[House Document 110-1]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]




110th Congress, 1st Session - - - - - - - - - - - - House Document 110-1


 
                       STATE OF THE UNION MESSAGE

                               __________

                                MESSAGE

                                  from

                   THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

                              transmitting

                   A REPORT ON THE STATE OF THE UNION




  January 29, 2007.--Message and accompanying papers referred to the 
 Committee on the Whole House on the State of the Union and ordered to 
                               be printed
To The Congress of the United States:
    Thank you very much. Tonight, I have a high privilege and 
distinct honor of my own--as the first President to begin the 
State of the Union message with these words: Madam Speaker.
    In his day, the late Congressman Thomas D'Alesandro, Jr., 
from Baltimore, Maryland, saw Presidents Roosevelt and Truman 
at this rostrum. But nothing could compare with the sight of 
his only daughter, Nancy, presiding tonight as Speaker of the 
House of Representatives. Congratulations.
    Two members of the House and Senate are not with us 
tonight--and we pray for the recovery and speedy return of 
Senator Tim Johnson and Congressman Charlie Norwood.
    Madam Speaker, Vice President Cheney, Members of Congress, 
distinguished guests, and fellow citizens:
    This rite of custom brings us together at a defining hour--
when decisions are hard and courage is tested. We enter the 
year 2007 with large endeavors underway, and others that are 
ours to begin. In all of this, much is asked of us. We must 
have the will to face difficult challenges and determined 
enemies--and the wisdom to face them together.
    Some in this Chamber are new to the House and Senate--and I 
congratulate the Democratic majority. Congress has changed, but 
our responsibilities have not. Each of us is guided by our own 
convictions--and to these we must stay faithful. Yet we are all 
held to the same standards, and called to serve the same good 
purposes: To extend this Nation's prosperity . . . to spend the 
people's money wisely . . . to solve problems, not leave them 
to future generations . . . to guard America against all evil, 
and to keep faith with those we have sent forth to defend us.
    We are not the first to come here with government divided 
and uncertainty in the air. Like many before us, we can work 
through our differences and achieve big things for the American 
people. Our citizens don't much care which side of the aisle we 
sit on--as long as we are willing to cross that aisle when 
there is work to be done. Our job is to make life better for 
our fellow Americans, and help them to build a future of hope 
and opportunity--and this is the business before us tonight.
    A future of hope and opportunity begins with a growing 
economy--and that is what we have. We are now in the 41st month 
of uninterrupted job growth--in a recovery that has created 7.2 
million new jobs . . . so far. Unemployment is low, inflation 
is low, and wages are rising. This economy is on the move--and 
our job is to keep it that way, not with more government but 
with more enterprise.
    Next week, I will deliver a full report on the state of our 
economy. Tonight, I want to discuss three economic reforms that 
deserve to be priorities for this Congress.
    First, we must balance the Federal budget. We can do so 
without raising taxes. What we need to do is impose spending 
discipline in Washington, DC. We set a goal of cutting the 
deficit in half by 2009--and met that goal 3 years ahead of 
schedule. Now let us take the next step. In the coming weeks, I 
will submit a budget that eliminates the Federal deficit within 
the next 5 years. I ask you to make the same commitment. 
Together, we can restrain the spending appetite of the Federal 
Government, and balance the Federal budget.
    Next, there is the matter of earmarks. These special 
interest items are often slipped into bills at the last hour--
when not even C-SPAN is watching. In 2005 alone, the number of 
earmarks grew to over 13,000 and totaled nearly $18 billion. 
Even worse, over 90 percent of earmarks never make it to the 
floor of the House and Senate--they are dropped into Committee 
reports that are not even part of the bill that arrives on my 
desk. You did not vote them into law. I did not sign them into 
law. Yet they are treated as if they have the force of law. The 
time has come to end this practice. So let us work together to 
reform the budget process . . . expose every earmark to the 
light of day and to a vote in Congress . . . and cut the number 
and cost of earmarks at least in half by the end of this 
session.
