I just want to say, again, Mr. Chairman, thank you for
    the opportunity you gave me and thank my colleagues for the
    opportunity that they gave me to go on this trip and to be
    perhaps a tiny part of a solution for these people.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Tancredo. I would like to
    commend you as a freshman Member for going to this garden spot
    on your first visit, and we hope that you will engage in more.
    I would like to encourage our newer Members to be engaged in
    our CODELS that are intended to educate us all to a greater
    extent.
        With regard to that, before we move on, I would like to
    remind our Members that we do have an important delegation
    visiting us from the Council of Europe. They will be meeting
    with this Committee at 2 p.m. today in room H-139. The Council
    of Europe is a preeminent European institution working on
    democracy, on human rights and the rule of law, and I would
    like to encourage our Members to please join us in that
    meeting.
        Mr. Lantos.
        Mr. Lantos. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to commend my
    good friend from New Jersey, our distinguished colleague, for
    offering this resolution, and I wish to identify myself with
    his observations. I would also like to make a comment to our
    friend from Colorado. I was very moved by his observations.
        During the course of the last 80 days or so, a lot of
    people have raised the issue of why we have participated in the
    military activities in Kosova while, in areas where much larger
    scale human rights violations have unfolded, we have done
    nothing. The answer, of course, is obvious. In Europe we have
    NATO, which is an alliance of 19 nations, joined together to
    defend and expand the sphere of democratic and free and open
    institutions.
        In Africa, such an institution as NATO at the moment does
    not exist.
        In Kosova, we crossed the Rubicon. We and our NATO allies
    have recognized the fact that under extreme circumstances,
    human rights violations trump national sovereignty. This will
    be studied by legal scholars for generations to come. For
    centuries, we have assumed that national sovereignty is the
    ultimate principle in the field of international relations, and
    it is a tribute to our all-too-slow evolution that we have now
    recognized that outrageous human rights violations, such as the
    ones perpetrated by the Milosevic regime against the Muslim
    Albanian Kosovars, cannot be tolerated by the civilized world.
        I think it is extremely important for all of us who wish to
    live in a realistic world to understand that we have to rejoice
    in cases where the civilized world is capable of taking action
    and work toward the time when the civilized world will be able
    to do so everywhere. But since in many places that is not the
    case today, this should not have been used and hopefully will
    not be used in the future for criticizing action where in the
    NATO sphere of influence action can be taken.
        Mr. Tancredo. Will the gentlemen yield?
        Mr. Lantos. I will yield in just a second. I think it is
    extremely important for us to condemn the outrageous government
    in Khartoum for these gigantic, sickening, horrendous, inhuman
    violations of human rights. I strongly urge my colleagues to
    support H. Con. Res. 75, and I am happy to yield to my friend
    from Colorado.
        Mr. Tancredo. Thank you for yielding, sir.
        I certainly did not intend for my comments to precipitate a
    debate on the whole issue of Kosovo, but I should say that
    there is a significant difference that I observe and did
    observe even while I was in the Sudan, in terms of our position
    vis-a-vis Sudan and Kosovo.
        Certainly everything that we were told existed in Kosovo
    with regard to human rights violations, and I certainly don't
    disagree that they existed, but everything we were told that
    was happening there, as I said, is happening in the Sudan.
        There is a different dimension in the Sudan. There is
    something going on there, by the way, that we did not mention,
    and I did not mention in my remarks, which does, in my mind,
    differentiate the matter quite dramatically. That is that in
    the Sudan I can observe, and I think all of us can observe,
    that there is the possibility of very direct threats to the
    national security interests of the United States.
        The resolution talks about that, in terms of the kind of
    terrorist activities that are supported by the state of Sudan,
    by the government in the north, by Khartoum, by the exportation
    of that terrorism, the fact that our embassies have been
    bombed. I mean, these things add a dimension that I think is
    extremely relevant when we start talking about whether or not
    it is appropriate for this government to take action.
        Beyond that, I should also say I would be very hesitant, in
    fact I would certainly oppose any direct military action on the
    part of the United States in Sudan, putting troops there
    ourselves, bombing it ourselves. People of Sudan, especially
    the people in the south, are asking only for the ability to
    take care of it themselves, to defend themselves. So there are
    significant differences that I would just like to put into the
    record.
        Mr. Bereuter. Would the gentleman yield?
        Mr. Lantos. I would be happy to yield.
