[Senate Document 116-8]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]




116th Congress, 1st Session - - - - - - - - - - Senate Document 116-8
 
                           VETO--S.J. RES. 37

                                (PM 24)

                               __________

                                MESSAGE

                                  from

                     THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

                               returning

  WITHOUT MY APPROVAL S.J. RES. 37, A JOINT RESOLUTION PROVIDING FOR 
  CONGRESSIONAL DISAPPROVAL OF THE PROPOSED EXPORT TO THE UNITED ARAB 
EMIRATES, THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND, AND 
    THE REPUBLIC OF FRANCE OF CERTAIN DEFENSE ARTICLES AND SERVICES








[GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]












                 July 24, 2019.--Ordered to be printed

                                   ______
		 
                     U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 
		 
37-198                    WASHINGTON : 2019                 


























To the Senate of the United States:
    I am returning herewith without my approval S.J. Res. 37, a 
joint resolution that would prohibit the issuance of export 
licenses for certain defense articles, defense services, and 
technical data to support the transfer of Paveway II kits to 
the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Northern Ireland, and the Republic of France. This 
resolution would weaken America's global competitiveness and 
damage the important relationships we share with our allies and 
partners.
    In particular, S.J. Res. 37 would prohibit the issuance of 
export licenses for Paveway II kits to the UAE, the United 
Kingdom, and France. The misguided licensing prohibitions in 
the joint resolution directly conflict with the foreign policy 
and national security objectives of the United States, which 
include strengthening defense alliances with friendly countries 
throughout the world, deepening partnerships that preserve and 
extend our global influence, and enhancing our competitiveness 
in key markets. Apart from negatively affecting our bilateral 
relationships with the UAE, the United Kingdom, and France, the 
joint resolution would hamper the ability of the United States 
to sustain and shape critical security cooperation activities 
with those partners. S.J. Res. 37 would also damage the 
credibility of the United States as a reliable partner by 
signaling that we are willing to abandon our partners and 
allies at the very moment when threats to them are increasing.
    The United States is providing the licenses that the joint 
resolution seeks to prohibit for many reasons. First and 
foremost, it is our solemn duty to protect the safety of the 
more than 80,000 United States citizens who reside in Saudi 
Arabia and are imperiled by Houthis attacking from Yemen using 
missiles, armed drones, and explosive boats. The UAE is an 
important part of the Saudi-led Coalition that helps protect 
Americans from these Iranian-supported Houthi attacks on 
civilian and military facilities, including those located in 
areas frequented by United States citizens like the airport in 
Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. Second, the joint resolution would 
degrade the UAE's military preparedness and ability to protect 
its sovereignty, directly affecting its ability to defend the 
thousands of United States military personnel hosted there. 
Third, the UAE is a bulwark against the malign activities of 
Iran and its proxies in the region. It is also an active 
partner with the United States in combatting terrorism in Yemen 
and elsewhere. The licenses the joint resolution would prohibit 
enhance our partner's ability to deter and defend against these 
threats.
    In addition, S.J. Res. 37 would negatively affect our NATO 
Allies and the transatlantic defense industry. It could, for 
example, produce unintended consequences for defense 
procurement and interoperability with and between our partners. 
It could also create diplomatic and security opportunities for 
our adversaries to exploit.
    Finally, by restricting the ability of our partners to 
produce and purchase precision-guided munitions, S.J. Res. 37 
would likely prolong the conflict in Yemen and deepen the 
suffering it causes. By undermining bilateral relationships of 
the United States and impeding our ability to support key 
partners at a critical time, the joint resolution would harm--
not help--efforts to end the conflict in Yemen. And without 
precision-guided munitions, more--not fewer--civilians are 
likely to become casualties of the conflict. While I share 
concerns that certain Members of Congress have expressed about 
civilian casualties of this conflict, the United States has 
taken and will continue to take action to minimize such 
casualties, including training and advising the Saudi-led 
Coalition forces to improve their targeting processes.
    The United States is very concerned about the conflict's 
toll on innocent civilians and is working to bring the conflict 
in Yemen to an end. But we cannot end it through ill-conceived 
and time-consuming resolutions that fail to address its root 
causes. Rather than expend time and resources on such 
resolutions, I encourage the Congress to direct its efforts 
toward supporting our work to achieve peace through a 
negotiated settlement to the conflict in Yemen.
    For these reasons, it is my duty to return S.J. Res. 37 to 
the Senate without my approval.

                                                   Donald J. Trump.
    The White House, July 24, 2019.

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