    Finally, to keep this economy strong we must take on the 
challenge of entitlements. Social Security and Medicare and 
Medicaid are commitments of conscience--and so it is our duty 
to keep them permanently sound. Yet we are failing in that 
duty--and this failure will one day leave our children with 
three bad options: huge tax increases, huge deficits, or huge 
and immediate cuts in benefits. Everyone in this Chamber knows 
this to be true--yet somehow we have not found it in ourselves 
to act. So let us work together and do it now. With enough good 
sense and good will, you and I can fix Medicare and Medicaid--
and save Social Security.
    Spreading opportunity and hope in America also requires 
public schools that give children the knowledge and character 
they need in life. Five years ago, we rose above partisan 
differences to pass the No Child Left Behind Act--preserving 
local control, raising standards in public schools, and holding 
those schools accountable for results. And because we acted, 
students are performing better in reading and math, and 
minority students are closing the achievement gap.
    Now the task is to build on this success, without watering 
down standards . . . without taking control from local 
communities. . . and without backsliding and calling it reform. 
We can lift student achievement even higher by giving local 
leaders flexibility to turn around failing schools. . . and by 
giving families with children stuck in failing schools the 
right to choose something better. We must increase funds for 
students who struggle--and make sure these children get the 
special help they need. And we can make sure our children are 
prepared for the jobs of the future, and our country is more 
competitive, by strengthening math and science skills. The No 
Child Left Behind Act has worked for America's children--and I 
ask Congress to reauthorize this good law.
    A future of hope and opportunity requires that all our 
citizens have affordable and available health care. When it 
comes to health care, government has an obligation to care for 
the elderly, the disabled, and poor children. We will meet 
those responsibilities. For all other Americans, private health 
insurance is the best way to meet their needs. But many 
Americans cannot afford a health insurance policy.
    Tonight, I propose two new initiatives to help more 
Americans afford their own insurance. First, I propose a 
standard tax deduction for health insurance that will be like 
the standard tax deduction for dependents. Families with health 
insurance will pay no income or payroll taxes on $15,000 of 
their income. Single Americans with health insurance will pay 
no income or payroll taxes on $7,500 of their income. With this 
reform, more than 100 million men, women, and children who are 
now covered by employer-provided insurance will benefit from 
lower tax bills.
    At the same time, this reform will level the playing field 
for those who do not get health insurance through their job. 
For Americans who now purchase health insurance on their own, 
my proposal would mean a substantial tax savings--$4,500 for a 
family of four making $60,000 a year. And for the millions of 
other Americans who have no health insurance at all, this 
deduction would help put a basic private health insurance plan 
within their reach. Changing the tax code is a vital and 
necessary step to making health care affordable for more 
Americans.
    My second proposal is to help the States that are coming up 
with innovative ways to cover the uninsured. States that make 
basic private health insurance available to all their citizens 
should receive Federal funds to help them provide this coverage 
to the poor and the sick. I have asked the Secretary of Health 
and Human Services to work with Congress to take existing 
Federal funds and use them to create ``Affordable Choices'' 
grants. These grants would give our Nation's Governors more 
money and more flexibility to get private health insurance to 
those most in need.
    There are many other ways that Congress can help. We need 
to expand Health Savings Accounts . . . help small businesses 
through Association Health Plans . . . reduce costs and medical 
errors with better information technology . . . encourage price 
transparency . . . and protect good doctors from junk lawsuits 
by passing medical liability reform. And in all we do, we must 
remember that the best health care decisions are made not by 
government and insurance companies, but by patients and their 
doctors.