        Mr. Bereuter. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
        I think the gentleman was correct in pointing out the
    capacity we have in NATO as a defensive alliance in Europe and
    the absence thereof from any such military capability,
    multilateral, even if it didn't involve the United States, in
    Africa. Beyond Sudan, of course, we have had the tragic loss of
    huge numbers of people in Rwanda. You could point to Eritrea
    and Ethiopia today. You could point to Congo where it is going
    on.
        I can't resist reminding my colleagues that today we are
    going to be voting on an amendment offered by Mr. Shays. It has
    a small bipartisan group of cosponsors, which is absolutely
    shocking and wrong headed in my judgment. It will ask that U.S.
    troop commitments in Europe be reduced from 100,000, where it
    has been reduced to that level, to 25,000 in the next three
    fiscal years. We could not have a combat division in Europe
    under that limitation.
        I do hope my colleagues will help in resisting this kind of
    issue. We have had burden sharing debates in the past, but
    nothing of that Draconian level.
        I thank the gentleman for yielding.
        Mr. Lantos. Reclaiming my time, I could not agree more
    strongly than I do with my very distinguished colleague from
    Nebraska. I think the proposal to reduce the U.S. military
    presence in Europe to a 25,000 troop level is preposterous, and
    I earnestly hope that that proposed amendment will be
    overwhelmingly defeated.
        I yield back the balance of my time.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Lantos.
        Mr. Smith.
        Mr. Smith. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
        I want to thank Mr. Payne for sponsoring this very
    important resolution. As he knows, because he was a very active
    participant, we had a hearing along with Ed Royce's
    Subcommittee, on May 27th, at which time we explored crimes
    against humanity in the Sudan. We heard from a number of very
    distinguished witnesses, including Dr. Millard Burr from the
    U.S. Committee on Refugees. He pointed out that the total
    estimated deaths, and this was as of December, 1998 so the
    number has grown, was 1.9 million individuals; per year about
    126,000; per month about 10,500; per week a little over 24,000;
    per day, approximately 356 people who were dying because of the
    slaughter.
        We also had a very heavy emphasis on the ongoing chattel
    slavery. We held a hearing 3 years ago, at which time we heard
    from people who had family members abducted by the slave owners
    in these raids. These heinous acts, where people are literally
    stolen from their homes and turned into slaves, that barbaric
    practice continues to this day.
        This resolution rightfully points out that we need to be
    far more proactive in trying to end, not just mitigate but end,
    this terrible practice of chattel slavery in addition to this
    genocidal war that's going on.
        Very important, too, and several of our witnesses spoke
    about this, and Mr. Tancredo spoke very eloquently about this
    as well, is this whole idea of a Khartoum veto with Operation
    Lifeline. I think it is outrageous. I mean, the UNICEF and the
    U.N. are doing their noblest best to try to feed as many people
    as possible, but when you turn to a government that is using
    food as a weapon and you need to gain or garner their
    permission in order to get the food to their people, we need to
    find some other way.
        Keep it going--try to reform it--but we need to find other
    means to get that vital food and medicine cargo to these people
    who are dying. Food is being used as a weapon, let there be no
    mistake about it.
        I just want to thank again Mr. Payne and Mr. Tancredo, who
    have taken an absolutely strong and active interest in this. As
    Mr. Gilman pointed out, to go to the Sudan on your first trip
    overseas trip certainly shows a seriousness about human rights
    and about people who are truly in grave distress. They die by
    the day, and we need to do more. We need a more activist
    policy.
        Again, thank you, Mr. Payne, for offering this.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Smith.
        Any other Members seeking recognition? Mr. Gejdenson.
        Mr. Gejdenson. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to
    have my statement placed in the record.
        Chairman Gilman. Without objection.
        Any other Member seeking recognition?
        If not, I yield myself sufficient time.
        The degree of suffering here in the Sudan is mind-boggling;
    1.9 million killed, the statistic that Mr. Smith just recited.
    The government of Sudan must remain isolated. Our Nation's
    long-term strategic interests demand that we fight this kind of
    militant Islamic fundamentalism that the government of Sudan
    has exhibited and no easing of sanctions should be permitted.
        There are times when our Nation must state clearly its
    abhorrence for state-sponsored behavior that's so egregious and
    so contrary to the interests of our Nation and of all peace-
    loving nations. Accordingly, I commend our colleagues on this
    Committee who have recently traveled to the region and thank
    them for bringing this measure before us.
        Are there any further amendments? Mr. Tancredo.
        Mr. Tancredo. I have an amendment, I think, at the desk.
        Chairman Gilman. The clerk will report the amendment.
