[Senate Document 116-9]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
116th Congress, 1st Session - - - - - - - - - - Senate Document 116-9
VETO--S.J. RES. 38
(PM 25)
__________
MESSAGE
from
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
returning
WITHOUT MY APPROVAL S.J. RES. 38, A JOINT RESOLUTION PROVIDING FOR
CONGRESSIONAL DISAPPROVAL OF THE PROPOSED EXPORT TO THE KINGDOM OF
SAUDI ARABIA AND THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN
IRELAND OF CERTAIN DEFENSE ARTICLES AND SERVICES
[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
July 24, 2019.--Ordered to be printed
______
U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE
37-199 WASHINGTON : 2019
To the Senate of the United States:
I am returning herewith without my approval S.J. Res. 38, a
joint resolution that would prohibit the issuance of export
licenses for the proposed transfer of defense articles, defense
services, and technical data to support the manufacture of the
Aurora Fuzing System for the Paveway IV Precision Guided Bomb
Program in regard to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. This resolution
would weaken America's global competitiveness and damage the
important relationships we share with our allies and partners.
In particular, S.J. Res. 38 would prohibit the issuance of
export licenses for the proposed transfer of defense articles,
defense services, and technical data for the manufacturing of
the Aurora Fuzing System for the Paveway IV Precision Guided
Bomb Program. The misguided licensing prohibition in the joint
resolution directly conflicts with the foreign policy and
national security objectives of the United States, which
include strengthening defense alliances with friendly countries
throughout the world, deepening partnerships that preserve and
extend our global influence, and enhancing our competitiveness
in key markets. Apart from negatively affecting our bilateral
relationships with Saudi Arabia and the United Kingdom, the
joint resolution would hamper the ability of the United States
to sustain and shape critical security cooperation activities.
S.J. Res. 38 would also damage the credibility of the United
States as a reliable partner by signaling that we are willing
to abandon our partners and allies at the very moment when
threats to them are increasing.
The United States is providing the licenses that the joint
resolution seeks to prohibit for many reasons. First and
foremost, it is our solemn duty to protect the safety of the
more than 80,000 United States citizens who reside in Saudi
Arabia and who are imperiled by Houthi attacks from Yemen. The
Houthis, supported by Iran, have attacked civilian and military
facilities using missiles, armed drones, and explosive boats,
including in areas frequented by United States citizens, such
as the airport in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. Second, the joint
resolution would degrade Saudi Arabia's military preparedness
and ability to protect its sovereignty, directly affecting its
ability to defend United States military personnel hosted
there. Third, Saudi Arabia is a bulwark against the malign
activities of Iran and its proxies in the region, and the
licenses the joint resolution would prohibit enhance Saudi
Arabia's ability to deter and defend against these threats.
In addition, S.J. Res. 38 would negatively affect our NATO
Allies and the transatlantic defense industry. It could, for
example, produce unintended consequences for defense
procurement and interoperability with and between our partners.
It could also create diplomatic and security opportunities for
our adversaries to exploit.
Finally, by restricting the ability of our partners to
produce and purchase precision-guided munitions, S.J. Res. 38
would likely prolong the conflict in Yemen and deepen the
suffering it causes. By undermining bilateral relationships of
the United States and impeding our ability to support key
partners at a critical time, the joint resolution would harm--
not help--efforts to end the conflict in Yemen. And without
precision-guided munitions, more--not fewer--civilians are
likely to become casualties of the conflict. While I share
concerns that certain Members of Congress have expressed about
civilian casualties of this conflict, the United States has
taken and will continue to take action to minimize such
casualties, including training and advising the Saudi-led
Coalition forces to improve their targeting processes.
The United States is very concerned about the conflict's
toll on innocent civilians and is working to bring the conflict
in Yemen to an end. But we cannot end it through ill-conceived
and time-consuming resolutions that fail to address its root
causes. Rather than expend time and resources on such
resolutions, I encourage the Congress to direct its efforts
toward supporting our work to achieve peace through a
negotiated settlement to the conflict in Yemen.
For these reasons, it is my duty to return S.J. Res. 38 to
the Senate without my approval.
Donald J. Trump.
The White House, July 24, 2019.
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