    Extending hope and opportunity in our country requires an 
immigration system worthy of America--with laws that are fair 
and borders that are secure. When laws and borders are 
routinely violated, this harms the interests of our country. To 
secure our border, we are doubling the size of the Border 
Patrol--and funding new infrastructure and technology. Yet even 
with all these steps, we cannot fully secure the border unless 
we take pressure off the border--and that requires a temporary 
worker program. We should establish a legal and orderly path 
for foreign workers to enter our country to work on a temporary 
basis. As a result, they won't have to try to sneak in--and 
that will leave border agents free to chase down drug 
smugglers, and criminals, and terrorists. We will enforce our 
immigration laws at the worksite, and give employers the tools 
to verify the legal status of their workers--so there is no 
excuse left for violating the law. We need to uphold the great 
tradition of the melting pot that welcomes and assimilates new 
arrivals. And we need to resolve the status of the illegal 
immigrants who are already in our country--without animosity 
and without amnesty.
    Convictions run deep in this Capitol when it comes to 
immigration. Let us have a serious, civil, and conclusive 
debate--so that you can pass, and I can sign, comprehensive 
immigration reform into law.
    Extending hope and opportunity depends on a stable supply 
of energy that keeps America's economy running and America's 
environment clean. For too long our Nation has been dependent 
on foreign oil. And this dependence leaves us more vulnerable 
to hostile regimes, and to terrorists--who could cause huge 
disruptions of oil shipments . . . raise the price of oil . . . 
and do great harm to our economy.
    It is in our vital interest to diversify America's energy 
supply--and the way forward is through technology. We must 
continue changing the way America generates electric power--by 
even greater use of clean coal technology . . . solar and wind 
energy . . . and clean, safe nuclear power. We need to press on 
with battery research for plug-in and hybrid vehicles, and 
expand the use of clean diesel vehicles and biodiesel fuel. We 
must continue investing in new methods of producing ethanol--
using everything from wood chips, to grasses, to agricultural 
wastes.
    We have made a lot of progress, thanks to good policies in 
Washington and the strong response of the market. Now even more 
dramatic advances are within reach. Tonight, I ask Congress to 
join me in pursuing a great goal. Let us build on the work we 
have done and reduce gasoline usage in the United States by 20 
percent in the next 10 years--thereby cutting our total imports 
by the equivalent of \3/4\ of all the oil we now import from 
the Middle East.
    To reach this goal, we must increase the supply of 
alternative fuels, by setting a mandatory Fuels Standard to 
require 35 billion gallons of renewable and alternative fuels 
in 2017--this is nearly 5 times the current target. At the same 
time, we need to reform and modernize fuel economy standards 
for cars the way we did for light trucks--and conserve up to 
8.5 billion more gallons of gasoline by 2017.
    Achieving these ambitious goals will dramatically reduce 
our dependence on foreign oil, but will not eliminate it. So as 
we continue to diversify our fuel supply, we must also step up 
domestic oil production in environmentally sensitive ways. And 
to further protect America against severe disruptions to our 
oil supply, I ask Congress to double the current capacity of 
the Strategic Petroleum Reserve.
    America is on the verge of technological breakthroughs that 
will enable us to live our lives less dependent on oil. These 
technologies will help us become better stewards of the 
environment--and they will help us to confront the serious 
challenge of global climate change.
    A future of hope and opportunity requires a fair, impartial 
system of justice. The lives of citizens across our Nation are 
affected by the outcome of cases pending in our Federal courts. 
And we have a shared obligation to ensure that the Federal 
courts have enough judges to hear those cases and deliver 
timely rulings. As President, I have a duty to nominate 
qualified men and women to vacancies on the Federal bench. And 
the United States Senate has a duty as well--to give those 
nominees a fair hearing, and a prompt up-or-down vote on the 
Senate floor.
    For all of us in this room, there is no higher 
responsibility than to protect the people of this country from 
danger. Five years have come and gone since we saw the scenes 
and felt the sorrow that terrorists can cause. We have had time 
to take stock of our situation. We have added many critical 
protections to guard the homeland. We know with certainty that 
the horrors of that September morning were just a glimpse of 
what the terrorists intend for us--unless we stop them.
    With the distance of time, we find ourselves debating the 
causes of conflict and the course we have followed. Such 
debates are essential when a great democracy faces great 
questions. Yet one question has surely been settled--that to 
win the war on terror we must take the fight to the enemy.