        Ms. Bloomer. ``Amendment offered by Mr. Tancredo. Page 8,
    line 19, strike ``and''; page 9, line 19, strike the period and
    insert a semicolon; page 9, after line 19, add the following:
    6, urges the Intergovernmental Authority for Development
    partners under the leadership of President Daniel Arap Moi to
    call on the government of Sudan to immediately stop the
    indiscriminate bombings in southern Sudan; and, 7, strongly
    condemns any governments who financially support the government
    of Sudan.''
        Chairman Gilman. The clerk will distribute the amendment.
    The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes.
        Mr. Tancredo. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        I just want to make sure with this amendment that we are
    able to add every single aspect of whatever arsenal that we
    have, I use that figuratively, in terms of trying to stop the
    bombing immediately. I know in the resolution itself it
    suggests several actions that we should take, including
    supplying the south with SAM missiles, but I wanted just to
    make sure that we do not overlook the fact that there is the
    opportunity available to us to bring to the attention of the
    Sudan our deep concern about these bombings through the peace
    process. So that's really the purpose of this amendment, and
    also then to condemn any government, as I say, for supporting
    the government of the north.
        There are many aspects of this. One in particular, of
    course, is the construction of a pipeline that has--it is
    completed and was paid for by several interests, governments of
    Malaysia and China and business interests in Canada, but there
    are others, of course, who are also involved with supporting
    the government and so I just wanted to bring that to the
    attention of the Congress.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Tancredo.
        Mr. Payne.
        Mr. Payne. I strongly support the resolution by Mr.
    Tancredo. There is no question that there is an
    intergovernmental agency, the IGAD partners led by President
    Moi, that have been conducting discussions. We urge them to, as
    he has indicated, to ask for the immediate halt of the bombing
    there in Sudan. I think that also condemning these countries
    from supporting this government, which is on our sanctions
    list, with their financial support simply is a way that will
    continue to see these atrocities continued unless there is some
    dramatic action taken by those who feel that this government
    should cease and desist.
        I would just like to indicate that I strongly support the
    amendment.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Payne.
        Is there any further debate? If not, the question is now on
    the gentleman's amendment. As many as are in favor signify by
    saying aye. As many opposed say no.
        The ayes have appear to have it. The amendment is agreed
    to.
        Are there any further amendments to this measure?
        Mr. Payne. Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
        Chairman Gilman. The clerk will read the amendment.
        Ms. Bloomer. ``Amendment offered by Mr. Payne, page 8, line
    11, strike ``and''; page 9, line 7, strike the period and
    insert a semicolon; page 9, after line 7, add the following, 6,
    calls on the President to transmit to the Congress not later
    than 90 days after the date.''
        Mr. Payne. I move that the amendment be considered as read.
        Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the amendment is agreed
    to as having been read.
        The gentleman is recognized for 5 minutes on the amendment.
        Mr. Payne. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        This amendment calls on the President to report to Congress
    regarding the Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS), the question of
    flight suspensions. As has been indicated, the government of
    Khartoum has the right to stop relief supplies from reaching
    the people in the south. This is certainly not a way to go.
        We have heard about the numbers of people who have perished
    during this struggle. Of course, the most vulnerable would be
    pregnant women, women nursing children, children under six, the
    elderly, hospital patients, handicapped people. All have died
    during the ineffective delivering of food through the
    government controlled Operation Lifeline Sudan.
        Relief efforts were hindered and had a severe setback
    earlier this year when Khartoum banned flights into southern
    Sudan for 2 months. The flight placed ban upon the entire
    region of Bahr el Ghazal on February 3, 1998, was the most
    comprehensive flight restriction since OLS's creation. Even at
    the urgent request of USAID, the government refused; 350,000
    people were in urgent need of assistance.
        I am gravely concerned about the human catastrophe that
    unfolds each year in southern Sudan. Operation Lifeline Sudan
    was established in 1989 by the United Nations in order to
    prevent the people in the south from dying of starvation. It is
    almost assisting them to starve rather than helping prevent
    them from starving.
        Twenty percent of USAID's assistance goes toward non-OLS
    NGO's working in areas outside the control of the government. I
    would hope that we could have additional funding to see that
    outside of the OLS, NGO's would have more support.
        The government has used food as a weapon, as we have heard.
    Starvation is an inexpensive war strategy and the government
    does it each year.
        This amendment also calls on the support of USAID's
    Sudanese Transition Assistance for Rehabilitation, known as
    STAR program, which helps to develop democracy in a civil
    society and a rule of law to the NDA, which is an opposition
    organization to the government.