    From the start, America and our allies have protected our 
people by staying on the offense. The enemy knows that the days 
of comfortable sanctuary, easy movement, steady financing, and 
free-flowing communications are long over. For the terrorists, 
life since 9/11 has never been the same.
    Our success in this war is often measured by the things 
that did not happen. We cannot know the full extent of the 
attacks that we and our allies have prevented--but here is some 
of what we do know: We stopped an al Qaeda plot to fly a 
hijacked airplane into the tallest building on the West Coast. 
We broke up a Southeast Asian terrorist cell grooming 
operatives for attacks inside the United States. We uncovered 
an al Qaeda cell, developing anthrax to be used in attacks 
against America. And just last August, British authorities 
uncovered a plot to blow up passenger planes bound for America 
over the Atlantic Ocean. For each life saved, we owe a debt of 
gratitude to the brave public servants who devote their lives 
to finding the terrorists and stopping them.
    Every success against the terrorists is a reminder of the 
shoreless ambitions of this enemy. The evil that inspired and 
rejoiced in 9/11 is still at work in the world. And so long as 
that is the case, America is still a Nation at war.
    In the minds of the terrorists, this war began well before 
September 11, and will not end until their radical vision is 
fulfilled. And these past 5 years have given us a much clearer 
view of the nature of this enemy. Al Qaeda and its followers 
are Sunni extremists, possessed by hatred and commanded by a 
harsh and narrow ideology. Take almost any principle of 
civilization, and their goal is the opposite. They preach with 
threats . . . instruct with bullets and bombs . . . and promise 
paradise for the murder of the innocent.
    Our enemies are quite explicit about their intentions. They 
want to overthrow moderate governments and establish safe 
havens from which to plan and carry out new attacks on our 
country. By killing and terrorizing Americans, they want to 
force our country to retreat from the world and abandon the 
cause of liberty. They would then be free to impose their will 
and spread their totalitarian ideology. Listen to this warning 
from the late terrorist Zarqawi: ``We will sacrifice our blood 
and bodies to put an end to your dreams, and what is coming is 
even worse.'' Osama bin Laden declared: ``Death is better than 
living on this Earth with the unbelievers among us.''
    These men are not given to idle words, and they are just 
one camp in the Islamist radical movement. In recent times, it 
has also become clear that we face an escalating danger from 
Shia extremists who are just as hostile to America, and are 
also determined to dominate the Middle East. Many are known to 
take direction from the regime in Iran, which is funding and 
arming terrorists like Hezbollah--a group second only to al 
Qaeda in the American lives it has taken.
    The Shia and Sunni extremists are different faces of the 
same totalitarian threat. But whatever slogans they chant, when 
they slaughter the innocent, they have the same wicked 
purposes. They want to kill Americans . . . kill democracy in 
the Middle East . . . and gain the weapons to kill on an even 
more horrific scale.
    In the 6th year since our Nation was attacked, I wish I 
could report to you that the dangers have ended. They have not. 
And so it remains the policy of this Government to use every 
lawful and proper tool of intelligence, diplomacy, law 
enforcement, and military action to do our duty, to find these 
enemies, and to protect the American people.
    This war is more than a clash of arms--it is a decisive 
ideological struggle, and the security of our Nation is in the 
balance. To prevail, we must remove the conditions that inspire 
blind hatred, and drove 19 men to get onto airplanes and come 
to kill us. What every terrorist fears most is human freedom--
societies where men and women make their own choices, answer to 
their own conscience, and live by their hopes instead of their 
resentments. Free people are not drawn to violent and malignant 
ideologies--and most will choose a better way when they are 
given a chance. So we advance our own security interests by 
helping moderates, reformers, and brave voices for democracy. 
The great question of our day is whether America will help men 
and women in the Middle East to build free societies and share 
in the rights of all humanity. And I say, for the sake of our 
own security . . . we must.
    In the last 2 years, we have seen the desire for liberty in 
the broader Middle East--and we have been sobered by the 
enemy's fierce reaction. In 2005, the world watched as the 
citizens of Lebanon raised the banner of the Cedar Revolution . 
. . drove out the Syrian occupiers . . . and chose new leaders 
in free elections. In 2005, the people of Afghanistan defied 
the terrorists and elected a democratic legislature. And in 
2005, the Iraqi people held three national elections--choosing 
a transitional government . . . adopting the most progressive, 
democratic constitution in the Arab world . . . and then 
electing a government under that constitution. Despite endless 
threats from the killers in their midst, nearly 12 million 
Iraqi citizens came out to vote in a show of hope and 
solidarity we should never forget.
    A thinking enemy watched all of these scenes, adjusted 
their tactics, and in 2006 they struck back. In Lebanon, 
assassins took the life of Pierre Gemayel, a prominent 
participant in the Cedar Revolution. And Hezbollah terrorists, 
with support from Syria and Iran, sowed conflict in the region 
and are seeking to undermine Lebanon's legitimately elected 
government. In Afghanistan, Taliban and al Qaeda fighters tried 
to regain power by regrouping and engaging Afghan and NATO 
forces. In Iraq, al Qaeda and other Sunni extremists blew up 
one of the most sacred places in Shia Islam--the Golden Mosque 
of Samarra. This atrocity, directed at a Muslim house of 
prayer, was designed to provoke retaliation from Iraqi Shia--
and it succeeded. Radical Shia elements, some of whom receive 
support from Iran, formed death squads. The result was a tragic 
escalation of sectarian rage and reprisal that continues to 
this day.
    This is not the fight we entered in Iraq, but it is the 
fight we are in. Everyone of us wishes that this war were over 
and won. Yet it would not be like us to leave our promises 
unkept, our friends abandoned, and our own security at risk. 
Ladies and gentlemen: On this day, at this hour, it is still 
within our power to shape the outcome of this battle. So let us 
find our resolve, and turn events toward victory.
    We are carrying out a new strategy in Iraq--a plan that 
demands more from Iraq's elected government, and gives our 
forces in Iraq the reinforcements they need to complete their 
mission. Our goal is a democratic Iraq that upholds the rule of 
law, respects the rights of its people, provides them security, 
and is an ally in the war on terror.
    In order to make progress toward this goal, the Iraqi 
government must stop the sectarian violence in its capital. But 
the Iraqis are not yet ready to do this on their own. So we are 
deploying reinforcements of more than 20,000 additional 
soldiers and Marines to Iraq. The vast majority will go to 
Baghdad, where they will help Iraqi forces to clear and secure 
neighborhoods and serve as advisers embedded in Iraqi Army 
units. With Iraqis in the lead, our forces will help secure the 
city by chasing down terrorists, insurgents, and roaming death 
squads. And in Anbar province--where al Qaeda terrorists have 
gathered and local forces have begun showing a willingness to 
fight them--we are sending an additional 4,000 United States 
Marines, with orders to find the terrorists and clear them out. 
We did not drive al Qaeda out of their safe haven in 
Afghanistan only to let them set up a new safe haven in a free 
Iraq.
    The people of Iraq want to live in peace, and now is the 
time for their government to act. Iraq's leaders know that our 
commitment is not open ended. They have promised to deploy more 
of their own troops to secure Baghdad--and they must do so. 
They have pledged that they will confront violent radicals of 
any faction or political party. They need to follow through, 
and lift needless restrictions on Iraqi and Coalition forces, 
so these troops can achieve their mission of bringing security 
to all of the people of Baghdad. Iraq's leaders have committed 
themselves to a series of benchmarks to achieve 
reconciliation--to share oil revenues among all of Iraq's 
citizens . . . to put the wealth of Iraq into the rebuilding of 
Iraq . . . to allow more Iraqis to re-enter their nation's 
civic life . . . to hold local elections . . . and to take 
responsibility for security in every Iraqi province. But for 
all of this to happen, Baghdad must be secured. And our plan 
will help the Iraqi government take back its capital and make 
good on its commitments.