        Mr. Chairman, I urge the adoption of the amendment.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Payne.
        Mr. Royce.
        Mr. Royce. I urge support of the amendment from the
    gentleman from New Jersey, and I urge we pass the bill.
        Chairman Gilman. Are there any other Members seeking
    recognition or offering amendments? If not, the question is now
    on the Payne amendment to the underlying measure. All in favor
    signify by saying aye. All opposed say no.
        The ayes have it. The amendment is agreed to.
        The gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Smith, is recognized to
    offer a motion.
        Mr. Smith. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
        Mr. Chairman, I move that the Chairman be requested to seek
    consideration of the pending resolution, H. Con. Res. 75, as
    amended, on the Suspension Calendar.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Smith.
        The question is on the motion from the gentleman from New
    Jersey, Mr. Smith. As many as are in favor of the motion
    signify by saying aye. As many as opposed signify by saying no.
        The aye haves it. The motion is agreed to.
        Without objection, the Chairman will be permitted to make
    motions under Rule 22 relative to a conference on this bill or
    a companion measure from the Senate.
        Further proceedings on this measure are now postponed.
        We will now return to H. Res. 62, which is pending with a
    second degree amendment by Mr. Payne and a first degree
    amendment by Mr. Gejdenson.
        Mr. Payne is recognized for a unanimous consent request.
    Mr. Payne.
        Mr. Payne. Without objection, Mr. Chairman, I would ask
    that the pending Payne second degree amendment and the
    Gejdenson first degree amendment be withdrawn, and I have a
    further amendment.
        Chairman Gilman. Without objection, so ordered. Is there
    any further discussion on this measure?
        Any further amendments, Mr. Payne?
        Mr. Payne. No. Mr. Gejdenson compromised.
        Chairman Gilman. On the Gejdenson amendment, the clerk will
    distribute. The clerk will read the amendment.
        Ms. Bloomer. ``Amendment offered by Mr. Gejdenson, page 3,
    strike lines 2 through 4 and insert the following: First,
    welcomes the cessation of hostilities and calls for the respect
    of human rights by all combatants; second, applauds the
    effective diplomacy.''
        Chairman Gilman. Without objection, the amendment is
    considered as having been read.
        I recognize Mr. Gejdenson for 5 minutes on the amendment.
        Mr. Gejdenson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I commend Chairman
    Royce and Mr. Payne for working out the differences that
    existed. We all share the same goals here. This is a positive
    step for the Committee, and I urge its passage.
        Chairman Gilman. Any other Members seeking recognition?
        Mr. Royce. Let me add, Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman.
    This is a serious business. We have tens of thousands of
    casualties there; 6,000 people in 2 days alone lost their lives
    in the latest carnage around the capitol. Forced amputations of
    arms, limbs, lips of women and children occur on a continuing
    basis and so we need to reach closure on this resolution and
    get this passed as soon as possible.
        I thank the gentleman for working out this amendment.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Royce.
        Mr. Payne.
        Mr. Payne. Just let me thank the Chairman of the Africa
    Subcommittee for his continued interest and cooperation. I
    appreciate our being able to move this very important
    resolution forward, and for being able to come up with language
    acceptable to both of us. I appreciate this support and I urge
    adoption of the resolution.
        Chairman Gilman. Thank you, Mr. Payne.
        Are there any other further Members seeking recognition? We
    are now on the Gejdenson amendment. All in favor signify by
    saying aye. Opposed say no.
        The aye have it. The Gejdenson amendment is agreed to.
        Are there any further amendments or further discussion on
    the overall bill?
        The question is now on agreeing to the Subcommittee
    recommendation as amended. As many as are in favor of the
    amendment say aye. As many as opposed say no.
        The amendment is agreed to.
        The gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Smith, is recognized to
    offer a motion.
        Mr. Smith. Mr. Chairman, I move that the Chairman be
    requested to seek consideration of the pending resolution H.
    Res. 62, as amended, on the suspension calendar.
        Chairman Gilman. The question is now on the motion by the
    gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Smith. As many as are in favor
    of the motion signify by saying aye. As many as opposed say no.
        The ayes have it. The ayes have it. The motion is agreed
    to.
        Any further business before the Committee? If not, the
    Committee stands adjourned and I thank the Members.
        Please don't forget the European Council meeting at 2 p.m.
        [Whereupon, at 11:20 a.m., the Committee was adjourned.]

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                                A P P E N D I X

                                 June 10, 1999

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