    My fellow citizens, our military commanders and I have 
carefully weighed the options. We discussed every possible 
approach. In the end, I chose this course of action because it 
provides the best chance of success. Many in this Chamber 
understand that America must not fail in Iraq--because you 
understand that the consequences of failure would be grievous 
and far reaching.
    If American forces step back before Baghdad is secure, the 
Iraqi government would be overrun by extremists on all sides. 
We could expect an epic battle between Shia extremists backed 
by Iran, and Sunni extremists aided by al Qaeda and supporters 
of the old regime. A contagion of violence could spill out 
across the country--and in time the entire region could be 
drawn into the conflict.
    For America, this is a nightmare scenario. For the enemy, 
this is the objective. Chaos is their greatest ally in this 
struggle. And out of chaos in Iraq would emerge an emboldened 
enemy with new safe havens . . . new recruits . . . new 
resources . . . and an even greater determination to harm 
America. To allow this to happen would be to ignore the lessons 
of September 11 and invite tragedy. And ladies and gentlemen, 
nothing is more important at this moment in our history than 
for America to succeed in the Middle East . . . to succeed in 
Iraq . . . and to spare the American people from this danger.
    This is where matters stand tonight, in the here and now. I 
have spoken with many of you in person. I respect you and the 
arguments you have made. We went into this largely united--in 
our assumptions, and in our convictions. And whatever you voted 
for, you did not vote for failure. Our country is pursuing a 
new strategy in Iraq--and I ask you to give it a chance to 
work. And I ask you to support our troops in the field--and 
those on their way.
    The war on terror we fight today is a generational struggle 
that will continue long after you and I have turned our duties 
over to others. That is why it is important to work together so 
our Nation can see this great effort through. Both parties and 
both branches should work in close consultation. And this is 
why I propose to establish a special advisory council on the 
war on terror, made up of leaders in Congress from both 
political parties. We will share ideas for how to position 
America to meet every challenge that confronts us. And we will 
show our enemies abroad that we are united in the goal of 
victory.
    One of the first steps we can take together is to add to 
the ranks of our military--so that the American Armed Forces 
are ready for all the challenges ahead. Tonight I ask the 
Congress to authorize an increase in the size of our active 
Army and Marine Corps by 92,000 in the next 5 years. A second 
task we can take on together is to design and establish a 
volunteer Civilian Reserve Corps. Such a corps would function 
much like our military reserve. It would ease the burden on the 
Armed Forces by allowing us to hire civilians with critical 
skills to serve on missions abroad when America needs them. And 
it would give people across America who do not wear the uniform 
a chance to serve in the defining struggle of our time.
    Americans can have confidence in the outcome of this 
struggle--because we are not in this struggle alone. We have a 
diplomatic strategy that is rallying the world to join in the 
fight against extremism. In Iraq, multinational forces are 
operating under a mandate from the United Nations--and we are 
working with Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the Gulf States 
to increase support for Iraq's government. The United Nations 
has imposed sanctions on Iran, and made it clear that the world 
will not allow the regime in Tehran to acquire nuclear weapons. 
With the other members of the Quartet--the U.N., the European 
Union, and Russia--we are pursuing diplomacy to help bring 
peace to the Holy Land, and pursuing the establishment of a 
democratic Palestinian state living side-by-side with Israel in 
peace and security. In Afghanistan, NATO has taken the lead in 
turning back the Taliban and al Qaeda offensive--the first time 
the Alliance has deployed forces outside the North Atlantic 
area. Together with our partners in China, Japan, Russia, and 
South Korea, we are pursuing intensive diplomacy to achieve a 
Korean Peninsula free of nuclear weapons. And we will continue 
to speak out for the cause of freedom in places like Cuba, 
Belarus, and Burma--and continue to awaken the conscience of 
the world to save the people of Darfur.
    American foreign policy is more than a matter of war and 
diplomacy. Our work in the world is also based on a timeless 
truth: To whom much is given, much is required. We hear the 
call to take on the challenges of hunger, poverty, and 
disease--and that is precisely what America is doing. We must 
continue to fight HIV/AIDS, especially on the continent of 
Africa--and because you funded our Emergency Plan for AIDS 
Relief, the number of people receiving life-saving drugs has 
grown from 50,000 to more than 800,000 in 3 short years. I ask 
you to continue funding our efforts to fight HIV/AIDS. I ask 
you to provide $1.2 billion over 5 years so we can combat 
malaria in 15 African countries. I ask that you fund the 
Millennium Challenge Account, so that American aid reaches the 
people who need it, in nations where democracy is on the rise 
and corruption is in retreat. And let us continue to support 
the expanded trade and debt relief that are the best hope for 
lifting lives and eliminating poverty.
    When America serves others in this way, we show the 
strength and generosity of our country. These deeds reflect the 
character of our people. The greatest strength we have is the 
heroic kindness, courage, and self-sacrifice of the American 
people. You see this spirit often if you know where to look--
and tonight we need only look above to the gallery.
    Dikembe Mutombo grew up in Africa, amid great poverty and 
disease. He came to Georgetown University on a scholarship to 
study medicine--but Coach John Thompson got a look at Dikembe 
and had a different idea. Dikembe became a star in the NBA, and 
a citizen of the United States. But he never forgot the land of 
his birth--or the duty to share his blessings with others. He 
has built a brand new hospital in his hometown. A friend has 
said of this good-hearted man: ``Mutombo believes that God has 
given him this opportunity to do great things.'' And we are 
proud to call this son of the Congo our fellow American.
    After her daughter was born, Julie Aigner-Clark searched 
for ways to share her love of music and art with her child. So 
she borrowed some equipment, and began filming children's 
videos in her basement. The Baby Einstein Company was born--and 
in just 5 years her business grew to more than $20 million in 
sales. In November 2001, Julie sold Baby Einstein to the Walt 
Disney Company, and with her help Baby Einstein has grown into 
a $200 million business. Julie represents the great 
enterprising spirit of America. And she is using her success to 
help others--producing child safety videos with John Walsh of 
the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children. Julie 
says of her new project: ``I believe it's the most important 
thing that I've ever done. I believe that children have the 
right to live in a world that is safe.'' We are pleased to 
welcome this talented business entrepreneur and generous social 
entrepreneur--Julie Aigner-Clark.
    Three weeks ago, Wesley Autrey was waiting at a Harlem 
subway station with his two little girls, when he saw a man 
fall into the path of a train. With seconds to act, Wesley 
jumped onto the tracks . . . pulled the man into a space 
between the rails . . . and held him as the train passed right 
above their heads. He insists he's not a hero. Wesley says: 
``We got guys and girls overseas dying for us to have our 
freedoms. We got to show each other some love.'' There is 
something wonderful about a country that produces a brave and 
humble man like Wesley Autrey.
    Tommy Rieman was a teenager pumping gas in Independence, 
Kentucky, when he enlisted in the United States Army. In 
December 2003, he was on a reconnaissance mission in Iraq when 
his team came under heavy enemy fire. From his Humvee, Sergeant 
Rieman returned fire--and used his body as a shield to protect 
his gunner. He was shot in the chest and arm, and received 
shrapnel wounds to his legs--yet he refused medical attention, 
and stayed in the fight. He helped to repel a second attack, 
firing grenades at the enemy's position. For his exceptional 
courage, Sergeant Rieman was awarded the Silver Star. And like 
so many other Americans who have volunteered to defend us, he 
has earned the respect and gratitude of our whole country.
    In such courage and compassion, ladies and gentlemen, we 
see the spirit and character of America--and these qualities 
are not in short supply. This is a decent and honorable 
country--and resilient, too. We have been through a lot 
together. We have met challenges and faced dangers, and we know 
that more lie ahead. Yet we can go forward with confidence--
because the State of our Union is strong . . . our cause in the 
world is right . . . and tonight that cause goes on.
            Thank you.
                                                    George W. Bush.
    The White House, January 23, 2007.

                                  
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